The Charlotte News
Monday, June 18, 1956
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Senator Henry Jackson of Washington this date had described the foreign aid program as a "clumsy patchwork", urging a full study of its basic concepts. The Foreign Relations Committee had been called into closed session to try to complete action on the House-passed bill providing for 3.8 billion dollars in new spending authority for military and economic aid to nations outside the Soviet bloc, that amount having been 1.1 billion below that requested by the President, with most of the cuts being from military aid. The Foreign Relations Committee had voted to restore 702 million dollars to the House bill, but Senator Mike Mansfield of Montana said that he did not believe the Senate would sustain the Committee's action. Republican and Democratic leaders, after an informal nose count, said that they did not believe that more than 40 of the Senate's 95 members would vote to increase significantly the House bill. Senator Jackson, in his speech to the Senate, said that the aid program in its present form bred "wide suspicion of our motives", contending that it was losing friends instead of offering an imaginative challenge to the Russian efforts to inherit the world if they could, rather than obliterating it. He said that at least two years had passed since it had become clear that both military and economic aid had to undergo a full reappraisal, but that Congress had been presented by the Administration with a "jumbled program along the old lines, adorned with the same old clichés" which was not persuasive, and thus it was no wonder that it had run into trouble in Congress. Senator Jackson said that the program was organized originally on the assumption that the aid would go to military allies, and called for a broader good neighbor approach in economic aid and selective use of military aid. Senator George Aiken of Vermont said that he believed the Senate would support the increases voted by the Committee, but also said he would not be surprised if cuts were later made in a bill to appropriate the actual money to fund it.
Senator Walter George of Georgia said this date that it would be "suicidal" for Southern Democrats to start a splinter or third party movement, writing Governor George Bell Timmerman, Jr., of South Carolina that if differences between the leadership in the party and those who represented the Southern states were to arise at the convention in August and on the DNC, they should look for a remedy within the party and could not expect to have a persuasive voice in the party by withdrawing from it or continually posing the threat of withdrawal. He had written in reply to a letter from Governor Timmerman, who had, the previous week, asked the Southern Democratic leadership to support a resolution by South Carolina Democrats which would have Southern state Democratic conventions stand in recess until after the national convention, suggesting that after the convention, the state organizations could meet again "to consider such further programs as may be necessary in maintaining unity and solidarity of purpose." Some saw in it the implication that Southern Democratic organizations might choose an independent course of action if they were to disagree with the party nominee and platform. Senator George said that because he was going to visit Europe in August as the President's personal ambassador to NATO, he would not be a delegate to the convention and did not expect to attend it, and thus there was "no proper or logical way" by which he could join in considering such a plan.
Vice-President Nixon conferred with the President at Walter Reed Army Hospital this date, but reported that there was no discussion of whether the President intended to continue to run again, with Mr. Nixon telling a press conference afterward that the President would speak for himself on that point, saying that there was no discussion whatsoever of politics. He said that he had "great confidence" that the President would weigh all of the factors concerned and make the "proper decision". He said that until the President announced any change in his plans, he and other Republicans should not discuss the situation. Secretary of State Dulles had also spoken to the President for about ten minutes regarding State Department matters. A medical bulletin stated that the President currently weighed 162 pounds, 7 pounds less than when he had been admitted to the hospital on June 8 for the emergency surgery for ileitis. White House press secretary James Hagerty said that the doctors had told him that the loss of weight was considered normal in the wake of an operation such as the one the President had.
The Orlando, Fla., Boys Club had sent the President a bicycle the previous day and urged him to take up biking, as advised by his heart specialist, Dr. Paul Dudley White.
Word of advice to Republicans in 2023: Get that fat guy who leads your party cult out on the trails, emulating the leadership of President Biden. Perhaps then the fatso would stop making such outrageous statements, as he is prone to do, out of his blooming mind at any given time. We note that probably 50 percent of his weight problem is in his head, and we mean literally, not figuratively.
In Nicosia, Cyprus, 19 British soldiers, engaged in a manhunt for Greek Cypriot rebel chieftains, had been trapped by a forest fire the previous day and lost their lives, according to British authorities this date. Eighteen others had been injured, some seriously, when a sudden shift of wind had blown the fire toward the troops, with many injured when their vehicles caught fire and the fuel tanks exploded. The injured had been evacuated by helicopter. About 2,000 British troops had been looking for several days for George Grivas, the former Greek Army colonel whom the British claimed led the terrorist rebel organization EOKA under the name of "Dighenis". The British believed that they were about to close the net on him and ten other rebel leaders who wanted union with Greece, when the forest fire had erupted on Sunday in the mountain ridges. The British believed that local villagers would help the rebels escape through the cordon of troops and had told the locals that their help was not needed in fighting the flames. But the troops were inexperienced in fighting fires and the blaze got out of control and spread quickly over a broad area of brush and scrub pine, having finally been brought under control this date. The cause of the fire was not known, but it was suspected that the rebels had set previous fires. The British, however, had also been accused of starting some fires through mortar fire and the carelessness of troops.
In Munich, a hand grenade had exploded in a nightclub just before midnight the previous night, injuring eight American soldiers and nine Germans, with police indicating that the grenade had been thrown by an unidentified person after U.S. military police had ordered a group of arguing American customers to leave the bar.
In Los Angeles, a menacing buzz-buzz in the baggage room of the union railway station had set off a bomb scare the previous day, with alarmed baggage attendants having summoned a special agent to investigate, who called for a police demolition expert, who carefully opened a package from which the noise was emanating, to find a battery-operated child's toy telegraph set, with the key jammed into a buzz-buzz position.
In Asheville, punishment of six months on the roads was handed down to a 21-year old youth from Alexander who was convicted of drag racing on the public highways at speeds of between 75 and 85 mph late the prior Saturday night, arrested the previous night as youthful motorists had gathered for another race. The Saturday night races had attracted some 150 cars and more than 300 spectators, prompting a State Highway Patrol commander to ask for public assistance in breaking up the fad which had "become a blight on highway safety". Two patrolmen testified that they had chased the drag racer in question a mile on Saturday night but had lost him when he melted into the crowd at the end of the race, and had been unable to identify the other racer. The two patrolmen testified that the cars had gone side-by-side into a sharp curve at one point traveling about 75 mph with visibility along the curve being less than 100 feet. The defendant appealed the conviction to Superior Court and was ordered to file a $500 bond.
In Charlotte, a long postponed completion date for the Rozelle's Ferry Bridge was currently set for August 1.
Also in Charlotte, the closing of two local nursing homes had left the County with 14 patients and no place to put them. The Charlotte Nursing Home would close at the end of June and the Sanitation Department was closing down another home the following day. There were eight charity patients in the former home, which did not meet the requirements of the State building code, and six of the nine patients in the other home were County patients, leaving a total of 14 patients who would be without beds. As a temporary measure, the charity patients might be moved to the Mecklenburg Tuberculosis Sanatorium near Huntersville, where there were beds available. The chairman of the County Commission warned that unless the arrangement was temporary, however, the latter hospital could lose its A-1 rating. (We are not going to bother to ask why the Sanitation Department was running a nursing home, as we really do not wish to know.)
Ann Sawyer of The News tells of the County Commission this date having rescinded their motion of the previous week which had asked Governor Luther Hodges to do what he could to block construction of the proposed Bowater Co. paper mill in York County, South Carolina, indicating its apologies to the people of that state. One commissioner dissented, however, saying that the Board's action had been correct the previous week and was still correct. Commissioner Sam McNinch, who had proposed the original resolution, was absent, saying that he still was of the opinion that the original move was appropriate to impress upon the officials of the proposed paper mill the importance that everything possible had to be done to control and eliminate the horrific odors which normally attended such a plant. He said that he had never intended to retard industry except when it became a nuisance to the public. The new resolution said that the previous resolution had been undertaken hastily and without proper consideration.
Charles Kuralt of The News tells of an attorney for a man who had sought a change in zoning laws to permit him to build on his property businesses had argued in civil court this date that all zoning laws were unconstitutional and amounted to "the nearest thing to a dictatorship in this country", in an effort to lift a restraining order against his client's construction of a building outside the city limits but within the jurisdiction of the City's perimeter zoning law. The attorney contended that the City had no authority to control property outside the city limits and that "all zoning laws are un-American", that to restrict him to residential use of the property amounted to confiscation of it without giving the owner a voice in government, in violation of the 14th Amendment against taking of property without due process. The City Attorney had argued that the man had violated the City's perimeter zoning ordinance by failing to obtain a building permit, with the man's attorney arguing that construction had begun three days before the zoning ordinance had gone into effect at the beginning of the year. The man in question said that he was feeling wonderful and would win, that if he did not, he would take his case all the way to the Supreme Court.
In Boston, a man of North Andover had become the father of a daughter on Father's Day the previous day while driving his wife to the Massachusetts Memorial Hospital with a police escort, when it became evident that there was not time to get there, requiring the father to assume the role of attending physician on the couple's fifth wedding anniversary. It was later reported that mother and newborn daughter were doing well.
On the sports page, a story appears
on Charlotte's Jim Beatty
On the editorial page, "'Freaks' Are Our Bread and Butter" indicates that a current Newsweek survey of job possibilities in the country's industry for present college graduates held a dark and somewhat reprehensible note, as the interviewers for some industries appeared to lack an appreciation for the real scholars. Newsweek had found that the interviewers shied away from the the "book wormy" types and the "oddballs", with one placement officer telling a reporter: "We'd rather have a Deke than a Phi Beta Kappa… Let the freaks go into research." (To avoid unpleasant, mistaken associations, for those not familiar with Greek nomenclature and cognomens, "Deke" refers to the Delta Kappa Epsilon fraternity.)
The preference for Dekes over freaks and Phi Beta Kappas sounded ominous, given the source and coming at a time when Russia, according to recent surveys, was outstripping the U.S. in production of competent researchers. College students who pursued the real aims of education in an effort to gain skill in pure research would not appreciate the callous contempt in which they were held by those industrial spokesmen, and it hopes that the latter group did not represent the conscience of industry, and that if they did, there would be a hasty re-examination, for otherwise, it stood to reason that many of the more promising "freaks" would soon avoid the vital research areas, enabling Russia to zoom further ahead of the United States, with the result that labs conducting research would lie dusty and vacant.
It wonders where the industrial spokesmen would stand without the "freaks" of research, which would have to include such inventors as Thomas Edison, Alexander Graham Bell, Henry Ford, and the Wright brothers. The Russians already claimed invention of those inventors' gadgets and if American industrial conscience was no longer sympathetic to that type of invention, future gadgetry, including future weaponry, might wind up belonging to Russian ingenuity in fact rather than fictionally.
"Charlotte's Love Affair with Yesterday" tells of a visitor indicating that the architecture of Charlotte's houses appeared sturdy but reminded "of a series of overgrown cuckoo clocks" with everything disgustingly traditional, making it seem that the people had not discovered the 20th Century.
It indicates that it was properly indignant, as the criticism was too sweeping and harsh, that it had pointed out any number of beautifully designed homes and lovely settings, insisting that it was gracious living. But the friend had gone away shaking his head, murmuring, "Sahara of the bozart."
Now that the friend was gone, it was prepared to make some small admissions, that Charlotte had perhaps fewer extreme examples of modern design than did most other North Carolina cities of any size or sophistication. There were fine homes which were modern, but the modernism was where it would not glaringly show. It ventures that it might have something to do with the average resident's deep sense of history and honest respect for traditions, believing that one's home ought to be like that of grandmother, not taking into consideration that grandmother's house had a spacious look because it contained a lot of unused space which grandmother could afford at the time, needing a servant or two to maintain it.
It indicates that in the moderately modern homes of Charlotte, there was a problem of stereotype, the single-story ranch house with an ever-present picture window, in any one of a dozen old-fashioned styles, ranging from New England colonials, Pennsylvania Dutch farmhouses and French provincials to scaled-down copies of Mount Vernon and Williamsburg structures. That which was missing, as with all but a few North Carolina cities, was a truly indigenous architecture for the region.
It would like to see less faddism in architecture and more honest houses, custom-tailored to the landscape and individual needs, as well as the mild, sunny climate of the state. There was hope for such architecture because of the influence of the eight-year old School of Design at North Carolina State, under the leadership of dean Henry Kamphoefner, having placed new emphasis on individual expression in architecture based on the physical environment, and the functional capacity and human needs of the people who would use the structure. Mr. Kamphoefner had said that there was no tradition which should remain static and that tradition should be built on an improved basis, being dynamic, expanding, growing, developing and improving. He said that they did not believe that architecture had reached its zenith in 18th Century Williamsburg, that while that architecture was good in its day, and John D. Rockefeller, Jr., had been wise to spend millions to restore colonial Williamsburg, it should not be considered a museum for the country's architectural heritage.
It finds that there were other powerful influences, the individual architects of Charlotte and other large North Carolina communities, whose imaginations and ingenuity were being felt increasingly to produce a new kind of architecture where comfort, utility and beauty would coalesce.
"Fair Play Is Highly Perishable" indicates that the cheapest and most perishable item on the U.S. political market was the fair play pledge, as it was reminded recently by the promises of supporters of Adlai Stevenson and Governor Averell Harriman that they would be kind to each other in boosting their favorites for the Democratic nomination.
But it finds that such pledges were short-lived, as one between RNC chairman Leonard Hall and DNC chairman Paul Butler occurring in 1952 to great publicity, immediately shot down by inter-party insults. The previous month, the two chairmen had gotten together again before television cameras, exchanged smiles, before Charles Taft, chairman of the Fair Campaign Practices Committee, Inc., produced the pledge which the two chairmen signed. But they immediately became involved in a verbal ruckus which left them bristling with anger and Mr. Taft pleading for a truce.
It thus finds fair play pledges to be a waste of words. It favors substituting unspoken intent for written pledges and thus lessening the danger of fistfights on television.
A piece from the Baltimore
Evening Sun, titled "Mechanical Author", indicates that
someone had set up a working model of an electronic computer at the
booksellers' convention in Washington, which was assembling a
concordance of the new Revised Standard Version of the Bible, a job
which would take interminable hours of human labor if performed by
the old index-card and typewriter-list method. Now, Univac
But there were limitations. If the human had failed to notify the computer that there should be a heading titled "sin", the concordance would likewise omit the categorization.
It suggests as relevant a passage
from Macbeth
It might all be Greek to the computer, especially to those whiz-kids, the wunderkind, who, having grown up with fast video games, think, subconsciously, of which they have little if any recognition, that they are one with the computer, thus seek to reinvent the wheel every day and vend a better wheel to the gullible book-buyer, such that everything becomes less and less functional and intelligible, rolling ever so much the more bumpily along the road to Athens and to Rome. You, this Caesar thou hast slain... Are you so proud that you would let loose the dogs of war to be at one with envy of reason? —from Julie Lear of Dungeness, one of the unpublished plays, Act XII, Sc. 18, circa, 1617
Drew Pearson indicates that RNC chairman Leonard Hall had held a nighttime meeting with part of his staff three days following the President's surgery for ileitis the previous week, insisting that it still was "Eisenhower all the way". Mr. Pearson indicates that he was obviously not interested in the wishes of the President, himself, or the views of his wife and son, or taking into account the medical facts about his latest illness as given by eminent specialists, despite the optimistic report provided by Maj. General Leonard Heaton, the surgeon performing the operation, minutes after the operation was completed.
Voters had either made a mistake or were not given all of the facts regarding FDR's health during the 1944 election and the deception practiced by the Democratic politicians at that time ought not, he suggests, condone similar deception by Republican politicians at present. Thus he provides the facts as explained by two eminent specialists and as culled from the medical journal, Gastroenterology, in its March, 1954 issue, an official publication of the American Gastroenterological Association. Dr. David Rutstein, head of the Department of Preventive Medicine at the Harvard School of Medicine, was of the opinion that the President's ileitis was a chronic disease, with statistics proving that it often recurred within a year, stating so on educational television in cooperation with Harvard University on June 11. When Mr. Pearson had phoned him to confirm the quotes, he had asked him whether the President would be able to recover sufficiently to run again, and he indicated that it was not a doctor's business to answer political questions, that no other physician should, obviously referring to the quick statement by General Heaton following the surgery.
Dr. Samuel Gaines of the Polyclinic Hospital in New York had also emphasized the probable recurrence of the intestinal disease and the distinct possibility that another operation would be necessary, indicating that the recurrence rate was up to 50 percent and that some fecal matter was certain to pass through the bypassed portion of the intestine, perhaps entailing another operation. He said that he had voted for the President and had previously planned to do so again, had performed the same operation many times and pointed out that the doctors must have known that the President had the condition or they would not have been able to diagnose and operate so quickly, that if so, then the facts regarding the President's physical condition were not provided to the public.
Dr. Rutstein had suggested that the best study of the President's disease had been written by Dr. Ward Van Patter of the Mayo Clinic in the March, 1954 issue of Gastroenterology, which had disclosed that recurrence of the disease was found to be as high as 65 percent, with a series of repeated operations sometimes necessary to remove additional parts of the intestines. The article had stated that the causes of the disease were unknown and that no cure had yet been found, that it chiefly occurred in young adults and was characterized clinically by abdominal cramps, diarrhea, fever, lost weight, anemia, peritoneal abscesses and fistulas.
Stewart Alsop indicates that when New York Governor Averell Harriman and his campaign manager, Tammany Hall head Carmine DeSapio, daydreamed about the future, they undoubtedly had visualized that by the third or fourth ballot at the upcoming Democratic convention in Chicago, it would become clear that Adlai Stevenson could not achieve a majority for the nomination. Mr. Stevenson had been harmed both with Northern liberals and Southerners for his stand on the civil rights issue, having indicated that Brown v. Board of Education was the law of the land and had to be enforced, but also stating that he would not call in Federal troops to enforce it. Thus, the Harriman forces hoped that he would not be able to achieve the necessary 687 votes needed to win the nomination, even after every possible vote had been cajoled into line. At that point, it was hoped that the convention would realize that it had to choose between Governor Harriman and Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, and that the Northern delegates for Mr. Stevenson would begin to break away in favor of Governor Harriman, while the Southern conservatives and border-state delegates would shift to Senator Symington, threatening a deadlock. At that point, it was hoped that former President Truman would throw his support to Governor Harriman as the true inheritor of the New Deal and Fair Deal mantle, the only candidate who could be depended on to support labor and the minorities. That would begin a stampede among Northerners and liberals, who controlled the majority of the delegates. They hoped that Senator Symington might be encouraged to accept the second spot on the ticket, in which case it would be offered to him. Perhaps the Southern delegates would walk out, in which case they would deliver the huge black vote in the key industrial states to Governor Harriman in reaction. But the latter would be triumphantly nominated and then, after a strongly Fair Deal-type campaign, would win in November.
Mr. Alsop indicates that the reality, in all likelihood, would be far different, but that was the dream of the Harriman forces. It was based on the Governor's strong advocacy for civil rights, strongly endorsed by the intellectual liberal groups which still influenced Democratic conventions. Because of the President's moderate record on civil rights, the black and minority vote in the large industrial states had never been more crucial and the big state professional politicians would have even more influence than liberals on the selection of the nominee as a result.
In addition, the battle over the civil rights plank in the platform could have two effects, one being to force Mr. Stevenson into a position in which he could hardly avoid alienating either the Northern liberal and labor bloc or the Southern supporters, which might suggest Senator Symington as the candidate of the Southerners and conservatives, who did not control the majority of the convention votes.
The strategy of Governor Harriman also depended on former President Truman, who was too shrewd to commit himself to a candidate before he had to do so and would not strive to stop Mr. Stevenson's bid for the nomination. But if that bid failed, the Harriman strategists hoped that the former President would throw his support to Governor Harriman.
They admitted that there were weaknesses to the strategy, as currently, Mr. Stevenson had a commanding lead in delegate strength, and his civil rights program was being formed by Senator Hubert Humphrey, Senator Herbert Lehman and Eleanor Roosevelt, which would mean that it might not be pleasing to Southerners but it would be difficult to persuade Northern liberals that those three were dedicated to racial reaction. Former President Truman, while being friendly toward the Harriman candidacy, had made no firm commitments and it remained to be seen whether he would support him, especially if it were to indicate that his nomination would split the party. The Harriman candidacy, however, had one great strength, he concludes, that Governor Harriman really believed that he could defeat the President, and the Governor had a bold and stubborn determination which would be an enormous asset in the fall campaign.
Alistair Cooke, writing in the Manchester (England) Guardian, indicates that few people asked what black people wanted while most pretended to know. Among the most knowing were those who professed that blacks did not want integration and wanted to be left alone, a viewpoint which came from "shiftless poor whites who cling to the old taboos of segregation as to the tatters of the only dignity they know."
The bloodiest race riot of modern times had occurred in a Northern city, Detroit, when black war-workers had spilled over into a shabby white section in July, 1943. At the time, a "scrawny, clear-eyed white man" had summed up the matter for Mr. Cooke with the comment: "I know I'm a low-down S.O.B., but at least I'm not a nigger." He finds that if enough people thought that way, they acquired the force of a social fact, an unpleasantness ignored by idealists and expediently battened on by politicians. Thus, he wonders whether there were any black people who did not want integration, finds that there were.
According to a survey which had asked black people in the South whether, if given a choice between a peaceable status quo in the South and a dubious future in an unspecified Northern city, 20 percent of respondents favored the former. Some had taken the attitude of an old sharecropper in Georgia who said that Georgia might be hell but it was home. Others, such as school teachers, policemen and some doctors, who feared losing their standing as big fish in a small pond if transplanted to the North, also expressed a similar opinion, some also expressing fear of the wrath of whites who would be practically disfranchised if blacks were given equal voting rights. Parents also anticipated that in predominantly white neighborhoods, their children would undergo an ordeal such as imposed innocently in the North on the one or two black children in a white class. There were even blacks who shared the white fear of sexual taint. One black teacher in Fayetteville, N.C., had said: "When I hear about white folks saying they have nothing against us, but they just don't want to eat and sleep with us, why that's exactly the way we feel."
But when allowing for all of those attitudes, there was no doubt that the overwhelming mass of blacks looked toward the prospect of integration as a bright future, looking forward to the time when they would no longer have to instruct their children at puberty in the rudiments of their own inferiority. The conditions of integration would be infinitely varied, contrived, evaded, and artificially enforced in the South, as there was no neat pattern there and never would be.
He asks what then the South had to fear in trying to maintain separate schools. A mocking Northerner had asked whether they believed blacks were going to take over the state legislatures, elect a governor, maybe disqualify the white elective representatives to Congress, and though stated with sarcasm, the response was that it had happened in the years immediately after the Civil War, when earnest abolitionists from New England had allied with men of power to impose on the bankrupt and chaotic South black-dominated governments which exacted from the whites the final indignities of their defeat. For 12 years, the South was a conquered province, with many sections patrolled by black Federal troops. South Carolina was denied its entire white representation in Congress, and Alabama had its Governor removed, while the government jobs of all former Confederates had been filled by blacks. In 1873, blacks had dominated the Alabama Legislature by 3 to 1.
Thus, what blacks really wanted depended on which person one asked. Mr. Cooke suggests that most would be disappointed to find that after integrated schooling, dining, recreation, worship and working together, skilled jobs had to be earned, that a fish-fry tasted no better from a white cook, "probably worse", that tennis was the same with an opponent of any pigment and that a waiting room was a waiting room, "and the millennium is no nearer."
"If their superior men in war and peace can no longer claim the unholy joy of martyrdom, their ordinary men will learn that boredom and envy are also part of equality." But at least they would be able to live and raise their children in the knowledge that they were not being told what they had to do and where they had to go, a small but necessary ingredient of liberty and human dignity. "Like love and sex, it is unimportant only when you have it."
A letter writer from Statesville says he did not think much of the newspaper's story about County Police chief Joseph Whitley's proposed nighttime decrease in the speed limit, says that while several states had such laws, they also had higher daytime speed limits than the current 55 mph in North Carolina. He contends that a fast driver was always alert. Chief Whitley had said that seven of 11 traffic fatalities occurred at night at high rates of speed, but the writer suggests that if the speed limit were 45, it would not help much because they would drive 75 and not make a curve, while the next driver going 35 or 40, being safe, would. He questions why so many thousands of people should suffer because of the ignorance of a few.
While seemingly a sensible line of reasoning, it is also true that every driver believes they are being safe at high rates of speed, until they suddenly come upon the foolish pedestrian crossing the highway at night up ahead and haven't the ability either to brake in time or to swerve, without hitting a tree, light pole or another vehicle. For outrunning one's headlights at night, even if absolutely alert and under the best of weather conditions, can still prove deadly and thus is not advisable. Moreover, the bugs left on the windshield take forever to remove.
A letter writer, the safety representative of the Highway Patrol, reminds the motoring public of the "slow down and live" campaign, designed to bring a sense of responsibility to the highways. He says that never before in history had civilized man been so unconcerned regarding such "a horrible carnage that is now prevalent over the country," with people being "dashed to pieces on the highways with so little thought," and conditions which lay ahead depending on what was done at present. He advises that if one took a vacation, to take one on earth, as some would have a lot better time.
He also should be advising passengers boarding aircraft not to drink before boarding to avoid taking a vacation out the wrong door of the aircraft, as the unfortunate newlywed man, only seeking the restroom, who stepped out of the Piedmont Airlines plane and fell into a churchyard near Shelby.
Framed Edition
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