Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that 450 B-29's had dropped 3,000 tons of demolition bombs from medium altitude on Osaka and Hiro, two of Japan's largest arsenals; Kagamigara, site of Mitsubishi and Kawasaki aircraft factories; Himeji, site of a Kawanishi aircraft factory; Akashi, site of another Kawasaki plant; and Tamashima, site of a Misubishi-Mishima aircraft factory.

In all, the B-29 raids had now destroyed 112 square miles of Japan's industrial areas. Osaka, with 16.75 miles damaged, had lost a quarter of its area, losing 2.71 miles in the June 15 incendiary raid. Three of the smaller cities struck on Monday and Wednesday, Shizuoka, Yokkaichi, and Toyohashi, were more than 50 percent destroyed. Shizuoka had lost 66 percent of its area.

On Okinawa, many Japanese had committed suicide the previous day by jumping into the sea, but 1,700 others, unprecedented numbers, had surrendered on Wednesday and were still surrendering out of the last two small pockets of resistance on the southern tip of the island.

Through Tuesday, the Army had suffered 4,417 dead or missing in the campaign and 17,043 wounded, while the Marines had suffered 2,573 killed or missing and 12,555 wounded. The Army totals therefore were 5,990 killed or missing and 29,598 wounded. Navy losses, including those only through May 24 and since March 18, were at 4,270 killed or missing and 4,171 wounded. These latter losses included air attacks on the Japanese Fleet in the Inland Sea on March 18.

On Luzon, guerillas blocked the Japanese path of retreat from the advancing 37th Infantry Division in the Cagayan Valley. The enemy had been divided into two pockets by the guerilla seizure of Tuguegara, 35 miles from the forward position of the 37th and 85 miles from Aparri, the northernmost tip of the island to which the Japanese sought refuge.

Lt. General Roy Geiger, who had temporarily assumed command of the Tenth Army in the last three days of the Okinawa campaign following the death of Lt. General Simon Bolivar Buckner, Jr., was named commander of the Pacific Fleet Marines, succeeding Lt. General Holland "Howlin' Mad" Smith, transferred to the Marine planning and deployment command in San Diego. General Geiger had been the commander of the Third Amphibious Corps of Marines during the Okinawa campaign and had led the first Marine air wing on Guadalcanal in 1942 and the First Marine Amphibious Corps during the Bougainville campaign from latter 1943.

The House of Representatives voted to extend the Office of Price Administration for an additional year, overcoming alternate Republican attempts to end it or extend it for only six months.

The full House received a bill from the Appropriations Committee for 38.5 billion dollars for the War Department to speed the prosecution of the war against Japan. The new budget represented a cut of 9.6 billion dollars from the 1944-45 budget for the Army.

Testimony of General George C. Marshall had promised 1,000-B-29 raids daily and the dropping of 2.7 millions tons of bombs in the ensuing fiscal year 1945-46. By comparison, 1.555 millions tons had been dropped on Europe from 1942 through 1945.

As grim as it may at first seem, Japan would have its lucky stars to thank for Edward Teller and Robert Oppenheimer and the men of Los Alamos for saving it from an even grimmer fate. There would have beeen nothing left of any of the cities a year later, had it gone on in more conventional terms.

The United Nations Charter, tentatively approved Wednesday night in San Francisco, was reported to differ in many ways from the Dumbarton Oaks proposal reached in October. Primarily, the Charter provided greater power to the General Assembly than contemplated by the Dumbarton Oaks proposal. A trusteeship rule for dependent areas seized during the war was included, not in Dumbarton Oaks.

The draft of the Charter was still subject to final changes before the final vote to be held on Monday.

The essential provisions stated that the General Assembly could debate any issue and present it to the Security Council, consisting of eleven members, of whom five, the Big Five, would be permanent, with the others elected by the General Assembly on a rotating basis, based on their military capabilities. All of the Big Five had to agree to use of force, plus two other members of the Council. But if the nation were a party to the dispute, it could not vote, resolving a long-standing conflict among the nations since Dumbarton. There was no veto power reserved for resolution of matters by peaceful means.

Amendments to the Charter could be effected by a vote of two-thirds of the membership, including all of the Big Five. Consideration had to be given at the tenth anniversary of the signing to calling a revision conference should one not be convened in the meantime, a provision inserted by the smaller nations.

Other essential provisions are covered on the front page.

Justice Robert Jackson, chief American prosecutor for the War Crimes Tribunal to begin at Nuremberg in September, stated that he was proposing one trial for all war criminals out of Europe, that there would be no immunity given for rank, and he hoped the trial would begin before the end of the summer. He envisioned a panel of judges comprised of one or two from each of the United States, Russia, Britain, and France, with each country supplying its own set of prosecutors. Thus far, there was no objection to the plan by any of the other Big Four countries. Representatives of the Big Four would meet in London the following week to finalize plans for the trial and to draw up a list of war criminals.

In Detroit, 3,500 UAW workers of the Conner Avenue Aircraft Plant of the Briggs Manufacturing Co. walked off the job in protest of lack of meat for sandwiches from their catering firm. It was claimed, however, not to be a strike, but rather the workers taking time off to take their wives shopping to purchase meat for their sandwiches. The action impacted 7,500 workers on three shifts at the company. The action was taken against the advice of union officials.

Sure. They probably had meat for their sandwiches.

Further complicating the problem, 335 employees of four rendering companies of the city's slaughter houses were on strike in the Packing House Workers union, also of CIO. The latter strike was prompted by alleged failure of the War Labor Board to settle wage and other demands of the union. The rendering houses, responsible for disposal of waste products from the butcher of animals, were essential to the slaughter house industry.

A four-year old girl from Canton, N.C., had become lost in Grand Central Station in New York the previous night. Whether she was ever found or wound up forever lost in the station was not reported. If you see the child, be sure and report it to authorities. She could be a little older now, just wandering around.

On the editorial page, "Laundry Wages" remarks on the low wages paid to laundry workers in the state, on strike in Charlotte. According to a telegram sent by their union president to President Truman, the workers received 18 to 20 cents per hour. But other reports had claimed that the lowest wages paid by one of the struck laundries was 30 cents an hour and that the lowest wages paid were 23 cents an hour across the industry, with an average of 35 cents.

The minimum wage law proposed in the previous Legislature, not acted upon, had set the minimum wage at 30 cents an hour, with time and a half for all hours worked over 40. The latter provision would have impacted these laundries the most as the workers currently did not earn overtime pay. But in other areas of the state, where the pay was as low as 13 or 14 cents an hour, the minimum wage provision also would have had an ameliorative effect.

"Sooner or Later" comments on the fact that the county schools were 55 teachers short for the fall term and were also short of principals, despite offering $125 more in salary per annum than other counties. Eventually, the recognition had to come, it offers, that salaries of teachers had to keep pace with the rest of society to attract competence—or, apparently, to attract anyone at all, even the incompetents.

"Mister Knudsen" discusses William Knudsen, former head of General Motors, for the previous five years a lieutenant general overseeing the organization of war production. As of June 1, he had retired from the position and returned to G. M. He had done a splendid job in the role.

"Same Old Posse" finds the new incarnation of the House Un-American Activities Committee, now chaired by Representative Edward Hart of New Jersey, to be the same old committee as it had been under Martin Dies of Texas, with a new chairman. It was beginning its first task as a permanent House committee, voted permanent in January, by investigating a New York OPA office, looking into broadcasts with a "Communist flavor" and examining a campaign to "slur the Bible and make every Irishman a villain".

"Frustration" asks only that when the City Council would meet June 27 to discuss changes in Charlotte's traffic-handling system, it consider changing the timing of traffic lights so that cars did not have to stop at every single controlled intersection.

"About Parks" finds the city's parks to be well attended by the city's youth and that placing more parks around the city would thus draw out new patrons in different areas.

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Senator Carl Johnson of Colorado reporting to his colleagues on protective tariffs, that it was not ultimately the President who determined the issue of trade with foreign nations but that it boiled down to a board of clerks in the State Department. It had been his experience as Senator that whenever an advice came from the Department indicating its intention to construct a deal in foreign trade having to do with products manufactured or raised in his state, he would go before this board and plead that the Department not send America's production overseas and produce foreign competition for its goods and produce.

Drew Pearson reports that the entry to Vienna of the Anglo-American-French mission on June 3 had been given scant attention by the press as compared with the publicity given the refusal of the Russians to allow any British or Americans into the Russian zone. During the Polish crisis, the Russians had seized Vienna's airports and not allowed Western planes to land. When the mission had arrived, however, there were still differences with the Soviet commander as to whether the members should be allowed to inspect all of Vienna, including all airports and all areas surrounding the city. The Russians contended that only one airport and the city proper should be opened, in accordance with the agreement at Yalta. But, in the end, the Russians agreed to allow full inspection.

The editors supply a piece on the proposal by President Truman to alter the line of succession provided by the Succession Act of 1886, such that the Speaker of the House, instead of the Secretary of State, as under exisiting law, would become the next in line of succession to the presidency after the Vice-President. Then would come the president pro tempore of the Senate and then the Cabinet officers, starting with the Secretary of State. His plan also envisioned an interim election to elect a new President in the case of such succession beyond the Vice-President. Without the latter provision, the recommendation was otherwise adopted in 1947.

Samuel Grafton discusses the sudden change of heart of many isolationists in the country with respect to the Pacific war following V-E Day. During the European war, they had favored diverting much of the American fighting force to the Pacific. But now, these isolationists wanted to fight only by air and even use poison gas to try to win the war, rather than sending an invasion force. They carped at the prospect of the country's railroads being tied up in ensuing months to transport troops returning from Europe to the West Coast for deployment to the Pacific.

"The isolationist world of today is one in which half-won wars and poison gas make sense, while victory and international friendship do not. What a cold world it is these people live in! Br-r-r-r-r! There is no coat or fire could keep a man of heart warm in it."

Marquis Childs remarks on the coming home of General Eisenhower after being showered with plaudits by the British and French. In his last press conference as Supreme Allied Commander he had stated emphatically there was no cause to believe that friction existed between the Allies such that a Russo-American war was at all likely. He instead spoke of warmth encountered from all the Russians he had met and that all United Nations soldiers shared in the desire for a permanent peace.

"...[W]e'll do well to remember what Finley Peter Dunne had Mr. Dooley say as the heroes of another war were coming home [in 1898]: 'Sure, and they should make these triumphal arches of bricks and then you could throw 'em at the fellow after he rides through.'"

Remember the Maine.