The Charlotte News
Friday, September 10, 1954
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that at the U.N. in New York, the Security Council had overridden Soviet objections this date and agreed to permit full discussion of a U.S. complaint that Soviet fighter planes had shot down the U.S. Navy Neptune bomber off Siberia the previous Friday, voting 10 to 1 to hear the matter, requested by U.S. Ambassador to the U.N. Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., contending that the Russians had violated international law in the incident, which had occurred over international waters. Soviet Deputy Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinski, who had cast the lone dissenting vote, said that a discussion of the incident might intensify international feelings rather than lessen them and insisted that the U.S. plane had violated Soviet territory and had opened fire on two Soviet MIG-15 jet fighters attempting to warn it away, that they then returned fire, shooting down the plane. All save one of the ten-man American crew had survived the incident. Ambassador Lodge indicated that it was not the first time such an attack had occurred by Soviet aircraft, compounding the problem through repeated violations of international law. He urged Russia to enter direct negotiations for damages claimed by the U.S. or to consent to impartial adjudication of the matter before the International Court of Justice at The Hague, as the U.S. was prepared to do so regarding similar claims against it.
Before the six-Senator special committee hearing the resolution of censure against Senator McCarthy, the Senator finished his testimony in his own behalf this date and won agreement from the committee to examine the "hot document" of the McCarthy-Army hearings, the 2 1/4-page distillation of a longer 15-page FBI memo which had been submitted to Senator McCarthy, he contended, by an Army officer whose identity he had refused to reveal. FBI director J. Edgar Hoover had stated to the subcommittee special assistant counsel at the earlier hearings that he did not author either the memo or the 2 1/4-page distillation, made up of quotes from the longer document, but that the longer memo had been prepared by the FBI and was classified. During the afternoon, the start of cross-examination of Senator McCarthy would begin. His counsel, Edward Bennett Williams, had asked him only a couple of questions before the public session was halted, and he then announced that the Senator was prepared for cross-examination. At an executive session just ahead of the public hearing, the committee had decided to inspect the document in question, which Senator McCarthy had sought to introduce into the case. Attorney General Herbert Brownell had ruled that it should not go into the public record during the Army-McCarthy hearings, and the seven members of the Senate Investigations subcommittee hearing that matter had refused even to examine it. Senator McCarthy had offered the document to support his contention that the investigation of alleged Communist infiltration at the secret radar laboratory at Fort Monmouth in New Jersey was justified. The Senator claimed that it contained names of persons involved in a spy ring at the facility, allegedly formed by executed atomic spy Julius Rosenberg. One of the charges against Senator McCarthy, in support of the general resolution of Senator Flanders that he had, through his conduct, brought the Senate into disrepute, was that he had received the classified information contained in the document in question and then had publicly stated, during the time of the earlier hearings, that any employee of the Government who had any documentary information on corruption or subversion within the Government, regardless of its classified nature, should provide it to Senator McCarthy, violating and inducing thereby further violation of the Espionage Act.
Atomic Energy Commission chairman Lewis Strauss told reporters this date that the U.S. had many more atomic weapons in its arsenal than it had a year earlier, but would not comment on any new weapons or any detection of Soviet atomic blasts since the U.S. had announced detection of a Russian hydrogen device test about a year earlier. He said that there would likely be continuing U.S. tests of new weapons at the Marshall Islands proving grounds in the future, and that he was unaware of any intention to move the testing area after the hydrogen bomb test of the previous March, which had produced an extensive radioactive cloud causing radiation sickness among Japanese fishermen located about 80 miles from the blast site, outside the AEC's stated perimeter of danger, which had led some Japanese to demand that the testing be halted or the location moved.
In Algiers, it was reported that the earthquake which had hit Orleansville, 100 miles west of Algiers, the previous day, with aftershocks experienced this date, had produced a death toll estimated at more than 1,000 Europeans and Algerians, with another 2,000 estimated to have been injured. Death tolls among the Moslem population were difficult to estimate because they were burying their own dead without sending in reports. The French Interior Ministry said the previous night that 590 deaths had been confirmed officially, but that most of those had been European residents of the area and that it would take many days to establish an accurate account. The aftershocks were less powerful than the original shocks, but had brought down several unsteady houses and large pieces of shattered walls. Some 2,000 rescue workers and as many more troops were on the scene. The Mayor of Orleansville said that they had evacuated 95 percent of the houses but would not evacuate the town and would house everyone in tents. Some officials estimated that 90 percent of the houses in the town would have to be razed. A major dam had collapsed in the quake.
In Jacksonville, Fla., hurricane warnings were put in place this date from Morehead City, N.C., to the Virginia capes, as Hurricane Edna, packing 115 mph winds, headed toward Cape Hatteras, N.C. The chief storm forecaster for the Miami Weather Bureau said that the center of the tropical storm ought pass near, but slightly outside, Cape Hatteras by or before midnight this date, and urged precautions for very high tides and dangerous winds along the North Carolina and Virginia capes during the afternoon and night. The storm was centered about 225 miles south of Hatteras and moving at about ten mph on a course slightly east of north by late morning. Hurricane-force winds extended 100 miles from the center of Edna's eastern half and about 50 miles to the west. Gale-force winds extended outward 150 to 200 miles from the center in all directions. Residents of New York and New England coastal areas were nervous, as the hurricane headed in a northerly direction, with its forward speed predicted to increase during the day, previously impeded by a high pressure system which had now moved out to sea, clearing the path for the hurricane. A Norwegian ship had passed through the eye of the storm on Wednesday and had gained safe anchor in Miami.
A late bulletin indicates that the New York Weather Bureau said that it would be a miracle if the storm did not hit New York City head-on the following day, and that it appeared that it would be one of the worst storms to hit the area in its history.
In Los Angeles, striking garment workers the previous day had made their statement with four women and two men wearing impromptu fashions on the sidewalk outside the picketed office, wherein there was a real fashion show ongoing, the pickets wearing gay 90's outfits and adaptations of the latest Parisian styles. The picketing had begun in July when the employer declined to renew a contract and hired other workers, obtaining a court order the previous month reducing the number of pickets from a high of 150.
In Pittsburgh, the former husband of actress Ingrid Bergman was honeymooning this date with his second wife, marrying her only two hours after securing their license. The neurosurgeon groom married a second year resident pediatrician from Czechoslovakia.
In Gaffney, S.C., State Senator Edgar Brown, who had been nominated by the Democratic executive committee to succeed deceased Senator Burnet Maybank, was asked by the chairman of the Gaffney sesquicentennial celebration committee not to attend its event, after having previously been invited. The chairman of the division responsible for the event sent a wire to Mr. Brown asking him not to attend because his presence would not be of help to the sesquicentennial, as they had tried to let politics die down in the community, and his name had been used frequently by at least half of the population of Cherokee County. As Mr. Brown had not indicated that he would pay any attention to the request not to attend, the Gaffney merchant who sent the wire said that he was making other plans for his visit, that he would purchase a big brass bell and ring it continuously while he was speaking.
On the editorial page, "Enslavement by the Russian Bear", a by-lined piece by News publisher Thomas L. Robinson, writing from Munich, the first of two such articles on U.S. broadcasts into Communist countries, tells of having come to Munich to visit the operations of the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, two separate organizations performing different types of jobs, the first piece to be devoted to the Voice and the following day's piece to Radio Free Europe.
He had been given access for a long
interview with the director of the Munich Radio Center of the Voice,
who impressed him as a courageous and efficient man with a zeal to
press the crusade for freedom with both vigor and skill. At the
Munich headquarters of VOA, large numbers of programs were originated
which were broadcast to Iron Curtain countries, and programs
originating in New York were picked up at receiving stations,
intensified in power, and then broadcast through strong transmitters
to vast areas behind the Iron Curtain. The programs prepared in
Munich were in Russian, Polish, Hungarian, Estonian and Lithuanian.
There was no light entertainment
The targeted audience had no access to uncensored newspapers, magazines, films, pamphlets or lectures in Russia, living in "a prison of intellectual enslavement", except for VOA, Radio Free Europe, Radio Liberation, and broadcasts from some other groups. Those listeners knew virtually nothing of what was occurring within Russia or externally within the free nations, and so by listening to the Voice, had an opportunity to learn the truth about the U.S. and its way of governance, providing many such persons the courage to escape from Russia and seek a new life in free lands.
The director of the Munich Radio Center with whom he spoke explained that within a period of less than six months, several hundred letters had been written by men and women living behind the Iron Curtain, secretly mailed under peril of discovery and heavy reprisal, offering inspirational testimony of the value of the Voice as an instrument for propagating freedom.
Mr. Robinson did not have the time to visit the actual transmitter sites, one of which was situated 12 miles from Munich and had a million watts of power, sufficient to cover a wide range of broadcasting, the precise range being classified. There was also a 300-watt medium wave transmitter covering virtually all of the satellite nations and a large portion of the Soviet Union. In addition, there were eight shortwave transmitters, ranging from 100,000 watts down to 35,000. Programs were generally broadcast from Munich between 5:15 and 9:00 p.m., with programming repeated at later hours. The Voice broadcast approximately 196 hours per week, while the Soviets retaliated with 611 hours of propaganda aimed against the Western world, plus expenditure of large sums of money to jam the programs being broadcast by the Voice. Reliable surveys showed that the audiences in each country listening to the Voice were very large.
Mr. Robinson indicates that taxpayers should not begrudge the 18 million dollars being spent in the current fiscal year for the Voice, urging that people pause to consider that many large enterprises spent more on their annual advertising budgets for commercial products than the Government was spending to sell freedom to the enslaved peoples of a barbaric master. "It is real food for thought, particularly since we still have such a long war to wage before democracy and freedom are secure."
"Charlotte Needs Better Air Service" indicates that the chips were down in the nine-year battle for better air transportation for Charlotte, with Civil Aeronautics Board hearings presently underway in Washington which would decide the fate of long-sought additional competitive service through the city. It explains the situation in some detail, indicating that Charlotte had a relatively high number of daily scheduled departures, a high proportion of which, however, were slow or otherwise ineffective, that there was a deficiency of effective, fast service to major points beyond a 500-mile radius from the city, that its most important needs were additional routes to the Northeast and to the Oklahoma-Texas-Louisiana areas. Service to both of those latter regions was presently under consideration at the CAB hearings.
A piece from the Nashville Tennessean, titled "Puzzler for Palefaces", indicates that an Oklahoma researcher reported an "amazing but apparently true" finding that full-blooded Indians showed no reaction to lie detector tests, that the polygraph ran along "with no quivers at all."
The piece finds it amazing to find
Indians with no quivers, wondering what they kept their arrows
Drew Pearson indicates that there were some strange paradoxes about the order being preserved by Senate special committee chairman Arthur Watkins at the hearings regarding the censure resolution against Senator McCarthy, to keep the Senator in his place. It appeared that Senator Watkins had extraordinary intestinal fortitude or had suffered extraordinary Senatorial nausea at the behavior of Senator McCarthy, or perhaps a combination of both. Senator Watkins had once been considered a friend of Senator McCarthy, with similar views on foreign policy, and when the former had faced a tough re-election campaign two years earlier in Utah, Senator McCarthy had sent one of his smear artists, a former Communist, to smear the opponent, and Senator Watkins had even delivered a speech before the Senate at Senator McCarthy's request.
The Senators who had brought the censure charges against Senator McCarthy were no friends of Senator Watkins. Sponsor of the resolution, Senator Ralph Flanders of Vermont, traveled with an entirely different group of Republicans, with Senator Flanders believing in international cooperation while Senator Watkins was an isolationist. Senator Flanders had once mildly chided Senator Watkins in the Senate restaurant for drinking tea, because tea-drinking was forbidden in the Mormon Church, to which Senator Watkins belonged, prompting the latter's reply that it was Mormon tea, that is milk, sugar and hot water.
Senator Watkins also had little in common with Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas and Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon, both of whom had provided bills of particulars in support of the Flanders resolution. But Senator Watkins did have strict ideas about right and wrong, plus the ability to reverse himself completely. Mr. Pearson provides examples. He concludes that the ability to reverse himself probably accounted, in part, for the Spartan manner in which he was ruling against his old friend, Senator McCarthy.
Stewart Alsop discusses the New York gubernatorial race, likely to be between the probable Democratic nominee, Averell Harriman, and the probable Republican nominee, Senator Irving Ives. Both men were effectively acting as stand-ins for their respective party standard-bearers, Adlai Stevenson and President Eisenhower. Mr. Harriman was a solid supporter of former Governor Stevenson, and so if he were to win the race, New York's large bloc of delegate votes would likely go to Mr. Stevenson in 1956. It was also likely that Mr. Stevenson would campaign for Mr. Harriman in New York.
Senator Ives had been genuinely reluctant to enter the gubernatorial race, as he had confided to friends that he had been debating getting out of politics completely, and entering the race would run the risk of defeat, with four years left in his Senatorial term. Several months earlier, he had been commenting that wild horses could not get him to run, and as the piece was being written, he was still resisting the pressure but was expected to enter the race. (The previous day, he had announced his intention to accept the nomination if offered, in the wake of the announcement two days earlier that Governor Dewey would not run again for a fourth term.)
As Senator Ives had a record as a supporter of President Eisenhower, the main issue in the race would be the Administration, and Republicans in New York expected the President to campaign for the Senator in the crucial race, with the balance in the Senate closely divided between Democrats and Republicans, the Republicans holding a one-seat organizational majority. His identification with the President was likely to be as great as the identification of Mr. Harriman with Mr. Stevenson, and neither would be a weak substitute for their party leader.
Private polls taken under Republican auspices during the summer showed that Senator Ives would run better than even Governor Dewey in some areas of New York, as the Senator had been one of the few Republicans who had run ahead of General Eisenhower in the 1952 election.
Mr. Harriman had never run for national office, but private polls taken recently showed him also running surprisingly well.
Doris Fleeson, in Bonn, West Germany, tells of it being an old habit in American diplomacy to put all of its eggs in one basket when dealing with foreign governments, nowhere more evident than in Bonn. U.S. officials appeared completely absorbed in Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, obeying the signals of Washington, Secretary of State Dulles having sent an election-eve message on behalf of the Chancellor the previous September, a message not wholly admired in Bonn.
Americans in Bonn were being isolated from the broad stream of German life and politics by their own new housing project, colloquially called "The Golden Ghetto", which housed military families as well as civilians. Some observers were critical of the ghettos, as they were always called in Bonn, and wished that the policy would be reviewed by Congress.
In addition, the American viewpoint had been restricted by Senator McCarthy's war on the State Department and on the Voice of America, in which Scott McLeod, friend of Senator McCarthy and security officer in the State Department, had enthusiastically participated. The failure of U.S. High Commissioner James B. Conant to fight more vigorously against the purge policy in West Germany had cost him some of the prestige which he had enjoyed as president of Harvard.
The result was that there were many new people at occupation headquarters, some or all of whom were experienced, but also, being loyal to Mr. McLeod, having a fatal flaw from the point of view of a journalist, in that they did not appear to know anything about Germany. Ms. Fleeson concludes that it was the price of McCarthyism, and that unless the country were very lucky, it would be a "high price".
Deryck Winterton, correspondent for the London Daily Herald, the Labor Party newspaper, writes from Hong Kong regarding his having accompanied the British Labor Party delegation during its recent trip through Communist China. He indicates that according to statistics, hardly one unhappy family could be found among the 185 families in Wanglo village in Lushan County, according to the official handbook on the marriage law of the Communist People's Republic of China. While one might doubt the ability of statisticians to tap the quality of happiness, it was true that a change had occurred in the legal position of Chinese women under the Communists, and that it was a revolution. Under law at least, women were now in an equal status to men in terms of marriage, divorce, ownership or property and pay. They were also equal in many jobs which were tough enough for men. Polygamy, which had been dying out, was now made illegal. Women were being trained for professions on a surprising scale, making up a third to a half of the student bodies in some medical schools and a fifth of Tsinghua Engineering University.
Another revolution had been in hygiene, which appeared to be accepted almost as universal religion. Appearances showed that the people and children were healthy, diseases such as smallpox having been attacked through vaccination, the claim having been that 500 million people had been vaccinated in five years and that in some cities the previous year, there had not been a single case of smallpox. Plague and cholera were said to be under control and nearly eradicated as well.
There was a chronic shortage of doctors, and it was estimated that by 1957, there would be only 40,000, which the Communists planned to increase by more than two times in the ensuing five years afterward. There were 300,000 old-style doctors, using traditional prescriptions, mostly herbal, and doing bone-setting.
Mr. Winterton had observed in Peiping one of the old children's hospitals run by the municipality, overwhelmed by crowds of waiting children and parents. He had then gone to one of the new children's hospitals, nearly finished, and was impressed that the Chinese intended to modernize their health care. The new hospital was a large building with spare lands for gardens, full of light, glass and air, with playrooms and accommodations for mothers to stay. China was in need of thousands of other such hospitals. Thus far, there was free medical care only for those who were regarded as the primary men and women of the new society, the industrial workers, civil servants, teachers and students.
With 60 percent of the population supposed to be illiterate, education was another revolution which was taking place, with primary education not yet universal, starting at age seven. By 13, a child would take an examination for middle school, failing which, schooling would end, and otherwise would continue until age 19, at which point, if the next examination were passed, the student would be admitted to the university automatically. School fees were low, less than three dollars per annum, and the university was free.
It was to be guessed that Marxist doctrine was fairly formal in China and that as long as lip service were paid to it, there was no sanction applied to enforce it. He concludes that the prospects for the universities, and the country as a whole, were infinitely so much brighter in many ways that one would guess that the schools were prepared to accept what they did not like for the sake of national and personal advantage.
A letter writer expresses amazement at the tactics being used by the United Appeal "to force polio and cancer into their autocracy", on which she believes that any American organization would not fail to gag. She wonders whether it was Russia or democratic America. She believes that the United Appeal's claim of setting up a cancer outfit of its own was ridiculous to the average citizen, that she had been associated with the American Cancer Society within Mecklenburg County for a long time and had attended many of the state and national meetings, having gleaned that, from the patient's standpoint, operations could only work under the national program with a single drive for funding in April. Thus, she objects to the United Appeal, which placed all of the charities under one umbrella, agrees that it was easier, but in terms of effectiveness and service to the individual patient, had failed.
A letter writer comments on an advertisement which had appeared in the newspaper, placed by the North Carolina Distributors of Malt Beverages in Raleigh, titled "If Beer Goes—What's Next?" He thinks that some people had a strange philosophy regarding freedom of choice and man's fundamental rights, that the largest portion of laws were prohibitory, not designed to take away freedoms of the individual but rather to protect the rights and liberties of the majority. He believes it was time for "narcotic poisonous drugs", that is alcoholic beverages, to be included under the control of the Pure Food and Drug Act, indicating that he could never understand why certain individuals insisted that it was their right to dispense a poison which destroyed both the moral and physical well-being of people. He was ready to cast his vote for sane and sensible control of beverage alcohol under the Act.
A letter writer from Cheraw, S.C., laments the passing of Senator Burnet Maybank of South Carolina, whom he regarded as a friend of the people and the workers. He finds the choice by the state Democratic executive committee of Edgar Brown for his replacement to be good, as he had experience in government and was a Democrat who had not deserted his party in 1952, "as some of the wishy-washy crowd, fence-stragglers to get their names in the headlines."
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