The Charlotte News

Monday, October 4, 1948


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Andrei Vishinsky argued before the U.N. Security Council that it had no jurisdiction to hear the Berlin crisis, that the proper body to hear the matter was the Council of Foreign Ministers of the Big Four. He argued that the U.N. Charter forbade the hearing of any matter pertaining to Germany until the Big Four had concluded a peace treaty regarding Germany, and that the Western currency reform of June had forced retaliation by Russia in the form of the blockade. The U.S. insisted that the Council did have ground to hear the matter as a threat to world peace.

U.S. chief delegate to the U.N. Warren Austin challenged Russia on whether it was ready to agree to effective control of nuclear energy. He said that he hoped that the time for throwing "old tomato cans and dead cats" was over. The challenge was in response to Mr. Vishinski's proposal that the U.N. agree to atomic control and establish an international control organization simultaneously, rather than first the latter and then the former, as the Atomic Energy Commission of the U.N. recommended and as supported by the U.S.

In Berlin, the Soviets renewed their protest claiming numerous violations by British and American airlift planes of the air corridor into Berlin. Most of the more than 700 claimed violations were for low altitude flying.

Russia had issued new travel limitations on foreign diplomats to confine them to the Moscow city limits, supplementing regulations issued at the end of the war in Europe.

The Western European Union was studying its needs, to lay out a sort of military Marshall Plan of aid for the WEU to present to the U.S.

In Lima, Peru, Government troops had control of the Lima port at Callao after putting down a bloody revolt by sailors and civilians. Numerous casualties were reported. The revolt was laid to the party opposing El Presidente Jose Luis Bustamente Rivero. The revolt was led by Commander Enrique Aguila Pardo from aboard warships.

Former Secretary of Interior Harold Ickes visited the President for the first time since quitting the Cabinet in February, 1946 following a dispute over the confirmation of Ed Pauley as Undersecretary of the Navy. Mr. Ickes had no comment yet for the press, but said the meeting was entirely friendly. Mr. Ickes had requested the meeting.

In Miami, a twin-engined charter airliner out of New Jersey with 21 persons aboard was presumed down at sea after it had given a distress signal north of Nassau in the Bahamas at 1:44 a.m. It had run out of fuel somewhere between Charleston and Nassau by 4:45 a.m. It was to have refueled at Lumberton, N.C., but never made it.

The Federal Reserve Board announced that it would hold public hearings regarding whether Transamerica Corporation of San Francisco had violated antitrust provisions. The company had an interest in over 500 banks and industrial concerns in five Western states.

In Sacramento, California, 39-year old orchestra leader Jan Savitt died of a cerebral hemorrhage on his way to perform at the Memorial Auditorium in Sacramento.

In Winston-Salem, N.C., the family of a farmer who had moved to Baltimore to find better paying work to save the family home, had obtained a job and was sending home weekly money for the family of eight, received the news from the Highway Patrol that he had been killed in an automobile accident in Waterloo, Md.

In Dunn, N.C., the Sheriff and his deputies were trying to find clues in the theft Saturday night of $45,000 in cash bonds and securities from an Angier farmer after yeggs entered his home and made off with a 1,000-lb. iron safe while the family attended services at the Baptist church. The safe was loaded via the back porch onto a vehicle and taken away.

Radio personality and host Fred Allen had started a one-man campaign against the give-away programs of the air for their negative impact on radio programming. He agreed to give a bond of up to $5,000 to his listeners against what they might win by listening to some other program. Mr. Allen said that he would give away such prizes as two floors of the Empire State Building. Meanwhile, the previous night, a man from Indiana won $30,000 in prizes on ABC's "Stop the Music", identifying by telephone "Turkeys in the Treetops" as the mystery tune—perhaps a song about HUAC.

In Boston, the Cleveland Indians led the Red Sox after four innings in the American League playoff game by a score of 5 to 1. An account of each of the first two innings is provided, with more on page 8-A.

Temperatures fell to 25 degrees in Cadillac, Mich., during the early morning, and freezing temperatures extended into New York and Pennsylvania. It was 78 in Miami and 67 in New Orleans. Rain fell in San Francisco, in eastern Georgia and the Carolinas. Other weather continued.

On the editorial page, "Mr. Dulles and the Status Quo" tells of John Foster Dulles, likely to replace Secretary of State Marshall in January after the election of Thomas Dewey as President. Mr. Dulles, along with Senator Arthur Vandenburg, had arranged the bipartisan foreign policy. The piece finds him less harsh with Russia than he had a right to be, having been singled out in 1947 by Andrei Vishinsky as one of the coterie of supposed American imperialists and warmongers.

Mr. Dulles had recently penned an article for The Christian Century, titled "Meeting the Challenge of the Soviets", in which he had counseled that though the West might not like the Soviet system, the free world was built on recognition of differences, and that other societies had the right to experiment. He urged revision of American policies toward "dynamic peace", meaning that Americans should not rally to defense of the status quo of the American system just to spite the Russians, but rather should seek to make the system better.

The piece thinks that this category of Americans, including the Republican Old Guard, might extend to those who clamored loudly for states' rights while compiling a record of negative action on the world stage, demanding a return to "normalcy". Failing to change the American system to meet current challenges would tend to enervate the system's ability to deal with Russia and make inevitable the revolution which the Soviet leaders insisted was necessary for world progress.

This notion of "dynamism", incidentally, was not new with Mr. Dulles. He had championed the idea in 1944, as elucidated by Marquis Childs, and, in 1939, had regarded the Nazis and Fascists as the "dynamic" forces in Europe against the stolid, "static" forces of the status quo in the West.

"A Feeling in the Air" tells of the changing of the season to fall through the Carolinas, including the coming of the season of nuts at Raleigh's Capitol Square, where squirrels were gathering their acorns for the coming winter.

There was no frost yet in the air, but preparations had to be made for the flora to endure it. The dove and quail hid in the underbrush from the hunter's prying eyes.

Far to the north, Arctic blasts of cold air swept down during the week, pushing cool air masses on their journey toward the South, to bring the late October chill across the rolling hills.

It was October again.

"Freedom to Read" tells of the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Public Library having amassed an impressive audio-visual collection to complement its book collection. The director, Hoyt Galvin, had recently stated that neither he nor his staff would engage in any form of political censorship of books chosen for the library. But he would hold back books based on inferior quality, even if they happened to endorse unpopular ideologies.

The reading room had all manner of books and publication, The Nation, for instance, alongside The National Defense News, a very conservative organ published by the DAR.

Mr. Galvin recently reported to the newspaper that the Progressive Party had asked him not to include in the collection Red Sepulchre, an anti-Russian work, but he had resolved not to ban it. He told of the incident being the first time any such ban had been requested during his time as director.

The piece regards Charlotte as fortunate to have such a director for its public library.

Drew Pearson tells of the case of the American Bosch Company of Springfield, Mass., operating under ostensible Swedish ownership during the war pursuant to an arrangement with the company's German directors whereby the company would be given back to Germany after the war and the Swedish company provided $650,000 for acting as the front to hide German ownership. The entire scheme was arranged by John Foster Dulles as a partner of Sullivan & Cromwell in New York, with Mr. Dulles drawing up the agreement with the Enskilda Bank of Stockholm, incorporating the company in Delaware and having the power to appoint a successor trustee in the event the named trustee should cease to be able to perform his duties. Now the matter was in Federal District Court in Washington and the Government had asked the head of the bank to testify regarding the scheme, a move which Sullivan & Cromwell actively was opposing. It was being suggested that Mr. Dulles wanted to block the move until such time as a Dewey administration could take power, at which point it was believed he would be appointed Secretary of State. The entire deal had transpired without Mr. Dulles ever alerting the Government, despite his being a delegate to the U.N. Charter conference in 1945 and having been Mr. Dewey's foreign affairs adviser during the 1944 presidential campaign as well.

Mr. Pearson notes that Senator Styles Bridges opposed the appointment of Mr. Dulles and warned that the Senate might not confirm him.

Mr. Dulles would eventually become Secretary of State under President Eisenhower in 1953 and remain in the position until his death in 1959.

Congressman Jasper Bell of the President's home district in Missouri was retiring from Congress. Earlier in the year, it had come to light that he carried his daughter on the payroll of his staff. He then quickly removed her, until he decided not to run again, at which point he reinstated her.

Congressman Cliff Clevenger of Ohio had his wife on his paid staff and she did little or nothing in the position.

Congressman John McDowell of HUAC had fifteen dollars worth of new underwear stolen before he could try it on.

Former court jester George Allen had contributed $200 to the Truman campaign. Mr. Pearson suggests that he may have figured that he had done enough by getting his friend General Eisenhower to withdraw from consideration as the GOP or Democratic nominee.

ERP administrator Paul Hoffman had vowed to keep the books open to the public, disappointing many companies who hoped to deal with ERP in private.

Joseph Alsop discusses whether the U.S. would make the effort necessary to fill the military vacuum in Europe, possibly the greatest issue facing the next President and the next Congress.

The WEU had responded to the Berlin crisis by underscoring the urgency of the problem, agreeing on a common strategy and pooling of their forces under a unified command. But it would remain a paper agreement unless and until the U.S. actively backed it, as the five WEU nations, Britain, France and the Benelux countries, did not have the military capacity to stop the Red Army.

Yet, the Russians, with 350,000 troops scattered throughout Eastern Europe, could not sweep to the Atlantic in a short time as commonly supposed. Not all of them were combat troops and before they could form an attack force, supply lines and stockpiles had to be established, a task requiring weeks or months, during which time such action would be apparent to the West. The preparations could be undertaken but it would thus supply warning to the West.

The WEU estimate of required strength was 40 to 45 first class divisions, sufficient, with superior air power, to hold back the Russians long enough to enable organization for counterattack. The men were available in Western Europe but not the equipment. The U.S. would have to supply it and the air power.

Secretary of Defense James Forrestal had recently warned that some form of economic controls would be necessary in the country if the military budget much exceeded the 15 billion dollars currently being sought. Thus, some of the unpleasant wartime restrictions would have to recur for there to be security in Europe.

Mr. Alsop ventures that Andrei Vishinsky's claims that arming of the WEU would be a prelude to aggression against the Soviets would be echoed by Henry Wallace and his Communist supporters, a charge which was a lie. It would be sheer idiocy to throw only 40 divisions at the the Red Army, as it would only constitute a holding operation for a narrow front.

James Marlow tells of the four-power arrangement in Berlin having given the Western powers a foothold deep inside the Russian occupation zone of Germany, much to the consternation of the Russians, prompting their abiding determination to make life so difficult for the West that the three powers would evacuate. About 2.5 million of the 3.5 million Berliners lived within the Western sectors of the city.

In 1946, a four-power agreement allowed Berliners to elect their own city council. The Soviet-backed Socialist Unity Party won about 20 percent of the vote, giving the non-Communists a super-majority on the Council. Thus, during the previous summer, the Russians had encouraged Communist-led Germans to try to destroy the Council with riots and mob violence, preventing it from meeting for a short time. Most of the Council members had to flee to the Western sectors.

On August 2, Premier Stalin had said that the Western powers no longer belonged in Berlin, but also insisted that the Russians were not trying to force them to leave.

Since June 26, the blockade had been in place, requiring all supplies to come via the air lanes from the West into Berlin. Rail, boat, and vehicular traffic was prevented from entering from the West. Thus far, the airlift was able to meet minimal needs of the Berliners dependent on these supplies of both food and coal. But supplying the greater needs through the winter remained problematic.

Were the Western powers to quit Berlin, they would leave the 2.5 million West Berliners to the Russians, but it would not necessarily mean that they would have to quit all of Germany.

Samuel Grafton, no longer carried by The News, finds the issue to be decided by the U.N. Security Council during the week not just to be whether the West or Russia was right in the Berlin crisis, but, ultimately, whether men of different minds could live in peace. The current week, he suggests, would therefore be remembered into the future by the world with gratitude, provided the Council would seek to discover not who had started the fight but whether peace was possible.

Man, himself, was being judged, not Russia or the West. The people were tired of demonstrations that one side was right and the other wrong. The people had died in such demonstrations over the course of the previous five millenia. Instead, they wanted to know how to live. For, if someone were proved right and someone else, wrong, the people were afraid that men would die as a result.

The Security Council thus had to call upon Russia and the West to make peace. It would be entitled to invoke righteous indignation to make its points.

"And if, by some miracle, the United Nations does this, then we may feel that while we may not yet have the answer as to whether mankind is right, we have at least a voice in which to ask the question, and one in which, perhaps, some day to say the answer."

Ed Sullivan, incidentally, of the same page per otre vie, tells of a 1942 vote on the poll tax ban legislation by then Senator Truman and Senator Barkley recording negative responses, "despite Truman's present exploitation of the civil rights issue." He also records that Georgia begged to differ with Governor Thurmond that he would amass 127 electoral votes in the election, as Governor-nominate Herman Talmadge had endorsed the President, as had the Georgia Democratic Party.

He further tells of Joe E. Brown, at an honorary dinner, giving one of the most moving accounts of what show business meant to him that Mr. Sullivan had ever heard as a reporter.

A letter from twice-failed Republican candidate for Congress P. C. Burkholder remarks negatively on the statement of Secretary of Agriculture Charles Brannan that the New Deal had been a boon to agriculture and the farmer. Mr Burkholder thinks it the opposite.

Have some buttermilk and go to bed.

A letter from an attendant at Morganton State Hospital finds it objectionable that every story printed regarding a man who had assaulted a ten-year old girl had included his employment as being at the Morganton facility. He thinks that the man's entire employment record should have been provided so as not to reflect unduly on the facility for the mentally ill.

A letter writer thinks that the President had not been specific in saying to whom he was going to give hell. The writer thinks that he meant the Democrats who had walked out on him at the convention.

The President had not a chance to win, he says, because of his "race legislation", and the President knew it. The writer says that he was a loyal Democrat but would not vote for Truman. Governors Thurmond and Wright were going to get all the "good Democrats back in line". He urges all people to vote or the "other crowd" would win.

We think that the President meant that he was going to give hell to the Republican Congress as that theme dominated his recent speaking tour. But you are free to believe whatever you want in this country and, obviously, you will.

A letter writer briefly responds to the editorial of September 30, "What Are the Dixiecrats?" with the simple reply, "They are Mugwumps, sir."

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