Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Fourth Ukrainian Army had taken Yevpatoriya, 42 miles north of Sevastopol, along the west coast of the Crimea, while the Army under the command of General Yeremenko took Feodosiya, 100 miles to the east of Sevastopol, held by the Germans since June, 1942. The Russians had now occupied two-thirds of the peninsula in just six days.

To the northwest of Odessa, the Russians captured Tiraspol and Falticeni.

General quiet pervaded the fronts in Italy, while Nazi activity appeared to increase in the Garigliano sector southwest of Cassino, taking the form of increased mine-laying activity and regrouping of Nazi forces in the area.

General MacArthur indicated that with Hollandia in northern Dutch New Guinea now effectively destroyed with bombs, the attention of his bombers was now directed to the airfield at Hansa Bay, 350 miles southeast of Hollandia and 100 miles from the nearest Allied position approaching the northeastern Papua New Guinea Japanese base at Madang.

In India, the Japanese had established a position northwest of Imphal to complement their position to the southwest.

The British meanwhile were making progress in clearing out some of the Japanese roadblocks along the road between Kohima and Dimapur, north of Imphal.

The Fifteenth Air Force, flying out of Foggia, Italy, struck, with about 500 bombers, a Messerschmitt factory at Gyor, Hungary, 70 miles northwest of Budapest.

The Eighth Air Force, in a raid of 500 bombers and 750 to 1,000 fighters, hit aircraft plants at Augsburg and Oberpfofpenhofen, as well as other targets at Lechfeld and again the ball bearings plant at Schweinfurt in Germany.

The night before, the RAF struck Budapest.

Secretary of War Henry Stimson reported that over 26,000 Japanese had been killed in ground operations in the Southwest and Central Pacific in recent months, including between 11,000 and 12,000 in the Central Pacific during the previous 90 days, 5,370 on Bougainville during the previous month, 4,679 on New Britain since the mid-December landings, 1,053 in the Saidor sector of New Guinea, and 2,062 in the Admiralty Islands.

Captain Richard Bong was officially credited by the Air Force with having the highest kill record thus far in history at 27 planes shot down while in the air. Captain Don Gentile, operating in Europe, had thirty kills, but seven were on the ground and not credited toward the record. Captain Gentile was reported this date to have been shaken up by a forced crash landing in England.

Captain Bong, operating in the Southwest Pacific, had obtained his two most recent kills over Hollandia. He had broken the record for World War II, held jointly theretofore by Captain Joe Foss and Captain Gregory Boyington, each with 26 bags, having tied the record of Captain Eddie Rickenbacker set in World War I.

A mentalist, Joseph Dunninger, popular on radio, appeared in New York City before a magistrate, charged with overtime parking violations. When asked by the magistrate what she was thinking, Mr. Dunninger promptly replied that it was that she intended to send her daughter to Oberlin College in Ohio. She responded, "Amazing." Then, as quickly, asked him whether he could read her mind as to the fine. He said that he could and realized he could not alter it. And so it was, four dollars.

Dan De Luce, in the "Reporter's Notebook" column, writes of Sad Sam from the Bronx, a former odds maker for the fights in the Garden and the horses at the track, now in the Army. His assignment was to photograph the action on the Italian front, at Cassino and Anzio.

When he wasn't on duty, he mixed drinks for the men, consisting of various fruit juices. At five minutes to 10:00, when his "champs" had to turn in for the night, he had them play a game whereby the last man to add two numbers and not obtain the sum of either seven or eleven had to buy the last round. He then joined them in song, acquired the previous year at Mareth in Tunisia from some South African pilots.

The song went:

Hy zigga zimba, zimba, zimba;
Hy zigga zimba, zimba zah.

Hold him down, you Swazi warrior;
Hold him down, you Zulu chieftain
Chieftain…Chieftain…Chieftain.

By the time the song was finished, the fruit juice had been consumed. Sad Sam told Mr. De Luce that life in the Army had its compensations.

Well, they do indeed. For we have, believe it or not, heard this song many, many times, and heard it since we were very young, very wee indeed, sometimes while we did bleed. The lyrics were slightly different, the tune obviously the same. That with which we are familiar goes something like this.

Bet you didn't know that was a South African native Zulu song, no doubt imported after the war by some of the returning veterans, more likely than not transmitted via Billy Arnold, that is, Billy Arthur, to the marching band for its transformation and adaptation to the theme anent the Magical Campus. You learn something new everyday here at the Charlotte News of 1944. So stay tuned.

We expect Woody Durham, next football season, properly to provide the provenance of the song so that all may be so enlightened, attributing the source, Sgt. Samuel Hanerfeld, a.k.a. Sad Sam, of 1745 Davidson Avenue, the Bronx, N.Y., acquired from South African pilots at Mareth, Tunisia in early 1943, transmitted via Associated Press reporter Daniel De Luce, corresponding from Italy on April 10, as printed in The News, April 13, 1944.

Just say you read it in the News. Thank ye very much.

You may now have your fruit juice and go to bed. Be sure to use a straw. Zumba, zay.

7-4.

On the editorial page, "The Picture" provides the general platform outlined by gubernatorial candidate Dr. Ralph McDonald, as he officially began his campaign in Winston-Salem. He favored better everything in the State, a progressive platform which the piece asserts was not so disturbing as it had been thought when he first ran for governor in 1936, at a time when his program was deemed dangerously liberal. Now, by and large, it had been incorporated into State government by Governor Broughton.

But, to become more progressive in building schools, roads, and otherwise improving infrastructure of the State, required money. And it was not clear how Dr. McDonald intended to raise the revenue, especially given his goal of eliminating the state sales tax, without a sound and generally acceptable proposal of any replacement.

"New Tune" comments on the quick healing of the Democratic Party rift which had arisen in February between the President and Senate Majority Leader Alben Barkley re the President's veto of the too small tax bill. Now, Senator Barkley had risen in New York at the meeting of the Democrats heartily to endorse the President for a fourth term. It was, wryly suggests the piece, nothing short of a miracle cure.

"All Quiet" reports under control the vice situation in Charlotte, insofar as causing venereal disease at a high rate at Morris Field, as before had been reported by Army officials to the city complaining of the tolerance for vice, causing the highest rate of disease among soldiers of any base in the country. The Army was now satisfied with the results of the ameliorative efforts by the police department toward enforcement.

"What's This?" finds problematic the explanation offered the day before by Drew Pearson as to the reasons for Senator Josiah Bailey of North Carolina having endorsed Senator Harry Flood Byrd of Virginia for the Democratic presidential nomination. It is most disturbed by the report that a radio broadcast had been the final straw, prematurely announcing that Senator Bailey was lending his support to Senator Byrd, effectively cornering Senator Bailey into the endorsement. The piece asks rhetorically what if the announcer had substituted mischievously the name of Gerald L. K. Smith for that of Senator Byrd.

Of course, as we suggested, the endorsement was really a gesture of respect for a Senate colleague more than any wholehearted effort to get him nominated. Once Senator Bailey was cornered publicly, it was understandably difficult then publicly to desert his old friend by expressly denying his intent to endorse him.

As the piece points out, given the circumstances surrounding the endorsement, it was not surprising that Senator Bailey took no part in the Byrd-for-president meeting which had just taken place in Greensboro.

Drew Pearson reports of three meetings recently held on Capitol Hill regarding the war. One was before the House Military Affairs Committee in which General Hap Arnold, commander in chief of the Army Air Forces, told the committee that the war in Europe could not be won solely by means of air power.

The second, between Democratic Representatives John Costello of California and John Sparkman of Alabama, 1952 vice-presidential candidate with Adlai Stevenson, (provider of the remembrance of the Alabama Rooster), and Secretary of War Stimson, re the issue of continued deferral of essential war workers classified as 4-F, resulted in all three agreeing that the 4-F'ers should remain on the job.

The third meeting, also of the House Military Affairs Committee, heard from General Lewis Hershey, Director of Selective Service, that 4-F'ers in essential war services would have to lose their deferrals if the war was to be won in relatively quick time. The problem, he asserted, was that 71,000 men per month were being discharged from the service and only 45,000 being called up to replace them, leading ultimately to a manpower shortage. Thus, every available man under 26 was going to be needed.

Mr. Pearson next turns to the comical situation presented by two Senators, Kenneth Wherry of Nebraska and Tom Stewart of Tennessee, in their request to the War Production Board for distribution of nine extra tons of paper to the racy Police Gazette. With Bible publishers being cut back on available paper, it was a puzzle as to why two Senators from the Bible Belt wanted paper to get to a publication such as the Gazette.

Perhaps, it was so simple as the fact that Esquire had been banned from the mails during the fall by the Postmaster General, thus, no doubt, creating a tremendous shortage of semi-naked women available to the male eye for viewing. Even those in the Bible Belt like viewing semi-naked women, indeed, perhaps more so than males in other areas of the country for the general repression of sexual conduct in the South. Mr. Pearson had obviously never spent much time there.

Finally, Mr. Pearson finds three things striking to emerge from the Wisconsin Republican primary: that there was a trend, probably pervasive in the Midwest, toward a return to isolationism; that former Minnesota Governor Harold Stassen had cooperated with Dewey against Willkie; and that Dewey received the unsolicited support of reactionary isolationist Gerald L. K. Smith, but did not repudiate it until so late before election day that he benefited from the support.

Samuel Grafton proposes a toast to the new foreign policy enunciated by Secretary of State Cordell Hull in his radio speech of the previous Sunday, a policy which Mr. Grafton asserts had finally grown up and become tough on neutrals, such as Argentina and Eire, by insisting that they not deal in any manner with the enemy.

The speech, however, he offers, left one area cold, that of the European underground, especially in France and Italy, where the Western Allied foreign policy thus far was so unpopular as to produce animosity. So, before the toast could be deemed choate, Mr. Grafton finds the remaining sore spot in foreign policy to be one which portended problems.

Dorothy Thompson also examines the speech, finds it highly praiseworthy as clarifying or actually establishing a policy toward the French Committee of National Liberation, headed by General De Gaulle. For the first time, Secretary Hull made it clear that the Committee would be given every opportunity to establish a provisional government in France. The Committee was said to be joyful at the news.

Perhaps, suggests Ms. Thompson, it would attenuate some of the stress created by General De Gaulle's recent decree, abolishing General Henri Giraud's position as commander-in-chief of the French military forces for its being unnecessary, while providing General Giraud the honorary title of inspector general of the forces. General Giraud had refused to resign, contending the move to be against the republican constitution and laws of France, as well as that of the Committee.

Ms. Thompson also viewed the speech, by its declarations of clear intent to defeat all vestiges of Fascism, as opening the door of approbation to forces of progressivism in Europe, thus providing stimulus to underground movements, the vehicles for anti-Fascist activity.

Marquis Childs, in his continuing portrait of Thomas Dewey, tells of his conversation with a person of whom, he indicates, not too many people in the country had ever heard, John Foster Dulles, a senior partner in the Wall Street law firm of Sullivan & Cromwell. He remarks that Mr. Dulles, a good friend of Governor Dewey, would likely become his secretary of state should Dewey become president.

He explains that the grandfather of Mr. Dulles, John W. Foster, had been Secretary of State under Benjamin Harrison in 1892-93, that Mr. Dulles in consequence had early exposure to matters of foreign policy and was well-versed in same.

Mr. Dulles headed a committee, founded by the Federal Council of Churches of Christ, designed to formulate a durable peace. It favored a world organization authorized to use force and capable of doing so, plus international limitation of arms.

He was skeptical of treaties, such as that of Versailles. He believed that the only way to set a positive example to the world for democracy was to have a dynamic democracy within the United States. His view was that FDR had failed in bringing about such a model.

Mr. Childs believed that the views of Mr. Dulles, plus similar views expressed in three or four public speeches by Thomas Dewey in 1942 to the same effect, in combination with Governor Dewey's drafting of the New York State Republican foreign policy platform which advocated internationalism and squelching of nationalist movements as inimical to peace, all suggested bad news for the isolationists who thought that getting rid of Wendell Willkie would give them Thomas Dewey as the person through whom could be achieved the antithesis to internationalism.

Mr. Dulles, of course, indeed, would eventually become Secretary of State, in 1953 under President Eisenhower, so remaining in the position until his death in 1959. His policy with respect to Soviet Communism, the dominant theme of his tenure during the early Cold War years, was "brinksmanship", something which the Kennedy Administration actually wound up playing to the hilt in the Cuban Missile Crisis, albeit enforced by external circumstances, not imposed of its own free determination.

Allen Dulles, the brother of John Foster Dulles, became Director of the Central Intelligence Agency at the beginning of the Eisenhower Administration and remained in the position until 1961, forced to resign by President Kennedy after the disastrous Bay of Pigs operation against Cuba, which Mr. Dulles affirmatively had counseled.

While the policy advocated by John Foster Dulles in 1944 sounded progressive, in fact, in October, 1939, after the start of the war, he had made a speech in Detroit, stating: "I dislike isolation, but I prefer it to identification with a senseless repetition of the cyclical struggle between the dynamic and the static forces of the world. [I see] neither in the underlying causes of the war, nor its long range objectives, any reason for the United States becoming a participant in the war. Were we to act now, it would be to reaffirm an international order which by its very nature is self-destructive and a breeder of revolt."

By "dynamic" forces, Mr. Dulles meant Nazi Germany, and by "static forces", he referred to those of France and Great Britain. He generally favored this dynamic force of change, as he saw it, against a rigid system representative of the past in Europe.

Mr. Dulles, though not himself an America Firster, generally approved of the movement, of which his neighbor, Charles Lindbergh, was a prominent member.

Thus, when Mr. Dulles spoke in 1944 to Mr. Childs about America needing to set a "dynamic example of what democracy can do", he was talking about something entirely distinct from that which the words on their surface appear to suggest. He was not talking about liberal progressivism. He was, instead, talking about dynamic forces of the same sort he thought pretty much ducky when being carried forth in the fall of 1939 by Nazi Germany.

Allen Dulles, it is reported by the brothers' biographer, Leonard Mosley, in his 1978 book Dulles, from which the above quote is taken at page 99, cringed whenever his older brother used the word "dynamic" in speeches he was giving around the country during 1939.

The reputedly pompous John Foster Dulles, confirmed of that trait by none other than future Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas, who once interviewed for a job at Sullivan & Cromwell with Mr. Dulles and said he felt like tipping him after being assisted with his hat and coat as he departed, was essentially adopting the line of the Cliveden Set. That group of wealthy, influential aristocrats in pre-war England had sought to promote the idea that Nazism was a necessary evil to act as bulwark against the far worse evil of Soviet Communism. It was that mentality which led to the appeasement of Hitler at Munich, authored primarily by Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain whose wealthy and prominent friends made up the Cliveden Set. Mr. Dulles, in other words, was doing what came naturally, being a pompous, arrogant fool.

And he still was acting the part in 1944, obviously. Fortunately for the country, Mr. Dewey was not elected and he did not therefore have the opportunity to appoint his friend Mr. Dulles as secretary of state in 1945. Had it been so, we might still be fighting the Second World War, only very probably allied with Germany against Britain, France, and Russia. Mr. Dulles liked China and so, presumably, he would have favored General MacArthur continuing his campaign against the Japanese.

By pure coincidence, one of two quotes of the day following the piece by Marquis Childs was from Dr. Robert G. Sproul, president of the University of California at Berkeley, advocating a return to fundamentals, "to the disciplined education of our students, first as citizens and second as vocational specialists."

Subsequently, plentifully ironic, Sproul Plaza, named for Dr. Sproul, located at the Telegraph Avenue and Bancroft Way entrance to the campus, would become the locus in 1964 for that which became known as the Free Speech Movement, in protest of a ban on campus of political activities, reaching a head when a former graduate student, a member of the Congress of Racial Equality, sought to man a table in Sproul Plaza for the purposes of educating students to the Civil Rights Movement and attracting donations.

When asked for his identification by police, he refused, and was arrested. Students surrounded the police car and prohibited its departure from the plaza, where it sat with the arrested C.O.R.E. member sitting inside for the ensuing 32 hours, as speeches and protests continued, as they did for several months afterward.

The episode provided the first taste of notoriety to a then little known deputy district attorney in Alameda County, Edwin Meese. Mr. Meese conducted a mass arrest of the student protestors, thus exacerbating the problem, but giving Mr. Meese his claim to fame as a diligent enforcer of the public law against freedom of speech, enabling him then in the 1980's to serve under President Reagan as Attorney General, in which position he continued to suppress freedom of speech, anathema to Mr. Meese.

In any event, the roots of Ronald Reagan's political life, beginning with his run for governor of California in 1966, are traced to the adverse reaction in California to the Free Speech Movement, as well to other such causative factors of fear generated in some by that which they viewed, not out their well-protected windows, but from within the edited frame of reality perception generated by the confined scope of the television set, never a means for observing the world but merely a tool through which one can view a narrow sliver of light into it, always defined only by that which the cameramen and news producers want the viewer to see and perceive at any given moment. Beware when you watch it: you are always being manipulated.

But, there we go again.

5-2.