The Charlotte News

Tuesday, August 28, 1956

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Communist China had informed the U.S. that Communist Chinese planes had shot down an aircraft off the China coast the previous Thursday and that apparently there had been no survivors. Secretary of State Dulles reported this date that the Communist Chinese regime contended, however, that the shot down plane was a Chinese Nationalist plane, when a U.S. Navy patrol plane, with a 16-man crew, had been missing since the previous Thursday after reporting that it was under attack, with U.S. searchers having found wreckage and the body of one crewman with bullet wounds. At a press conference, Mr. Dulles said that in answer to an American inquiry through the British Embassy in Peiping, Communist China had conceded only that their Air Force fighters had shot down a plane in the general area at about the time the U.S. plane had been shot down. He said that the note had been entirely negative in response to the inquiry regarding the whereabouts of any survivors. He did not recall whether the Communists had stuck to a story previously broadcast via radio that a Chinese Nationalist plane had been "damaged" and then disappeared toward the sea. He said he assumed that everyone knew that the American plane had been shot down, following the discovery of the wreckage and the dead crewman, with apparently there having been no survivors. The Secretary did not indicate the next step the U.S. might take, saying that the Defense or State Department would make some announcement as soon as the facts became available. There had been some demands that the country communicate a strong protest to Communist China against the shooting down of the plane and perhaps take other action. The State Department had taken the position that it first wanted to obtain all of the facts.

In Birmingham, Ala., voters would indicate this date to what extent they would sacrifice control over public schools, parks and housing to preserve racial segregation, with two of six State Constitutional amendments being submitted to a statewide referendum designed as legal weapons to resist attacks on the traditional segregated society in Alabama. It was anticipated that about half of the 850,000 registered voters in the state would participate, with only a small turnout among black voters expected. The spotlight was on two of the amendments, dealing with the racial issue, with a third amendment dealing only with corporate income tax. One proposed change, dubbed the "freedom of choice" amendment, would remove both the constitutional obligation for State-supported education and the requirement for segregated schools.

In Richmond, Va., leaders of the administration of Governor Thomas Stanley introduced to the General Assembly this date 13 bills aimed at retaining Virginia's traditionally segregated public schools, with the key bill being one which would cut State support for integrated schools, which the Governor believed would bring about voluntary segregation. The Assembly had convened the previous day for a special session regarding the public school situation. The Governor, in an address to the Assembly the previous day, said that there ought be no reason to close any school in the state under the proposed legislation, placing blame for any school closures on those who would seek to enter a school operated for the other race.

A photograph appears of three male students of Clinton High School in Clinton, Tenn., holding signs in protest against any attempt to "intergrate" their schools. They just ain't a-gonna take it no more, nohow. They'll be a-votin' for whoever says they don't have to go to no intergrated schools. And that's that.

In Columbia, the South Carolina Democratic Party regulars had put down an attempt by some members to place independent electors on the November general election ballot. Following two close votes on the issue, a majority of the delegates to the reconvened state convention the previous day had shouted their approval to a resolution placing the national Democratic ticket on the ballot, deciding officially to return to the fold of the national Democratic Party for the first time since 1944. The action occurred despite the warning that a "gag-rule" on voting in the election would split the state party so badly that it would never heal. But the convention had hardly adjourned before a "South Carolinians for Independent Electors" movement had been hastily brought into being, with members of it having just left the state convention where they and others had been successful in attempts to give state Democrats the right to vote as they pleased without damaging their party standing. The group's first job would be to obtain the legally required 10,000 signatures to get onto the ballot.

In Hendersonville, N.C., Governor Luther Hodges stated this date, in an address before the annual meeting of the North Carolina Association of Chamber of Commerce Executives, that the people had to face the fact that North Carolina ranked very poorly in per capita income standing among the states, that in 1953, it had ranked 45th, outranked by six of the 11 Southeastern states. He said that the greatest problem was in the low per capita farm income, while also indicating that the non-farm per capita income was "nothing to shout about". He said that the state did not have the largest farm population, though ranking second in the total number of farms, that agriculture was in a great transition and the small farm or family-sized farm faced a very dark future. He said that the gap between income per farm person in the country and that in North Carolina was still very large, and that there was also plenty of room for improvement to boost the per capita income of non-farm people by increasing the diversification of industry and expanding existing industry throughout the state. He concluded his talk by touching on the public school segregation issue, discussing the steps which the state had taken to retain segregated schools, explaining the tuition grants program and local option features of the Pearsall plan, passed by the special session of the Legislature in July and which would go before the voters in a referendum on September 8.

In New Haven, Conn., the parents of three infants, whom a weeping 220-pound pediatrics nurse had admitted shaking to death, were preparing statements to provide to a coroner's inquest this date. The nurse's attorney said that they intended to have her examined by a psychiatrist, and probably more than one. Police indicated that the previous day, the nurse had admitted fatally injuring one child and that she had probably been responsible for the deaths of the other two. The parents had not known that their infants had died from other than natural causes until that point. The deaths dated back to 1948. The coroner stated publicly that the nurse had inflicted a head injury on an eight-week old baby and broken the leg of a three-month old girl, with police disclosing that the suspicious death of an 11-day old girl had triggered the four-day investigation. The police chief quoted the nurse as saying that she had shaken the infant violently because it had refused to take its formula. The woman had been a pediatrics nurse for 12 years and often lived with the parents of the children for whom she cared, not being connected with any hospital and neither a registered nor a licensed practical nurse. She said that she did not know why she had shaken the infants, that sometimes children got on her nerves, and that she ought to be put in the electric chair for what she had done. She was being held on a technical charge of idleness and placed under a $50,000 bond.

In Greenville, S.C., a bandit held up at gunpoint a drive-in branch of a savings and loan association during the morning and fled with between $2,500 and $3,000 in cash. The clerk had gathered a stack of bills and handed it to the bandit, and he ordered her to return to the safe for more money, but the clerk said that there was none there. The bandit then turned and exited, speaking to the manager as the latter entered, then fled in a 1945 Ford. He abandoned the car at a supermarket, which he entered, obtained change for a dollar and purchased two cigars, then went outside to a pay telephone, called a taxi, which had taken him to an intersection downtown where he got out. Police had converged on the area a short time afterward and conducted an extensive search of buildings within a four block radius, coming up empty. The automobile left at the grocery store had been traced to a man recently discharged from Donaldson Air Force Base, but his description did not match that provided of the robber.

In Charlotte, the price of coffee was going up this date, producing protests from housewives, following an announced increase in New York of four cents per pound the previous day. One large local grocery chain had reported prices on its four blends to have gone up simultaneously, with the new prices ranging between 89 cents and $1.07 per pound. Another chain announced that one brand, which had formerly sold for $1.02 had been increased to $1.05 per pound. A spokesman for a grocery chain predicted that all brands would increase in price within the ensuing 2 to 3 weeks, with the price hike also affecting instant coffees, which were usually 90 days behind the market. The regular two-ounce jar of instant coffee sold for about 55 cents, he said, with the six-ounce economy size selling for $1.50. (Dishwater is cheaper and just about as tasty and robust.) One housewife said that they drank coffee only for breakfast and would probably continue to do so. Another, however, said that she would be drinking less coffee and might eliminate it completely.

In Pebble Beach, Calif., the President this date left for Washington to resume Government business conferences and to map his campaign strategy for a second term, ending a 4 1/2 day vacation, during which the President had played golf at the Pebble Beach course, following the Republican convention which had concluded Thursday in San Francisco.

In Los Angeles, two bandits had held up a 30-year old postal clerk, but the latter assured police that he had only lost $10 and a $60 wristwatch, relating that one of the bandits had said to him: "Daddy, you've had it, man. Give us your bread, then you're as free as a bird." The other, looking at the money and the watch they obtained, said: "This wasn't much of a score, man. We didn't know you were from Brokeville."

In Denver, police had obtained a unique clue to the identity of a burglar who had failed in an attempt to loot a garage the previous weekend, as the entire floor of the garage had just been painted gray.

In Detroit, a woman named Eddie sought to have her name changed to Billie because her first name embarrassed her as people often confused it with a man's name.

In Austin, Tex., the mythical Joe Smith of the Nebraska delegation to the previous week's Republican convention, sought to be placed in nomination as the vice-presidential candidate, had received a write-in vote for governor, three for lieutenant governor and one for state representative in the Texas Democratic runoff primary the previous Saturday.

On the editorial page, "The Office Should Seek the Man" indicates that the campaign for the state's special judgeships could be as shamelessly boisterous and slickly rigged as any local slug-fest for a minor elective office and yet those appointed posts required the kind of person who was completely free from the "jerking puppet strings of political manipulators."

It finds the words of Governor Luther Hodges following his latest appointment of a judge, in the wake of several pressure drives involving recent appointments, to be refreshing. Vigorous campaigns had been waged on behalf of seven persons for the position, and the Governor said: "One day, I got 30 wires endorsing one man. He was well-organized." The Governor, however, had not appointed him because, he said, he did not usually give a judgeship to a man who tried to get it.

It finds his point to have been essentially that, regarding judgeships, the office ought seek the man and not the man the office. It believes that a sound philosophy and one which the Governor had extended to important posts other than judgeships. The Raleigh News & Observer had reported that a half dozen men had conducted organized campaigns for the post of State attorney general after it had become vacant recently following the appointment of the prior Attorney General, W. B. Rodman, to the State Supreme Court, but the Governor had not appointed any of the eager-beaver candidates. It applauds the effort, finding that such posts should not become popularity contests or left to political leaders and bosses or what had once been called the "invisible government".

It quotes from Elihu Root in 1915, saying that whether a President was appointing a judge or a governor was appointing a superintendent of public works, he wanted a man selected on the basis of ability to do the work, while the political boss urged the appointment of a man who would consolidate the boss's power and preserve the organization, principles which usually came into conflict. "The invisible government proceeds to build up and maintain its power by reversal of the fundamental principle of good government, which is that men should be selected to perform the duties of the office; and to substitute the idea that men should be appointed to office for the preservation and enhancement and power of the political leader. The one, the true one, looks upon appointment to office with a view to the service that can be given to the public. The other, the false one, looks upon appointment to office with a view to what can be gotten out of it."

Governor Hodges, it finds, had placed emphasis on the proper principle in his important judicial appointments and the result had been good for the judiciary and the state.

"An Uneasy Truce in South Carolina" tells of the loyalty to the national Democratic Party of Governor John Bell Timmerman, Jr., reflecting more than blind obedience to political orthodoxy, as South Carolina traditionally was far from orthodox.

A half-century earlier, Senator "Pitchfork" Ben Tillman had delighted his wool-hat followers when he swore that he would stick a pitchfork into Democratic President Grover Cleveland's "fat old ribs", winning the Senator his nickname. Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, while Governor, had led the Dixiecrat revolt in 1948, and in 1952, more than 50,000 South Carolina Democrats had filed a petition for an independent slate of electors supporting General Eisenhower.

But in 1956, the state and the South had virtually no place to go, as there was wide dissatisfaction with both parties, but no great enthusiasm for a third party, as there had been in 1948.

It finds something happening akin to that which Samuel Lubell had described in Revolt of the Moderates: "With a Republican in the White House the temperature of revolt would tend to go down since the need for an alternate party—to defeat the Democrats nationally—would have been served. Once the Democrats won the presidency, though, the thermostat would start up again."

Governor Timmerman and his South Carolina Democrats had not signed a peace pact with the national party but only a shaky truce. Dissidents were already circulating a petition to put together a slate of electors on the ballot other than those for the established parties. There would be no settling down of South Carolina politics or Southern politics in general until racial and economic issues settled down, which, it ventures, would be a long time into the future. Meanwhile, it could be expected that the South would remain a force for continuing and complicating the uneasy party balance of the nation.

"Replace Womankind with Machines?" indicates that Dr. Harry Olson and the RCA Research Center had determined that the future boss would be able to dictate letters directly to a phonetic typewriter which would convert the energy of speech into conventional letters, with RCA having already developed a model of such a voice-operated typewriter which was 80 percent accurate, Dr. Olson pronouncing it to be probably as good as the average secretary.

It finds that the conspiracy to rob the business world of its last direct link with the boudoir, the American institution of the pretty secretary, to be depriving industry of its last bit of feminine civilizing influence. "She may be a clock watcher, sandwich muncher, fingernail dauber, cigarette moocher, water cooler loafer and nonstop coffee breaker but she is female. Whatever the state of her face and figure she adds at least a modicum of glamor to the daily eight-hour rat race. To replace her with a mere machine is unthinkable."

It finds machines to be all right in their place, but never able to replace women, anywhere.

But she cannot come up with nearly as creative errors as can the Dragon on occasion, as entertaining as it is aggravating.

A piece from the Goldsboro News-Argus, titled "Want To Be a Bird Watcher?" tells of two of its neighbors having bird feeder stations which were immensely popular with the birds. One of the neighbors had saved crumbs and occasionally dried out a bit of meat, which he threw on his garage roof. In no time, the birds began arriving, with the pugnacious ones chasing the more timid away, the latter able to pick up only the crumbs which fell by the wayside.

The other neighbor mounted lids of cheese boxes in tall althea bushes at the edge of the yard, saving crumbs for the flock and occasionally adding a special lure by providing a commercial bird feed. On some mornings, several score of the birds would be feeding, while chirping about the homely meal station at the same time. That neighbor told the writer that it was necessary to keep the cats away from the yard to attract the birds.

It concludes that a bird feeder station could afford hours of delightful entertainment, that with a pair of binoculars, one could almost bring them to within reach, and could learn to identify them by color, detailed color, and form and habits, a lot of fun in the winter time.

Thank you very much for the suggestion, but we prefer to play or watch basketball.

Drew Pearson tells of the last day of the Democratic convention, during the selection of the vice-presidential nominee, having begun the story in the previous day's column, indicating that the Texas delegation had been holding their caucus between the first and second ballots when Pat Wiggins of one of the wire services had managed to smuggle her way inside, reporting that delegate Gerald Mann of Dallas had spoken up for Senator John F. Kennedy, greeted by boos. Congressman Wright Patman of Texarkana had spoken up for Senator Estes Kefauver, indicating that they could not "sell Kennedy in Texas", to which there had been some favorable reaction. Speaker Sam Rayburn was then called on, indicating that they had a choice between Senators Kennedy and Kefauver and that he was for Senator Kennedy. That had clinched the matter, and Senator Johnson had backed Senator Kennedy, with the boos, in the course of two minutes, having changed to unanimous approval for the latter based on Speaker Rayburn and Senator Johnson having asserted their choice.

Senator Kennedy had almost unseated Senator Johnson as the Majority Leader of the Senate by knifing his fellow Democrat, Congressman Foster Furculo, when the latter had run against Republican Senator Leverett Saltonstall of Massachusetts, resulting in the victory of Mr. Saltonstall, enabling Senator Johnson to cling to his leadership by a one-vote margin. Old guard hatred of Senator Kefauver was intense, however, and Senator Johnson wanted to block him.

On the second ballot, votes began to pile up for Senator Kennedy, causing some within the Illinois delegation to throw 46 votes to the Senator, interpreted to mean private support by Adlai Stevenson for Senator Kennedy. But Chicago boss Jacob Arvey had told leaders of Senator Kefauver's campaign that he was for their man, albeit switching to Mayor Robert Wagner of New York in deference to Tammany boss Carmine DeSapio. "Charming Irish Mayor Richard J. Daley" had swung most of the Illinois delegation to Senator Kennedy. Bill Connors, boss of Chicago's 42nd ward and the alternate to Mr. Stevenson within the Illinois delegation, had also voted for the Senator. At that point, a bandwagon had developed for Senator Kennedy.

Meanwhile, in the Stock Yards Inn, Senator Kennedy, still in his undershorts, lay on his bed and watched his vote pile up. He had planned to take a bath and the water was still running. New Jersey switched its vote from Mayor Wagner to Senator Kennedy, as the bandwagon continued.

But in a nearby room in the same inn, Jiggs Donohue had urged Senator Kefauver to talk to Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota and persuade him to withdraw from the race. At that point, at the urging of Mr. Donohue, Senator Kefauver went to the convention hall and, half hiding his face, went to Senator Humphrey's office. During most of the second ballot, the two rivals had sat together watching the scoreboard. Repeatedly, Senator Kefauver and Mr. Donohue had urged Senator Humphrey to withdraw, as he was losing delegates on every change of delegation vote. But the Senator continued in the race.

On the convention floor, there was bedlam. California had passed, having earlier caucused with the result that Senator Kefauver had 33 votes, Senator Humphrey, 23.5, Senator Kennedy, 10.5, and State Attorney General Pat Brown, one. After the first ballot, Mr. Brown, delegation chairman, sought to caucus on the floor and the confusion had been terrific. Bill Malone, boss of San Francisco, continued to demand that the delegation switch to Senator Kennedy, while Congressman Jack Shelly, a member of the Teamsters Union, had asked to make a speech to the delegation on the floor, which he did, telling them that there was a chance to make a vice-president. Jim Farley had come over from the New York delegation, also urging them to take advantage of the chance to elect a vice-president. Congressman John McCormack of Boston leaned over the California delegates and also made the plea, despite Mr. McCormack and Senator Kennedy having been rivals for political control of Boston. Ben Swig, owner of San Francisco's Fairmont Hotel, demanded support for Senator Kennedy, while Congressman Shelly began shaking his fist, urging the delegation to make it unanimous for Senator Kennedy. Supporters within the delegation of Senator Kefauver almost knocked Mr. Brown down. Congressmen James Roosevelt and Clair Engle, and George Killion surrounded Mr. Brown and made sure that he did not announce the unanimous vote for Senator Kennedy before the ballots had been counted. Dan Kimball, former Secretary of the Navy, switched his vote to Senator Kennedy. Meanwhile, Congressman Roosevelt urged waiting to see what the Tennessee delegation would do, as it could change the whole convention vote. Messrs. Killion and Roosevelt prepared to announce a big majority for Senator Kefauver. But Dore Schary of MGM threatened to challenge the vote if they did so. Finally, Mr. Brown got on a chair and yelled at Speaker Rayburn, waving the California standard, but could not obtain recognition.

At that point, Senator Kennedy was ahead of Senator Kefauver, within 38.5 votes of the majority needed for nomination, 686.5. Senator Kennedy turned off the water in the bathtub as it was about to run over, deciding not to take a bath after all.

He concludes that the inside story of that last day would conclude the following day.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop find the virtue in having the Republican convention begin just after the end of the Democratic convention to have been that it afforded immediate contrast between the two events, enabling the weaknesses and strengths to be seen in stark relief.

They cite as example the competing personalities among the Democrats, with two front-rank candidates, Adlai Stevenson and Averell Harriman, with Senator Lyndon Johnson likely to be a front-rank candidate in 1960, and the strength of the second level shown by the vice-presidential race, primarily between Senators Kefauver and Kennedy, with Senators Albert Gore and Humphrey also in the race before withdrawing. There were also plenty of talent among the political organizers, including James Finnegan, manager for Mr. Stevenson's campaign.

By contrast, the Republicans had become a one-man party, that of the President, though not typifying the Republican viewpoint as had the late Senator Robert Taft. Many of the delegates who had appeared wholeheartedly for the President at the convention sharply disagreed with his policies. He would be opposed by most of the Republicans in Congress should he ever seek to implement the foreign affairs parts of his acceptance speech, though they were now enthusiastically supporting him as they needed to ride his coattails in the 1956 elections. The President was the only Republican capable of winning a national election. After four years in the White House, the party had become poorer rather than richer in notable personalities of national stature. If the President were to win again, the greatest Republican problem would be to develop men who could carry on where he would leave off, not an easy problem to solve.

But the Democrats were poor and the Republicans rich in issues, having occurred because of the astuteness of the President. Had the party been left to itself, it would certainly have spent its time manufacturing issues for the enemy, in the manner of the 80th Congress. The President, however, had undertaken wise and moderate action in many areas, from social welfare to the administration of the labor laws, capturing Democratic issues.

The Democrats were left only with the health care issue and regionally important farm and public power issues on which to build electoral strength. The Alsops attribute the problem not only to the astuteness of the President but also to the Democrats, themselves, by forgetting that political issues did not lead an independent existence, that issues had to be made, primarily, by the opposition, which they had neglected to do because the task of making issues would almost always be unpleasant and controversial at the outset.

Doris Fleeson finds the Republican future to be in Vice-President Nixon, the undisputed heir-apparent to President Eisenhower's legacy. Harold Stassen had not developed at the convention any other challenger when he sought to displace Mr. Nixon on the ticket with Massachusetts Governor Christian Herter—who, by withdrawing his name from consideration, had earned his sought appointment as Undersecretary of State and, eventually, at the death of Secretary Dulles in 1959, as the latter's replacement, as predicted by Drew Pearson recently. Henceforth, power would gravitate toward Mr. Nixon as he represented the youth of the party, especially given the President's health issues and age, plus the fact that he could not seek a third term.

She finds politicians to be the modern Januses, turning one face toward the the present benefits and another toward the possible source of power in the future. (But which, in the case of the 1956 Republicans, bears the smile and which the frown? How about 1956 Democrats?)

Every segment of the party had contributed to placing Mr. Nixon in his position of opportunity and challenge, as he had not fixed his political stance or reflected a stable and coherent philosophy of government. She finds his detractors perhaps too harsh by contending that he had been merely packaged and merchandised by Murray Chotiner, responsible for the 1952 Checkers speech and his original nomination to the vice-presidency, as it would be impossible for any part of the party to prove from the record that the Vice-President reflected only one part of the spectrum of positions, having supported each of them at times.

She finds that the different party segments would now vie for his favor and that the decision to continue to support Mr. Nixon was the long-run story coming out of the convention.

A letter writer, taking his cue from "Ashley Cooper" regarding English as spoken around Charleston, S.C., says that he had come up with a sample from listening to the oratory of the two conventions—which you can read for yourself, for it makes little or no sense in the context he suggests. Guess you had to be there...

A letter writer says that the North Carolina delegation to the convention in Chicago had done a wonderful job and that the ticket would keep Democrats busy until election day. He finds that, in addition, there was much to do to recover the 10th Congressional District from Republican Congressman Charles Jonas, reminding that Governor Al Smith, in the 1928 election had caused the District to go to the Hoover Republicans and the father of Mr. Jonas, for four years, until returning it to the Democrats, before former Congressman Hamilton Jones had done "more rocking than work." Democratic candidate Ben Douglas favored the hee-haw over the elephant and he believes that he would win. He says that food prices were at an all-time high, wondering why the 11-cent loaf of bread had gone to 19 cents, while wheat had been reduced in price from four dollars a bushel to two dollars while Mr. Jonas and President Eisenhower had been in office.

A letter writer says that he was not a party man and believed in a two-party system, that if he did not like the nominee or platform of a party, he did not sing the praises of either. He thinks that both parties in 1956 had the best platforms possible regarding civil rights and other domestic policies, that both parties had dedicated themselves to a better country for all and that regardless of which party would win in November, he believed the nation would be in safe hands for the ensuing four years. "So, why worry?"

Guess it's therefore okay just to stay home and not vote?

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