The Charlotte News
Wednesday, August 15, 1956
TWO EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from the Chicago Democratic national convention that platform drafters early this date had agreed 12 to 5 on a civil rights plank described by most of them as moderate enough to avoid serious party infighting. The five dissenters were Southerners who had cast only a "token protest for the record." Informed sources said that the proposed plank referred to Brown v. Board of Education in general terms, but avoided mentioning the decision by name. Southern delegates had threatened a fight and probable loss of Southern votes in the general election if the civil rights plank had given specific support to Brown. Representative Emanuel Celler of New York had reportedly offered several amendments in an effort to strengthen the plank as demanded by groups advocating strong civil rights measures. But they had been shouted down by the other platform drafters, anxious to preserve harmony. Reported to have cast token negative votes on the plank were Governor J. P. Coleman of Mississippi, Senator Sam Ervin of North Carolina, former Governor John S. Battle of Virginia, Vann H. Kennedy of Texas and Representative Brooks Hays of Arkansas. Voting with Mr. Celler for the civil rights plank had been the committee chairman, Representative and Whip John McCormack of Massachusetts, Grace Hudslin of Oklahoma, Emma Guffey Miller of Pennsylvania, Representative Gracie Pfost of Idaho, Representative William Dawson of Illinois, Governor Paul Dever of Massachusetts, Senator Theodore Green of Rhode Island, Representative John Moss of California, Senator Joseph O'Mahoney of Wyoming, former Representative Jennings Randolph of West Virginia and Thelma Parkinson Sharp of New Jersey. Rounds of applause from behind closed doors had given reporters advance indication that the final session on the plank had been harmonious. Mr. Celler, as he left the morning session, had said: "This is an extremely liberal platform, the most liberal platform that the Democratic Party has adopted in my experience. I voted for it and I will support it." The piece indicates that a moderate civil rights plank undoubtedly would advance the chances for nomination of Adlai Stevenson. Eleanor Roosevelt, a strong supporter of Mr. Stevenson, had been selected as chief architect of the civil rights plank by Representative McCormack, who had been chairman of both the 108-member platform committee and its 17-member drafting subcommittee.
Mr. Stevenson had taken a long stride this date toward clinching the nomination by obtaining a commitment of 31.5 of Michigan's 44 votes at the convention, as the Stevenson forces broke through the ranks of favorite-son candidates at the convention, when Governor G. Mennen Williams of Michigan had thrown his support behind the former Illinois Governor at a delegation caucus. The other votes were divided between Governor Averell Harriman of New York, who received 11, and Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, who received a half vote, with one remaining uncommitted. Technically, the delegation was bound by its state convention to vote for Governor Williams on the first ballot, but the Governor had said the instruction could be waived and he would urge a unanimous delegation vote for Mr. Stevenson. The Stevenson forces expected later in the day to obtain majority support from New Jersey's 36-vote delegation, with state leaders predicting that Governor Robert Meyner would announce that he was supporting Mr. Stevenson and withdrawing as a possible favorite-son candidate. In addition, there might be an effort to bring the 32 votes of the Tennessee delegation into line behind Mr. Stevenson, as that delegation was currently pledged to Governor Frank Clement, who had delivered the convention keynote address on Monday night, and was believed to be angling for the vice-presidential position on the ticket. While there were no commitments, the Stevenson forces had obtained the public word of Governor Frank Lausche of Ohio, that state's favorite son, that he was not supporting Governor Harriman for the nomination. The undecided Wisconsin delegation had given Mr. Stevenson a four to two edge over Governor Harriman in a poll of its 28-vote delegation. The head of the Colorado delegation stated that he might announce that all of the state's 20 votes would be cast for Mr. Stevenson and allow supporters of Governor Harriman within the delegation to challenge him on the convention floor. The Associated Press tabulation at the current point showed Mr. Stevenson with 572.5 votes to 232.5 for Governor Harriman, other candidates with 314 votes, while 253 remained uncommitted, with 686.5 needed to nominate.
Former President Truman, in his effort to stop the nomination of Mr. Stevenson following his endorsement of Governor Harriman for the nomination, had stated this date that Mr. Stevenson could not defeat President Eisenhower in November. Mr. Truman's aides conceded that Mr. Stevenson was far ahead in the delegate count but that Mr. Truman was hoping for a series of ballots from which would result a deadlocked convention, out of which would emerge Governor Harriman as the nominee, whom the former President told newsmen this date could win. He said that he did not think Mr. Stevenson could win a single state beyond those he had carried in 1952. He said he would support him if nominated and try to help him win other states, but was trying his best to keep him from being nominated. An hour later, however, Mr. Truman told a radio interviewer that he was not trying to prevent Mr. Stevenson from being nominated but was for Governor Harriman. Mr. Stevenson had no public comment in response. James Finnegan, Mr. Stevenson's campaign manager, said that he did not think that Mr. Truman's stand would have any effect on the nomination of Mr. Stevenson. The Truman team expressed elation over the decision of the Tennessee delegation to back Governor Clement as its favorite son. The Stevenson camp had hoped to garner those 32 votes on the first ballot.
This night's convention schedule
In San Francisco, while ten Republican groups were working on the 1956 party platform for its convention, scheduled to start at the Cow Palace the following Monday, lobby conversations were hotter regarding the topic of the vice-presidential spot on the ticket. Governors Goodwin Knight of California and Theodore McKeldin of Maryland said again that they were "available", although assuring that they were not making any campaign for the second spot on the ticket. RNC chairman Leonard Hall had told a press conference the previous day that he still believed the ticket would consist of the President and the Vice-President, and was quick to defend Mr. Nixon against charges by the Democrats in Chicago that he was the Republican "hatchet man", so referred to by Governor Clement during his keynote address. At another press conference, Governor McKeldin said that he was not seeking the vice-presidential nomination and had so informed Harold Stassen, the presidential aide who was waging a "dump Nixon" campaign. He said that if he were asked by proper officials whether he would accept, he would, identifying "proper officials" as the White House. In Sacramento, Governor Knight repeated that he would feel honored to be nominated to the second spot. Harry Finks, a Knight-controlled delegate to the convention and a vice president of the California State Federation of Labor, said in Long Beach that he would place Governor Knight's name into nomination for the vice-presidency. Mr. Hall, in the midst of his press conference, had taken aim at former President Truman, saying that the keynote address on Monday by Governor Clement had contained "half-truths, distorting and some outright falsehoods," suggesting that Mr. Truman was back of that speech and had already set the tone for a rough campaign, which the Republicans, he said, would meet. Just bring out the hatchet man again.
In London, it was reported that Secretary of State Dulles had arrived this date for the 22-nation conference called to seek a solution to the Suez Canal dispute, following its seizure by Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser on July 26. Before departing Washington, Secretary Dulles had expressed the hope of "achieving positive results" in those talks, arranged by the U.S., Britain and France in the hope of bringing the strategic waterway under international control. Egypt had refused to participate in the conference. The latest problem confronting the Western Big Three was a reported Soviet scheme to junk the London talks before they began, with reports coming from Moscow that Soviet Foreign Minister Dmitri Shepilov planned to move for adjournment when the conference would open the following day.
In Miami, Fla., Hurricane Betsy had slowed to a snail's pace this date, greatly reducing the threat to the U.S. mainland, after it had swung to the north with indications of still more northeastward movement. The chief storm forecaster at the Miami Weather Bureau had said that New England had nothing to worry about from the storm. Meanwhile, a new area of strong winds and rain squalls far out in the tropical Atlantic had suggested a new storm forming in the section where Betsy had originated the previous Friday. That storm would be called Carla, the third of the season.
In Monticello, Utah, a cook had opened an oven door and the burst of heat from it had touched off an explosion which killed 15 persons and injured 25 others in a crowded café, demolishing the building. State experts had determined the specific cause of the blast which had occurred on Monday night, agreeing with local officials that it was obviously a gas explosion, but said that they were still without sufficient evidence to decide whether it was an explosion of natural gas or manufactured gas and that the investigation would continue. Less than 12 hours earlier, the café had switched from manufactured gas to the town's new natural gas system, and the old pipes for the transmission of the manufactured gas were still in the basement of the building.
In Greensboro, N.C., the missing 5,000 bricks had been found, after being left in a residential front yard where a truck driver had deposited them after he suffered two flat tires and needed to unload the bricks so that he could jack up his truck, subsequently returning to his workplace in Burlington to pick up a second load and a helper to help him reload the first load of bricks, but forgetting in the meantime where he had left them. The woman who had allowed her front yard to be used as the storage space said that she did not know who owned the bricks, but knew that the man who had unloaded them would be back sooner or later to pick them up. Glad you got that load of bricks resolved.
In Wolf Creek, Ore., a family, not in a bargaining mood, had made plans this date to begin operation of a toll road, 16.5 feet long, on the busy Pacific Highway. A logger and spokesman for his two brothers and a cousin had been surprised to learn that the Oregon Highway Commission, after two days of searching through its files, had admitted a mistake and that in fact the contested strip of U.S. Highway 99 had been overlooked in the past and the three brothers and cousin of the same family had a lawful claim to the property. The Commission was not impressed by the toll road idea and was ready to negotiate with the family to purchase the strip of land, the spokesman for the family saying that his attorney would handle any negotiations, but that they wanted to "sort of follow that along" regarding the toll road. The previous Sunday, the family had stretched a rope across their strip of land and placed a large "private property" sign on a long straightaway, ten miles north of the small logging community, delaying traffic for half an hour. The following day, they applied to the county clerk in nearby Roseburg for permission to operate the disputed strip of land as a toll road, even including a proposed rate schedule for livestock and wheeled vehicles. The spokesman for the family said that the Highway Commission had always "pushed the little guy around down here in southern Oregon … and it occurred to us that if we're paying taxes on the property we just might as well take it over." That is why the Founders were foresighted enough to provide in the Fifth Amendment for the taking of land by the long-established principle of eminent domain, provided "reasonable compensation" is paid for it by the Government. The family members would not be permitted to establish their toll road for very long. No, don't you stick out your tongues at us. If you don't like it, write James Madison and his fellows about it, or move to Argentina where you will feel much more comfortable without much of a Constitution in play, a government by men rather than laws.
On the editorial page, "Stevenson Remains the Logical Choice" indicates that sometime during the week, the Democratic convention would get around to the main business of its nominations for the presidency and vice-presidency.
Former President Truman would have had his moment and the platform would have been written, for good or ill, and the party accustomed to victory would face up to the problem of regaining its status by selecting leaders best suited to represent it to the nation. Victory was the party goal and a choice of leaders capable of competent handling of the nation's affairs, its responsibility.
Adlai Stevenson remained the logical choice for the presidential nomination, despite his "unfortunate statement on civil rights", having to be judged on the mass of his utterances and attitudes as a man of moderation who would place reason and compromise above political tempests of the times. He was a liberal without a trace of radicalism, an intellectual with demonstrated capacity in the pragmatism of government, part of his qualifications being his impatience with pat answers to complicated questions and with empty slogans, clichés and the clap-trap of routine partisan politics.
Long earlier, he had reminded the nation that the South should not be cast in the role of a pariah unwilling or unable to deal with the race problem, had seen the problem for what it was, a national failing, and had reminded other regions of their shortcomings. It indicates that he was not without faults, having been less than frank in his discussion of the farm problem, but that the faults dimmed when placed beside the "reckless and sometimes irresponsible attitudes" of Governor Averell Harriman, who appeared to make a "fetish of taking extreme positions in the eagerness of his ambition."
Senator Lyndon Johnson was a "born and bred candidate for the South and, beyond that, a skillful legislator with proved qualities of leadership." Except for his heart attack, he would make an excellent national candidate, but his role at the convention had to be that of a kingmaker rather than king, as a serious bid for the nomination at present would cause him to be tagged as a regional and therefore unacceptable candidate.
It was possible that none of the leading candidates would win the nomination, that a bitter division over civil rights could produce a deadlock and a dark horse candidate. If such a candidate were Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, the party would be in good hands, as he had been an excellent administrator both in government and in private business, and had made a good record in the Senate. But it finds it likely that the divisions which would bring forth such a dark horse would forfeit any chance of party victory in the fall.
It concludes that the party's overriding need in 1956 was to heal its divisions and present to the nation a candidate representative of its common beliefs and equipped by character, ability and integrity to be president if the people elected him. It finds that Mr. Stevenson appeared to fit that bill better than any other candidate given a chance at the convention.
"Give Drag Racers Stiffer Penalties" indicates that the State had no business supervising drag races and it sincerely hopes that it would not do so. Such was the desire of two Sampson County legislators who planned to ask the General Assembly in 1957 to charge the State Highway Patrol with the responsibility of setting up and supervising drag races on sealed off highways to provide youthful speed kings with a place to race safely and legally and teach hot-rodders responsibility.
It indicates that, doubtless, the two legislators were sincerely seeking a solution to a growing problem of suicidal races on the heavily traveled highways, but that their plan would not stand the test of experience and practicality and was only likely to enlarge the ranks of racers and lessen their fear of penalty.
The Motor Vehicles commissioner, Ed Scheidt, had offered a counter solution in the form of making highway racing a felony instead of a misdemeanor, so that heavier penalties could be meted out by the courts. Major Dave Lambert of the Patrol's enforcement division agreed with Mr. Scheidt's view that "drag racing in any way, shape or form is undesirable."
They quote from the state's teenage "roadeo" winner: "The ones who are going to 'drag' would do it anyway, and not just on a strip where racing is allowed." He was in favor of more safety education and the revocation of more licenses from reckless racers.
The piece finds that penalty rather than pacification was the best solution to the problem and that if present penalties were not having the desired results, they ought be stiffened. "The highways were not built as speedways, and highway patrolmen aren't hired to pamper reckless drivers."
A piece from the Richmond News Leader, titled "Pronouncing Guide to the Holy City", suggests that any Southerner knew that the most maligned thing in the world was the Southern accent. "To the TV comedian from New York, there is only one southern accent, and it consists of pure saccharin: 'Honeh chile, duz you-awl wahn meant in you-awlz joo-lip?'" Thus, if someone from Richmond to Houston talked almost like a dead automobile battery, one would be presumed to be to the manner born.
It indicates that there were as many Southern accents as there were Southern states, and, as every Virginian and South Carolinian knew, accents were likely to vary widely within the same states. Not even the drawl was common to all Southern accents. There were some accents in which words were pronounced quickly and melodiously. Anyone who had ever visited Charleston, S.C., knew that the drawl was not spoken there, though they had a Charleston accent which was unmistakable, "a kind of musical sing-song affair, in which the vowels achieve strange intonations."
Writing in the Charleston News & Courier, "Lord Ashley Cooper" had compiled a dictionary of Charlestonese, "for the use of tourists visiting the Holy City, from which the editorial selects a representative sampling.
Examples: "Abode—Wooden plank; A boot—Approximately; Air—What you hear with; Halo—Greeting similar to 'how do you do?' See 'Higher'; Higher—See 'Halo'; Mow—An additional quantity; Rum—An enclosed space within a building; Sex—One less than seven, two less than ate, three less than noine; Yawl—Made of address used by N'Yawkers when visiting the South." And, it provides mow, if yaw'll intrested.
Dough, a dear, a feemale dear—which somehow appears to relate back to the drag racing, but we say no more.
Drew Pearson, in Chicago, finds that politics in that city could be as changeable as the Canadian breeze off Lake Michigan or the hot wind off the prairies, "as clean as the tower along the lake front built on chewing gum or as putrid as the stockyards or as tawdry as the B-girl dives along Wabash Avenue. In brief, Chicago is unpredictable and so is convention politics."
In 1920, in a Republican convention held in that city, Warren Harding's name had been pulled out of a smoke-filled deadlock between General Leonard Woods and Governor Frank Lowden. In 1944, Senator Harry Truman was selected in a smoke-filled room to be the vice-presidential nominee to FDR, replacing on the ticket Vice-President Henry Wallace. Senator Richard Nixon's name had come from another smoke-filled room to become one of the more famous names in the nation, also occurring in Chicago, in 1952.
He tells of two men having sat down in a smoke-filled room in which neither smoked and neither proposed any deal, the two having fought each other through the Minnesota, Florida, and California primaries in the current year, during which they had said unkind things about each other, but in Chicago, had sat down and discussed things for 90 minutes. Senator Estes Kefauver had outlined the delegates he thought were weak and might not vote for Adlai Stevenson, the other party in the room, and also the delegates who were likely to follow his advice and support Mr. Stevenson, after he had announced two weeks earlier that he was withdrawing from the race and endorsing Mr. Stevenson. Senator Kefauver had gone over a political chart state by state while Mr. Stevenson listened, asking for nothing in return and Mr. Stevenson had offered nothing, a rarity in American politics.
Two days prior to the start of the convention, Senator Lyndon Johnson had no more idea of taking his favorite son candidacy seriously than he did of abandoning his campaign to help big gas and oil producers, but suddenly on the 23rd floor of the Hilton Hotel, carpenters began nailing together a Johnson booth, putting up placards for him and distributing red silk ribbons to anyone who looked like a Texan, which read "Love That Lyndon". Suddenly, Senator Johnson flew to Chicago after hearing from his old friend and mentor, Speaker Sam Rayburn, that Mr. Truman was going to endorse Governor Averell Harriman, which possibly meant a deadlocked convention and a race in which a dark horse could win the nomination. The announcement was to be at 3:30 that afternoon. So at 1:30, the Senator announced that he was in the race to stay. Mr. Pearson indicates that whether he stayed or performed only a holding operation for his friend, Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, remained to be seen. "In either event, cardiac Lyndon was missing no tricks even if he did not knock another prop out from under the best campaign issue the Democrats have, the health of cardiac Eisenhower." (Both men had suffered serious heart attacks in 1955, Senator Johnson on July 4 and the President on September 24.)
Marquis Childs, in Chicago, largely repeats that which the Alsops had stated the previous day regarding the decision of former President Truman to endorse Governor Harriman for the Democratic nomination, that he had been surrounded largely by hangers-on to his remaining political power during the four years since he had been President, such men as Judge Samuel Rosenman, who had convinced him that he could use his power to get Governor Harriman nominated and to get him elected President.
Governor Harriman also had played a key role, never missing an opportunity to flatter the former President and tell him that only the give-'em-hell type campaign could possibly win in 1956. But that was equating 1956 with 1948 when Mr. Truman had the full power of the Presidency behind him. (Take note, naive little Trumpies, and never harbor illusions that because he shares the first four letters of the Truman surname, your grand hero could ever be fit even to shine the shoes of Harry Truman, and remember that your hero has never once won the popular vote in any election, ever, not in 2016, not in 2020. But don't tell anyone that he has been solidly rejected each time he has run or you might be responsible for them having an instant confrontation with reality and trigger thereby an incipient nervous breakdown, waiting to happen in all of the Trumpies, divorced completely from any recognizable reality, supporting a man for the White House, who appears destined for prison in one or all four of the cases where he stands indicted for serious crimes. Meanwhile, one of the reality divorcees, Gomer, has come up with the bombshell of bombshells, that President Biden, while out of office in 2018, loaned to his brother $200,000, without interest, and was repaid that amount a couple of months later. Woe. That could have never happened with Trump, as he would never loan any such amount to a family member or anyone else, despite having started in adult life with his father's college graduation gift of a million dollars. Anyway, that a way to go, Gomer. You rung the bell.)
Whether the former President had been successful in stopping the Stevenson bandwagon would become known in the coming two days. The Stevenson strategists continued to believe that Mr. Stevenson would win the nomination, while frankly admitting that they doubted it would occur on the first ballot—as it would.
Except among the partisan supporters of Mr. Harriman, few delegates or observers at the convention believed the New York Governor could be fierce enough to obtain the nomination, despite him calling private conferences with prominent Southern Democrats to try to assure them that he was less radical than Mr. Stevenson on the race issue.
Mr. Truman, had, he finds, exacerbated the warfare between the factions of the party, those embittered might-have-beens who surfaced when a political party was out of power, bound to have a damaging effect in the fall despite the delegates eventually uniting behind Governor Stevenson.
He regards it as only an outside chance that a popular hero such as the President could be defeated in an era of high prosperity, and the chance had been reduced by a substantial degree.
President Truman had been obviously pleased with himself as he walked into the Blackstone Hotel ballroom to conduct a press conference to announce his endorsement of Governor Harriman, conducting his show at a meeting of his party. "This was power." He had a great deal to do with the nomination of Governor Stevenson in 1952 and he was now tapping another candidate. One of Mr. Stevenson's problems in 1952 had been standing far enough away from the Truman embrace so that he could speak on his own to the American people. While he admired the former President, he knew that he could never conduct the Truman-style campaign and he understood the handicap of many things in the Truman record, magnified by a critical press. He finds it easy to envision how Mr. Harriman, as the nominee, would be subordinated to Mr. Truman.
During the former President's recent tour of Europe, where he was received warmly and praised for the Marshall Plan, he had called on former Prime Minister Winston Churchill, exhibiting a striking contrast, as the latter had turned over direction of his party to others and made no public statements or interviews, his role in the 1955 general election having been to speak briefly to his own constituency in Commons and to campaign for his son-in-law Christopher Soames, carefully having shunned the spotlight.
Mr. Childs suggests that the former President might take a lesson from his old friend in retirement, but, at age 72, had instead taken on the role of kingmaker, often having broken those in the past who sought to do so and left them with a bitter sense of defeat and recrimination.
Joseph & Stewart Alsop, in Chicago, tell of the chatter at the convention surrounding what Senator Lyndon Johnson would do as the favorite-son candidate of Texas, potentially, in light of the endorsement of Governor Harriman by former President Truman, a commanding figure of the convention. Everyone, from the former President, to Governor Harriman and Adlai Stevenson, were courting him and deferring to his wishes, trying to determine his intentions and angling to discover his price for support.
The question was whether Senator Johnson would become the first casualty of his own triumph. "There is an intoxicating, a downright maddening ozone in the very air of a national political convention, particularly when you stand at the head of a large bloc of delegates and are the object of universal courtship."
Four years earlier, "one of the wisest men in American politics", Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, had reluctantly consented to become the candidate of the South, only wanting to reinforce the convention-time bargaining power of the Southern delegations. "But he breathed the dread convention-ozone. And before you could say Jack Robinson, Russell was stultifying his own record and convictions by a vain attempt to conciliate the labor leaders and so get Northern votes."
In the case of Senator Johnson, the danger was even greater as he had more to lose than had Senator Russell in 1952, for the latter had no hope of becoming a nationally acceptable Democratic candidate, while Senator Johnson could quite possibly become a serious leading contender for the nomination in 1960, provided he would handle himself well during the ensuing four years. The one thing which could ruin his chance, for which the Senator had been preparing for some time, would be a mistake at the 1956 convention, making an all-out attempt to obtain the nomination, while only able to do so as the candidate of the South, after which he would be in the same category as Senator Russell, universally admired and respected, but almost universally acknowledged to be unavailable as a presidential candidate because of the extreme Southern commitment.
Senator Johnson was playing his cards close to his chest, part of the bargaining power of any person in that position being the possibility that he might succumb to the convention-ozone. But as a politician, Senator Johnson was not only tough and wise, able to see the long-range picture, he was noted above all else for his realism and self-control, and so it was a good bet that he would not succumb to the ozone, although he would likely keep everyone on tenterhooks for as long as possible as to what he would do, perhaps appearing to want the nomination without seeking it in earnest.
They indicate that if it was a sound forecast, it told a great deal, at least in a negative way, about what the Senator wanted and would do, that what he wanted was to obtain a platform and a ticket which he could approve and one which would not split the party, meaning that his influence would be used to obtain a moderate civil rights plank. That would probably mean that any candidate wanting his support for the nomination would have to promise not to put any person opposed by Senator Johnson, such as Senator Kefauver, in the second spot on the ticket.
He could also not support Governor Harriman, but could help him by withholding Southern votes from Mr. Stevenson, but would likely not continue that sort of indirect aid if it began to appear that he was helping the nomination of Mr. Harriman.
A letter from Elmer Garringer, superintendent of the Charlotte City Schools, indicates that at the last regular meeting of the Board of Education on August 1, the Board had recognized the fine leadership which the local newspapers had shown in behalf of a sound program of public education, and had passed a motion expressing their recognition of that service and their appreciation for it. He indicates that not only had the News shown an intelligent understanding of what was needed for the community, but had also displayed keen interest in helping the public understand the importance of the program for the business, civic, and community life. The Board was particularly pleased with the expression of leadership in the proposed bond issue which would enable the Board to continue with its building program and make it possible for children to be cared for in a better fashion than double shifts and other devices which hindered the learning program.
A letter writer expresses the hope that the "cold war" being fought by the politicians of the North and South over civil rights would remain cold. He urges remembering that ambitious politicians often talked out of both sides of their mouths, that in the South, they would be for moderation, while in the North, for integration, which he finds Adlai Stevenson to be doing, until he would obtain the nomination, in which case, when he came to the South, he would be for moderation. He finds the same to apply to Vice-President Nixon. In the mountains of North Carolina, speaking before the church groups recently, the Vice-President had talked about moderation. But if he were to go to Harlem to make a speech before the election, he would talk out of the other side of his mouth. (Vice-President Nixon in Harlem? You must be smoking something really weird.) He urges that what was needed was more men such as Congressman Charles Jonas, "who doesn't use the civil rights issue to play politics." He believes that Mr. Jonas had made a splendid record in Congress and never talked out of both sides of his mouth.
He was very pleasing to this writer, no doubt, as he had signed the "Southern manifesto" of the prior March 12, one of the few Republicans to do so.
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