The Charlotte News
Friday, August 24, 1956
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from San Francisco that the President's nomination acceptance speech of the previous night at the Republican convention had fixed "peace for all time" as the goal of the Republican Party into the future. He had told cheering delegates, celebrating the centennial of the Republican Party, that it was not enough to promise "the young who fight the wars" that there will be "peace in our time"—the mocked proclamation of British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlain upon his return from Munich in September, 1938—, that there was only "one peace now, and that is peace for all time." He said that thermonuclear war had become "not just tragic, but preposterous. With such weapons, there can be no victory for anyone. Plainly, the objective now must be to see that such a war does not occur at all." He greeted "a brave and shining new world … a world in which back-breaking toil and long hours will not be necessary." Vice-President Nixon, in his acceptance speech shortly before the speech of the President, had said, "We have peace in the world today, but we are not going to rest on our laurels and be satisfied with the achievements of 3 1/2 years." "I Like Ike" balloons floated down from the ceiling and the President had joined in bouncing them around as he sat waiting through the preliminary ceremonies on the platform before his speech. First Lady Mamie Eisenhower carried a bouquet of red roses, as did Pat Nixon. (Note in the above-linked Life photograph, looking up Powell Street from the St. Francis Hotel at the President's arrival in the city on Tuesday, the presence in the motorcade of the "Queen Mary", the 1955 Cadillac utilized as the Secret Service trail car, to the right of the President's Lincoln, which would also be present in Dallas on November 22, 1963, immediately following the Presidential limousine that day. In September, 1975, Sara Jane Moore would shoot at President Ford from across the street, around the corner to the left, on Post Street.)
In Mineola, N.Y., the decomposed body of the kidnaped infant, taken from the backyard of his parents' home on July 4, had been found with a safety pin still intact in roadside shrubbery, 51 days after the kidnaping. FBI agents said that the confessed kidnaper, a cabdriver, had told them that he had abandoned the month-old infant on the day after he had taken the baby. The father of two children had been arrested the previous day by the FBI and Nassau County police, charged with kidnaping. He said that financial difficulties had led him to commit the crime. He had sought a $2,000 ransom. The site of the discovery of the body was alongside a cut-off road from the Northern State Parkway leading to Plainview, where the arrested man lived, eight miles east of the home from which the baby was kidnaped. Searchers had moved slowly through the underbrush in the area to which the arrested man had directed them and, after an hour and 15 minutes of searching, located the body, covered by vines and leaves in the intervening time. It was not known yet whether the child had died there or was killed before he had been abandoned. The district attorney said that even if the child had been alive when it was placed on the ground, it could constitute murder.
The wife of the confessed kidnaper said that she did not know whether he was guilty or innocent, describing the point of the arrest the previous day at their home, having no idea what was about to take place. She said that police had questioned her and told her that her husband had admitted writing the ransom notes to the infant's parents, and that if she saw her husband, he might tell her where he had placed the baby. She said that he had not talked much to her, admitted having written the notes but claimed not to have anything to do with the murder of the baby, and had said nothing further. She said that there were police present in the room while she was talking to him. She also said that the police told her that her husband claimed that there was another person involved in the kidnaping but that he would not say who it was, and told her that if he saw the person again, he would tell her the name of the person he was protecting. She said that their 10 1/2 years of marriage had been "pretty happy", but that in the previous few months, they had encountered financial difficulties, unable to make the August payments on their $15,000 home into which they had moved the previous May, in addition to other unpaid bills.
In Chicago, a banker involved in the scandal of the former State auditor, had pleaded guilty this date to 39 of 54 counts in a Federal indictment. It was through the bank that Orville Hodge, who had been sentenced to 12 to 15 years in State prison on the State charges and 10 years on Federal charges, to be served concurrently, after his pleas of guilty, had manipulated the cashing of fake State checks. A Federal grand jury had indicted the banker for conspiracy in the mishandling of $872,000 in Federally insured assets.
In Wurzberg, Germany, four American soldiers were sentenced this date to life imprisonment and three others to 40 years each for the rape of a 15-year old German school girl. They had been convicted by a U.S. Army court-martial the previous day for the attack on the girl in the woods of nearby Bamberg the previous July 9. The young girl had collapsed twice on the witness stand in describing how the soldiers had raped her while her companion, a 22-year old male student, was restrained. Her testimony was broken off and the nine-officer court had ruled that she could provide the remainder of her testimony by deposition from her bedside. Since she was not able to continue her testimony, the possibility of a death sentence was eliminated from the proceeding—due process, including confrontation of witnesses against the accused, apparently having been subject to some compromise at the time under military law.
In Gainesville, Fla., the 30-year old wife of a prosecuting attorney had been found shot to death in her home early this date, and authorities were seeking a deaf mute for questioning. Her husband had found her body beside the front stoop when he returned home shortly after midnight. She had been shot through the heart with a .32-caliber bullet. One of the couple's three children, a six-year old girl, had been watching television when her father returned home, having attended choir practice, then gone to his office and later to the Elks Club, then returned to the office with another person and worked there until midnight, preparing plans for a new office. He said that he found it strange that his little girl was still up watching television when he arrived home, but had put her to bed and then went through the house calling for his wife, receiving no answer, looked in the backyard and then around the front, where he saw her lying on her back on the walkway beside the stoop. He then called police. Rigor mortis had already set in and officers said the shooting apparently had taken place around 10:00. The deaf mute sought for questioning had been arrested the previous April 11 for trespassing at the country club where he had been employed as a maintenance man before he was fired by the club manager.
The Labor Department's Bureau of Labor Statistics announced this date that the cost of living had increased by seven-tenths of a percent in July for the second successive month, sending consumer prices to a record high and bringing wage boosts to 1.25 million workers under contracts with cost of living escalator clauses. Auto workers would receive a 4-cent hourly wage increase as would 90,000 electrical workers. The consumer dollar, in consequence of the increase, had lost more than a penny of purchasing power during the previous two months and two cents during the previous year. The BLS commissioners said that they were surprised, that they had not anticipated that the increase would be that much. The drop of one percent in purchasing power was the largest ever recorded for July.
In Winston-Salem, officials representing three Western Electric Co. plants in the state doing prime government work, had met with leaders of the Communications Workers of America this date in a last ditch effort to avoid a threatened strike, with the contract expiring at midnight this night. The international representative of the CWA had said the previous day that all of the strike machinery was set up and ready to go if a satisfactory agreement could not be reached by midnight, that they did not plan to work in the state during the year without a contract. The president of the CWA said in New York the previous day that the union had approved a strike against the three North Carolina shops, which employed 1,200 workers, referring to them as "sensitive radio shops", in Winston-Salem, Burlington and Greensboro, engaged in the manufacture of parts for the guided Nike missiles and for the Dewdrop part of the nation's electronic defense equipment. Should the strike occur, more than 18,000 workers in 44 states would be involved. Officials of the three North Carolina plants and the union had agreed to carry over 24 of the 36 points in the present contract, but two new points and 12 old ones had caused disagreement, with the company having flatly rejected both of the new points. Meanwhile, about 120 Western Electric installers remained on a wildcat strike, in Charlotte, Newton and Lincolnton, as the contract involving the installers had expired the previous Saturday at midnight. Take note, as those plants placed the Triad high on the Soviets' hit list for missile strikes, or so it was said at the time of the October, 1962 Cuban missile crisis. It may have been apocryphal, of course, as it seems a little odd to try to cripple the manufacture of missile guidance systems when the missiles were already set up and ready to fire as a retaliatory strike, should inbounds be detected from the island of Cubar. But, the Kremlin hierarchy were never known necessarily to exhibit altogether good sense, or they would not have pulled such a stunt in the first place.
In Birmingham, England, a woman had
applied for membership in the Birmingham Stock Exchange, and if
accepted, would be the first female member in the history of England,
Scotland and Wales. The reaction from the all-male Exchange was a
resounding "no" to her membership, though no one denied her
qualifications, as she had 13 years of experience with a local stock
brokerage. One member said that when stock trading became lively,
there were often scenes and sounds on the floor of the Exchange which
were not for the eyes or ears of a lady. "Language of a certain
kind is heard, and in some celebrations, it is not unknown for
members to debag other members in an excess of exuberance." It
notes parenthetically that "debag" meant to remove a
person's pants. (Bagism, shagism, ism, ism, ism... Give pants
In Weeks Mills, Me., a farmer had inadvertently run his tractor over a hornets' nest while mowing hay, and in the frenzy which followed, the tractor was wrecked and the farmer suffered a broken leg.
Pleasant weather was the outlook for the Midwest and Northeast sections of the country this date, with cool air moving southward from Canada over the north central part of the country, extending over the Great Lakes region, southwestward to Missouri and westward to the Dakotas. There had been a warming trend during the night from Arkansas and Louisiana eastward to the coast and northeastward through the Ohio Valley and the states along the North Atlantic Coast.
On the editorial page, "Ike and Adlai: Men of the Future" tells of many independents who had voted for General Eisenhower in 1952 having written Adlai Stevenson afterward saying that they were sorry they could not vote for him also. It ventures that during the current fall, independent voters would have to choose between the same candidates again, with the similarities between the two men having been brought to the fore repeatedly during the previous four years, as exemplified in the similarity of their nomination acceptance speeches.
Both had spoken as party leaders, yet neither had given the impression of being a "party man", their words having cast them forward, beyond the hue and cry of current party causes, into the future of a world of atomic power and weapons, undergoing a vast social revolution. Mr. Stevenson had said that the era of the New Deal and the Fair Deal had ended, that the Republicans had swallowed it. Mr. Eisenhower had made clear that the Republicans could keep it down, even after the election, which Mr. Stevenson had appeared to doubt, but not very strongly.
It finds that both had appeared tired of the old alarums and clichés, were conscious of new problems in a new era and concerned with the need for refreshing the moral image of America, acknowledging the faults of materialism, the simple necessity of peace and the inescapable role of the country in leadership of the free world. Domestically, they had sought expansion of social justice, a new unity among Americans, and appeared to expect more results from elevated leadership than from political action pursuant to the old formulas. Neither the President nor Mr. Stevenson had offered many specifics on how they would achieve their goals, but the goals appeared pretty much the same.
But only one of them could lead into the future, while both appeared ready to grapple with the future with all of their resources. It thus concludes that the independent voter would have a difficult choice to make, which was exactly as it ought be.
"College Football: Malice in Wonderland" tells of a star football player for High Point High School being sought by both UNC and N.C. State, resulting in a public name-calling contest between the two schools. The usual rewards and athletic scholarships had been offered by both schools and the player had signed apparently with both schools, first with N.C. State and then UNC, with both institutions then claiming that they had a commitment from him. Coach Earl Edwards of N.C. State had accused coach Jim Tatum of UNC of "unethical methods and tactics."
It finds that it was bad enough for amateur athletes to be the objects of lavish bidding and worse to have state-supported institutions of higher learning brawling publicly over the sought athletes. It finds the magnanimous decision of acting Consolidated University president William C. Friday, that the youth could decide for himself at which school he wanted to play, to have added a note of piety to the occasion, but could not repair the damage already done. Nothing had really changed regarding over-emphasis and commercialization of athletics, which it finds would continue, with a "bull market in brawn", that nothing could be salvaged from the incident except the raw material for some future bowl bid.
"Political Unity: How High the Price?" finds that seldom had the country been so outwardly blessed by unity. The Democrats had strained for it at their convention in Chicago and had said that they had found it, but the piece finds that it was unity packed with TNT, unsafe to jostle much. The Republicans were filthy rich with it, having so much unity at their convention that the mythical Joe Smith of the Nebraska delegation had been chased out of the hall for the fact of one delegate wanting to place his name in nomination for the vice-presidency. (He may not have existed on this plane of reality, but he definitely was not "ficticious", as Life suggests, not exactly crossing all of their t's, a malefactious lie.)
It finds that the Democrats of Mecklenburg County had also obtained unity, as it had read in the Raleigh News & Observer, which stated that with the resignation of the campaign manager of former Charlotte Mayor Ben Douglas, running for the Congressional seat of Charles Jonas, the forces of Jack Love would get behind Mr. Douglas and work for him, and Mr. Douglas would work for unity by not naming another manager for his campaign. He also did not plan to set up a district campaign committee, although he would have county organizations. He had traded his campaign staff for unity.
It concludes that with unity in short supply and demand for it high, the price had gone sky high, and when that happened, one always wondered if the product was worth the price.
"'If You Can't Fight, Put on a Show!'" finds that the single line of type explained a great deal about the studied staging of the "Republican Follies" put on in San Francisco during the week, the item having mentioned that certain "technical services" were being provided by the public relations firm of Whitaker and Baxter, the same organization which had conducted the AMA's successful multi-million-dollar campaign to defeat national health insurance during the Truman Administration by calling it "socialized medicine". Clem Whitaker, partner in the firm, had put forth an apparently definitive list of the grand strategies of U.S. politics several years earlier, saying: "… You can interest voters if you put on a fight. No matter what the fight, fight for something… You may wonder if that is the only technique in campaigning. It isn't the only one. There are two. The average American also likes to be entertained… He likes the movies and he likes fireworks and parades. So if you can't fight, put on a show!"
It finds that the Republican convention had been all-show, but to many Americans, it had been a turkey, boring the audience to death with limp stagecraft. It concludes that it was to be hoped that Mr. Whitaker's first maxim would find favor in the months ahead.
Oh, but when they released all those balloons and the pigeons… Weren't you watching? And when they made eight-year old David Eisenhower, the President's grandson, the honorary chairman of the convention… Come on...
A piece from the Raleigh News & Observer, titled "What's the Good Word?" tells of an editor admonishing strongly against the usage of the pronoun "one" in editorials, as in "one believes Nixon is a load the Republicans are tired of carrying." That editor contended that "one" was too austere and impersonal, that people did not talk that way, despite English teachers favoring "one" out of deference to clarity.
It indicates that all writers and speakers should endeavor to use precise and proper English, but that grammarians were not always the best communicators. It offers as example the late Senator Cotton Ed Smith, who had passionately taken up the cause of the small and impoverished farmer, alluding to him as "the man that ain't got nothing." He had been to two colleges and knew that the statement was "as shaky as a burlesque queen" in terms of its grammar, but was also certain that everyone got his point.
"On the street corner 'one' is
not deranged, demented, incompetent or redolent with aberration or
hallucination. He is not mentally retarded nor is he patent material
for psychiatric study. The man just 'ain't got no sense.' Before the
scholarly reader has a fit and falls into his own froth, it may also
be noted that when the Gershwins and Dubose Heyward conspired to
thrill the country with It Ain't Necessarily So
But, sometimes, one is non compos mentis, such that the mens part might be out of joint with the actus, with the super-ego not properly constraining the uninhibited latter, the id, leading to untoward results for which the actor might not be responsible in the eyes of the law, and to say aforehand, for instance, that, "Well, Nixon, he ain't got no sense nohow," appears to be merely a good ol' boy way to give the subject a kind of legal pass to do whatever he or she wants with impunity, when at least, with more precise application of terms freighted with proper meaning commonly appreciated within a medico-legal context, the subject in question might receive the proper psychiatric attention before the untoward behavior manifests itself in tragedy for both the actor and those upon whom the actus is perpetrated, with adverse consequences to society thus hopefullly averted or at least minimized and ameliorated with as little impact to the subject
Drew Pearson tells of the Democrats, at their convention in Chicago the previous week, having seriously considered placing a Catholic on the ticket as the vice-presidential nominee, while the Republicans, during the current week, had considered, less seriously, the idea of nominating a woman in the second spot. During a closed-door session of the Maine delegation, former Senator Owen Brewster of that state, who had once frowned on Senator Margaret Chase Smith for re-election, rallied to her defense. A young delegate had moved to table the proposal to nominate Senator Smith as the vice-presidential candidate, to which Mr. Brewster had bristled, indicating that Senator Smith was in Maine working very hard for the Republicans, as there was an upcoming election the following month in which they hoped to unseat Governor Edmund Muskie, and indicating that there was nothing that would help her more at present than to have her name go before the convention. The young delegate had no adequate reply. Another delegate asked the former Senator why he was picking on the first delegate, and Mr. Brewster said that he was not picking on him but that he had made a motion against a "valiant lady" and they should be discussing that motion and hearing the reasons for it, as it was contrary to a resolution passed by their state central committee that Senator Smith's name would be placed in nomination. After further argument, it had been agreed that Senator Smith's name would be placed in nomination "if feasible", but not by Mr. Brewster.
It had not made headlines, but thousands of women all over the country had been intensely interested in moves to name or block a woman as the vice-presidential nominee. At the Chicago Republican convention in 1952, when the vice-presidency initially was wide open, Senator Smith had 250 pledged delegates, when suddenly Governor Dewey had sent word that Senator Smith's name could not be placed in nomination, fearing that many Taft delegates, then bitterly opposed to General Eisenhower, would vote for Senator Smith in revenge for the defeat of Senator Robert Taft, thus preventing Senator Nixon from winning the nomination on the first ballot. As a result, Clare Boothe Luce rose on the convention floor, and without consulting Senator Smith, said that the latter had asked that her name not be placed before the convention, creating a storm of protest from women, especially Judge Sarah Hughes of Texas—who would swear in as President Lyndon Johnson aboard Air Force One shortly after the assassination of President Kennedy in 1963—and who in 1952 was president of the Business and Professional Women. Later, Bertha Adkins asked Senator Smith to repudiate Judge Hughes, but the Senator refused.
He concludes that regardless of the 1952 and 1956 conventions, the two major parties, sooner or later, would have to consider seriously the nomination of a female vice-president.
Prior to the election in 2020 of Vice-President Kamala Harris, the Democrats had first nominated a female vice-presidential candidate in 1984, Representative Geraldine Ferraro of New York, running with former Vice-President Walter Mondale, and in 2008, the Republicans would nominate Governor Sarah Palin of Alaska for that role, running with Senator John McCain, both of those candidacies having been unsuccessful. And, of course, the Democrats nominated for the presidency former Senator and Secretary of State Hillary Clinton in 2016, who won the popular vote by three million votes over Donald Trump, and, but for the silly anachronism of the electoral college, would have been President during the period 2017-21, and, we daresay, a lot of the tragedy associated with the pandemic of 2020-21 would have been avoided by far more mature and responsible leadership at the top than the country unfortunately got from its so-called "President".
Joseph & Stewart Alsop, in San
Francisco, indicate that in addition to leaving many unhealed scars,
the "comedy" which had ended with the triumphant
renomination of Vice-President Nixon—but was it a "comedy of
errors", historically speaking?—would also influence the
character of the campaign. The consolation prize for Harold Stassen's
abandoned effort to displace Mr. Nixon on the ticket with Governor
Christian Herter of Massachusetts, finally endorsing Mr. Nixon before
the convention, was that he had concentrated the thinking of the
Republican high command on the problem of Mr. Nixon, thus producing
the decision that Mr. Nixon would have to wage a "high level
campaign"—not taking the
"low road"
Mr. Nixon had, in effect, announced that decision in his statement to many delegates at the convention that the Republicans had something better to offer in 1956 than mere "abuse and vilification of the opposition."
The Alsops indicate that whether that decision would hold, remained to be seen, especially if the campaign were going badly and the President was unable to take to the hustings, himself. They suggest that it was easy to see why Mr. Nixon was so disliked by almost all Democrats, many independents and even some Republicans, as the present was a time when the country did not like to see its politicians looking like politicians, and Mr. Nixon was a politician throughout his being, striking with "ruthless single-mindedness."
They indicate that there was no need to argue whether Mr. Nixon had stated actually that the Democrats were the "party of treason" to prove that he sometimes paid very little attention to the Marquis of Queensberry rules. It was enough to note that he had publicly proclaimed that the national interest demanded armed intervention in the Indochina crisis and yet, during the summer of 1954, after the President had overruled him in that regard, every one of his campaign speeches during the midterms contained the boast that the Republicans had "saved" the country from war in Indochina. That had left a bad taste with those who noticed it.
But Mr. Nixon also, they venture, had an exceptional capacity to grow as a man, having come far since his entry to politics by answering a newspaper ad placed by a group of rich California Republicans, inviting applications from young war veterans who wanted to run for the Congressional seat then occupied by Jerry Voorhis in 1946. At that point, he had seen politics as a kind of jungle in which advancement was the prize, won by the rule of dog eat dog, by any means available—Checkers on Checkers, king him. He had long since ceased to see politics that way, as proven by the same Indochina crisis, in which his view of the national interest required courage and disinterested care to advocate anything so disagreeable as armed intervention, as he had done until the President made the opposite decision. They find that courage was one of Mr. Nixon's conspicuous qualities and that another was his ability to face hard facts, instead of shoving them under the rug. Another was his willingness to deal with hard facts when necessary, even if the price and risk were considerable. Still another quality was his strong, inquiring, analytical intelligence.
They find that the only real question about him was whether he would finally learn that American politics was properly called a game simply because it had certain rules, which might be broken on the county courthouse level but not on the national level, that a national leader who had not learned that lesson was a dangerous man. They indicate that there was no reason to suppose he could not learn the lesson which the President effectively taught, and it appeared that the decision concerning his campaign at present, in which he had a leading voice, suggested that the lesson had been learned. "Altogether, the further evolution of Dick Nixon will be singularly worth watching."
They had no idea at the time that, regardless of the outward evolution, there was much too much devolution ongoing behind the scenes, especially within Mr. Nixon's own mind as events would unfold into the future, and his old reactive side, whenever he felt slighted or cheated, would surface yet again, with "ruthless" being a decided understatement of the way he waged the game of politics. But we jump ahead…
Marquis Childs, in San Francisco, indicates that the line of attack which the Democrats would push hardest in the upcoming campaign was that the Old Guard Republicans had taken over in San Francisco to ensure that the Vice-President again would be on the ticket and would be their skillful agent at the center of government during the ensuing four years. He finds it too early to say whether that effort would be effective in winning the independent voters who had voted in large numbers for the Republican ticket in 1952, but that it was a major error to call the managers of the Republican Party who had managed the convention the "Old Guard", as they were not the caricature of the old gentlemen in top hats with belligerent expressions, ordering that things remain status quo with the past heralded as the best example for the future. Those in the dominant group of the party at present had very little in common with that stereotype, as they were skillful managers, representing the "managerial revolution" in politics.
They understood the uses of publicity, showmanship and the skills of political manipulation, having learned them in their roles in top echelons of business and industry. They were beginning to feel increasingly confident that they could channel and control the tide of change for a long time to come, though not seeking to stop it, being the major difference he finds between the Old Guard and this New Guard Republican.
Mark Hanna, the Cleveland industrialist, and President William McKinley had represented that Old Guard at the turn-of-the-century. The new political managers had come from the top echelons of business management, in recent decades having replaced ownership in control of the business structure. Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey, also a Cleveland industrialist, and the most influential figure within the Administration aside from the President, himself, was the Mark Hanna of the present. He had taken over management of the Hanna industries and brought about a highly successful expansion in coal, steel and a dozen related fields.
Attorney General Herbert Brownell, chief of staff Sherman Adams, and Postmaster General Arthur Summerfield, as well as former New York Governor Thomas Dewey, did not resemble the Old Guard, though having many of the same objectives, believing in giving business a free hand, but realizing that they could not turn back the clock to the good old days of the bumbling gentleman in the top hat.
They had their own able operators skilled in stopping and starting the flow of news for their own objectives, for example, White House press secretary James Hagerty, who had learned his lessons in the Dewey organization. The new managers did not make extensive use of the professional publicists. They could persuade a sponsor to yield television time for a political speech and could provide the technical services which made it possible for the politician to compete in the mass media with entertainment.
The Vice-President had proved repeatedly that he was one of the team of managers. When it had been disclosed during the 1952 campaign that his business friends in Southern California had provided him with an $18,000 slush fund to help him "do his job" in Washington, he had gone on television with his "Checkers speech", saving his position on the ticket in September of that year, a stage-managed event accomplished with the help of professionals. Some had been offended by the dramatic performance, but it had drawn an enormous response in telegrams and mail from throughout the country.
Among the President's small circle of associates were business managers who had never moved into government and who were nevertheless extremely influential in the Administration. The President had unbounded admiration for those men, most of whom were of modest background and content to operate with a minimum of personal publicity, making no speeches at the convention during the week, but making decisions. "And it would be a great mistake to underestimate the powers and the capacity of these new political managers, this New Guard replacing the quaint old fellow in the top hat out of the past."
A letter from two couples indicates that they, as parents of children who rode local school buses, wanted to suggest placing of signs along the school bus routes, indicating certain roads where there was no posted speed limit or signs warning that it was unlawful to pass a school bus and to be on the lookout for children.
The best one we ever saw was one out in the country, a few miles from Chapel Hill, along a dirt road, succinctly making the point rather clearly: "Slow Children at Play".
A letter writer indicates that arrangements were made for operating segregated schools for another year with the people's tax money, despite the law not allowing that to be the case. She wonders how they were going to finance the segregated schools, indicates a desire for action and a return of the money which had been used the previous year for segregated schools in defiance of the law. She says that action ought be taken against teaching children to violate the law.
Framed Edition
Links-Date — Links-Subj.