The Charlotte News

Saturday, March 10, 1956

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Nicosia, Cyprus, that thousands of Cypriots had walked off their jobs in a general strike this date in protest against Britain's deportation of Archbishop Makarios III as a dangerous rebel. British paratroopers patrolled the streets of Nicosia and other centers, already facing shotgun and bomb attacks during the night. Police, using tear gas, had broken up a demonstration at Limmasol. Minor demonstrations at Polis, Kyrenia and Famagusta were reported to have been dispersed without incident. The Government had warned that walkouts, except for those in a trade union dispute, violated emergency regulations and that the regulations would be enforced. It said that the strike had affected the entire island, and almost all shops and firms in Nicosia were closed. Laborers, clerks, printers and shopkeepers joined in the walkout and business was at a standstill. Official sources said that the British were jamming Athens radio, and the British Government had banned all telephone and cable communications with Athens, also barring long distance phone calls on Cyprus, itself. Greece had recalled its Ambassador to London and protested to the U.N. Reaction in Athens had been violent, with demonstrators slashing tires on scores of British-owned trolley buses and Athens University students had sprinkled gasoline on a British flag and burned it. They had then moved against the British Embassy and riot squads had halted the march. Newspapers carried such headlines as "British Gangsters Kidnap Makarios". In London, Labor opponents of Prime Minister Anthony Eden's Conservative Government denounced the deportation as "an act of folly … madness." British newspapers expressed apprehension but generally supported the move. Newspapers on Cyprus went to press under censorship and editors were ordered to withhold news of inflammatory, alarming or despairing stories or face fines and prison sentences of up to one year. With printers joining in the strike, it was doubtful that newspapers would be on the streets the following day. In the first violent reaction, terrorists had fired shotguns at one patrol and hurled bombs at two others, with three men having been wounded. The British refused to say immediately where Archbishop Makarios had been taken. He had been the leader of the Greek Cypriot drive for independence and eventual union with Greece. Nicosia appeared stunned during the first hours after the announcement by the British that they had taken their spiritual leader and three of his lieutenants in a giant Royal Air Force Hastings transport away from the island. Church bells tolled and shopkeepers rolled down their shutters. The British Governor of Cyprus, Field Marshal Sir John Harding, said that he had ordered the Archbishop into exile under emergency regulations "in the interest of promoting peace, order and good government."

In London, it was reported that the Archbishop was being sent into exile on the remote Seychelle Islands in the Indian Ocean, according to a well-informed source this date. The colonial office declined comment but other official British sources said that the Archbishop and the three Greek Cypriot aides deported with him would be held indefinitely on the islands. The Seychelles consisted of 92 tiny islands with a population of less than 40,000, which Britain had captured from the French in 1794, and where farming and fishing were the only industries.

In Athens, Greek military guards took up posts around the British and American Embassies this date, as crowds of angry demonstrators swarmed through the capital protesting the banishment of the Archbishop from Cyprus. The crowd set fire to a British flag, slashed the tires of the city's British-owned buses, and broke windows in hotels with English names. Riot squads turned back demonstrators who sought to march on the British Embassy. Greek Orthodox Church officials, meeting in emergency session, sent cables appealing to church organizations around the world for help for the exiled Archbishop, with one appeal having been sent to Moscow, seat of the Russian Orthodox Church, asking the "sister church of Russia to display its traditionally strong protection and use every power and influence" regarding the Archbishop's deportation. The Greek churchmen said that cables also had been sent to leaders of the Church of England and clergymen in Sweden, Norway and "all independent churches". The cable urged that Greek churchmen "vigorously protest against this nefarious act reminiscent of the dark days of serfdom."

In Paris, violence, spilling over from North Africa into the streets of Paris, had jolted French officials this date to enact stern new measures for protection of lives and property in seething Tunisia and Algeria. Heavily armed detachments of riot police and mobile guardsmen were standing ready to prevent further demonstrations in Paris. In Tunis, where a French mob had sacked the U.S. Consulate the previous day and attacked offices of two French-language newspapers, police took strong restrictive measures. In Algiers, terrorized by fresh attacks on French settlements, Government sources disclosed that a new division of French troops was being introduced. In the meantime, French Premier Guy Mollet sought emergency powers from the National Assembly.

In New York, a Swiss scientist, Dr. Johannes Hurzeler, curator of vertebrate paleontology at the Natural History Museum in Basle, Switzerland, said at a press conference the previous day that a human-like jawbone, which had been found embedded in a chunk of shiny black coal, might mean that modern man was much more ancient than previously thought. Darwin's theory that man and the apes had descended from a comparatively recent common ancestor might also be upset. The scientist said that the jawbone and other fossil remains found in Tuscany, Italy, in 1872 were from ten-million-year old human-like creatures, until the present, considered the remains of mountain apes. If modern man had an ancestor similar to them living ten million years earlier, he may have existed in his present form much earlier than scientists previously had believed. Dr. Hurzeler said that the first known true humans, the Java and Peking Men, had existed several hundred thousand years earlier. They and the modern apes, according to Darwinian theory, descended from ape-like creatures found on earth about ten million years earlier. But Dr. Hurzeler contended that the 26 Tuscany fossil fragments indicated instead that man and the apes had branched apart 20 to 30 million years earlier from an ancestor which was neither man nor ape, that the fragments showed that the Tuscany man had the short face of a man instead of the ape's protruding jaw, nearly vertical front teeth instead of protruding ape teeth and the human rounded chin, plus other features more nearly human than ape. He said that he planned to return to Italy to look for more fossils similar to the older Tuscany discovery. He explained his find to a group of scholars in New York the previous Saturday, one of whom, Dr. Helmut De Terra of Columbia University, had said that the group had been impressed, that if human evolution, separate from the apes, was as far advanced ten million years earlier as the find indicated, it was necessary to take another look at "the meaning of evolution in the case of man."

In Salem, Ore., Secretary of Interior Douglas McKay filed for the Republican nomination for the Senate race the previous day, taking state leaders of both major political parties by surprise. He would likely have opposition in the Republican primary in May, but there appeared little doubt that he would win the primary and then face Democratic incumbent Senator Wayne Morse in November. Democratic party leaders in the state cheered his entry to the race while some Republican leaders were unusually guarded in their comment.

Near Coopersville, Mich., six persons, four from one family, had been killed the previous night in a head-on two-car collision, and a seventh person was injured critically, both of the drivers having been killed, one of whom was riding with his family. The other driver was identified by police as a southern Michigan prison parolee, driving alone. The cars had collided on a curve after the latter driver had passed several cars and stayed in the left lane, before cutting back into the right lane just as the other driver had swung out to avoid him.

Near Salt Lake City, five persons were killed and four injured seriously this date in the flaming wreckage of two automobiles which had collided, then hurtled into a service station, shearing off the gasoline pump, the accident having occurred as a speeding station wagon smashed into the rear of another car traveling in the same direction. Rescuers had used acetylene torches to cut the charred steel frame of the station wagon to reach the bodies. The sheriff said that the station wagon apparently had been traveling at a high rate of speed and that the passenger car was hurtled 195 feet when the station wagon struck it. The station wagon had smashed into a fuel pump at the service station, breaking it off and causing gasoline to flow from the pump into the car, where it burst into flames.

North Carolina Republicans nominated two Congressional candidates, one, a political novice, and elected 12 delegates to the Republican national convention in district state conventions the previous day. Four of the state's six Congressional districts had left it to their executive committees to name candidates before the March 16 deadline. Representative Charles Jonas of Lincolnton, the state's only Republican Congressman, was nominated unanimously by the 10th District Republicans to seek a third term, and he had immediately accepted. In the 12th District, R. C. Clarke, a 41-year old Hendersonville real estate and insurance agent who had never before sought elective office, was also unanimously nominated and he also accepted immediately.

In Lincoln, Neb., it was the lack of beef which made the president of the Nebraska Beef Council beef, because Vice-President Nixon was going to be served chicken at the Republican Party Founders Day dinner in Lincoln on March 19. Nebraska's license plates carried the slogan "The Beef State", as a result of the heat the Beef Council had put on the State Legislature in their campaign to boost the state's reputation as a prime cattle area. For the president of the Council, the idea of no prime steaks at a top-grade banquet was a slur on that slogan and so when he got a look at the Republican banquet menu and saw chicken as the main course, he was upset and sent a letter to the state Republican treasurer, saying that Nebraska, the beef state, was "being honored by a visit of the Vice-President of the United States, so what do you feed him? Chicken!" He said he awaited their apologies for serving anything other than choice Nebraska beef. The Republican treasurer replied: "No apologies. A beef dinner would cost five dollars instead of three dollars. Last year's Founders Day established that the Sand Hills [center of the cattle country] boys wouldn't pay five bucks for a beef dinner!"

Perhaps, had the Beef Council head had proper foresight, he might have withheld his protest, realizing that it was apropos, after all, to serve chicken to the V.P., not beef.

Charles Kuralt of The News reports of the second annual Camellia Show opening this date at the American Trust Co. in Charlotte, "splashing shades of flaming red, subtle pink and white about the lobby." The show was sponsored by the Men's Camellia Club of Charlotte. Hundreds of varieties were exhibited by entrants from as far away as Atlanta and Birmingham, with flower lovers packing the lobby as the doors had opened at mid-afternoon, running to 10:00 p.m. The camellias, with names such as Frizzle White, Emperor of Russia and Tallahassee Girl, lined the bank lobby by the thousands. The star of the show was a pinkish bloom called "Mrs. D. W. Davis", a new variety exhibited in a place of honor at the front of the lobby. One bloom, called "Emily Wilson", had been exhibited by the lady for whom it was named. Her son, presently in the Army, had planted the seedling as a child. Guests included the Cultural Affairs Officer of the Japanese Embassy in Washington, the president of the American Camellia Society, from Wilmington, N.C., and a female Japanese student at Sacred Heart College in Belmont, Miss. The latter, garbed in Oriental costume, had stood inside a Japanese garden house and served tea to the crowd as it filed through. The judges had begun the task of giving ribbons to the entries early during the afternoon. The lobby was decorated with pine boughs, smilax and pear blossoms, with a Japanese shrine entrance dividing the lobby.

On the editorial page, "It's the Symphony Board's Move Now" tells of the Charlotte Symphony Orchestra being in trouble, as a large number of its players had apparently lost faith in conductor James Christian Pfohl, while a financial deficit of $7,000 had also beset it.

It finds that the facts could not help but disturb those who believed that the Symphony was an all-important cog in the community's wheel of culture. For 24 years, the Orchestra had existed and contributed to the betterment of the community, the piece urging that nothing should change that.

Board president Richard Bray, seeking an explanation for the internal struggle, had said the previous day that the Orchestra board had not, in the past, fully realized the extent of its responsibility to the Orchestra. It finds that if that were true, the board ought benefit from past mistakes, as it appeared to be the only agency which could resolve the conflict between the players and the conductor, and should undertake whatever action was necessary to do so. Meanwhile, the financial problem would remain and for the first time, annual funding of the orchestra would aim at small contributions from a great number of citizens, which, the piece finds, was as it should be.

It urges that by a generous response, the community could show that it cared for good music and that it was concerned about the future of one of the South's finest musical organizations, that down through the years hundreds of musicians, board members and patrons had contributed their time and money to the proposition that Charlotte deserved a fine orchestra, and now that it was in difficulty, it would take more time and money to ensure its future, plus an extra measure of wisdom by its governing body. It concludes that the following year's 25th anniversary season demanded as much also of both the community and its orchestra.

"Farm Recession Has No Boundaries" indicates that Iowa Governor Leo Hoegh had not beat around the bush in saying that he was not commenting on anything regarding national politics, that he was for the farmer and himself for Governor. It finds the same note resounding plainly in the roar of anguish following the Senate's rejection of a return to rigid 90 percent price supports.

It indicates that the farmer was definitely in trouble and that a large body of Senators wanted to do something about it, even if it was wrong, for the sake of farm economy and their own political futures. It finds that the rigid support system was properly rejected, as having been a wartime device to stimulate production, extending through the postwar years and causing a glut of surplus crops plaguing the farmer and the taxpayer. It had never seen an argument that rigid supports would extricate the farmer from his dilemma, only that it would provide him with some quick money in an election year.

It finds, however, that there was nothing tawdry about the aim, that there had been a 2.9 billion dollar drop in farm income during the previous three years and a 20 point drop in the parity ratio, from 100 percent in 1952 to 80 percent by December 15, 1955, and it was obvious that the farmer was not sharing in the nation's general prosperity. As North Carolina Senator Kerr Scott had accurately pointed out, the farm recession would not stop at the city limits. The less money the farmer had to spend, the less there was to turn the wheels of industry and business.

It finds that rigid supports could provide some of the money the farmer needed, but would do so to all farmers, both the small family farm which needed it most and the big factory-type operation which could do without it, all the while inflating the surplus.

It asks whether there could not be a system to provide selective aid while the soil bank and other plans for long-range settlement were given a chance to reduce the surplus, that such a solution was needed. But a return to rigid supports would have only sabotaged the current and long overdue efforts to reduce the surplus.

"Lyndon Johnson: Whoop and Holler" quotes Senator Johnson as saying, "You Senators and reporters—you better saddle up your horses and put on your spurs if you're going to keep up with Johnson on the flag, mother and corruption." It had been his way of saying that the Senate was going to substitute platitudes for an investigation of lobbying and campaign contributions bearing on passage of legislation.

With the help of Minority Leader William Knowland, a special bipartisan committee had been set up with members carefully chosen to assure a deadlock on rules, the chairmanship and subpoena power, with Majority Leader Johnson knowing his membership and parliamentary tricks. Thus, Senator Albert Gore of Tennessee, the tentative chairman who desired a thoroughgoing investigation, was forced to complain to the Senate that Republican members, led by Senator Styles Bridges, were seeking a division of authority to hamstring the investigation and "doom it to failure before it starts."

The piece says that had been the plan of Senators Johnson and Knowland, "no saddles and spurs", "just whooping and hollering". It finds that it was about time that Senator Johnson took his tongue from his cheek and gave Senator Gore the power he needed to run the committee, that a frank admission that the Senate did not want to do anything about lobbying, which besmirched its integrity, would be better than the "terribly transparent mock show now running on Capitol Hill."

"Confusing World of the Camellia" tells of the show for Charlotte camellia growers, finding the beauty apparent "from the simple, sturdy Pink Perfection to the delicately fringed Ville de Nantes", that the confusion arose from how to pronounce them, whether the "e" was pronounced as a long "e", a long "a", or as "eh". Webster's said to pronounce it in the latter form, allowing for the long "e" form, but never as the long "a" form. It says that it had heard them all and had been loathe even to mention their name in the presence of such painstakingly displayed beauty, fearing a supercilious look from some dowager lady.

It says that it was a dowager-type who had settled the question for the writer at a show several years earlier in Marshallville, Ga., saying, in response to the writer's question as to the name of a particular variety, that it was "Mathotiana Rubra", to which the writer responded as having heard another lady call it a "Lizzie Ware", to which the woman had said that it had been Miss Lizzie who planted the first Mathotiana in Marshallville and so they had just named it after her. The piece says that it had opined that it was mighty confusing and that it did not even know how to pronounce "camellia", the woman responding that it was best just to admire them all, be old-fashioned and call them japonicas.

It thus concludes, "See you at the Japonica Show!"

We think not. Flowers remind us of funerals, camellias of white supremacist funerals.

Drew Pearson indicates that in Britain, it was tradition in important families to go into government service for the good of the Empire, a tradition not followed in the U.S. but would be better for the country if it were. He thus congratulates Ralph Gardner, son of the late former Governor and Ambassador to England O. Max Gardner, for having given up a lucrative law practice to run for Congress in the 11th District of North Carolina, suggesting that he would make a top public servant.

He next tells of there having been no long faces among Republican Congressional leaders when they had called at the White House for their first legislative meeting with the President after his February 29 announcement that he would seek re-election, with even sober-sided Minority Leader William Knowland of California, whose own presidential hopes had been relinquished at the announcement, seeming to be in high spirits, joining in the congratulations of the President and remarking that he had not looked better since the adjournment of the previous Congress. The President said that he felt fine and that now that the tension was off, he hoped everyone was happier, that he was and that the outlook for the campaign was excellent, having received splendid reports from all over the country. He said that he would be ready for a celebration if Congress passed his flexible-support farm bill, Mr. Pearson noting parenthetically that the Senate had defeated a Democratic drive to place rigid price supports on three major crops. Republican House leaders Joseph Martin and Charles Halleck were optimistic about the super-highway bill, another measure with high priority for the President, reporting that Republican members of the House Ways & Means Committee had been confident that a satisfactory "financing plan" could be worked out for the bill, though not embodying the President's original proposal for the banks to float a bond issue. The President had replied that he still did not favor the Committee's pay-as-you-go tax compromise worked out by the Democrats, but was willing to go along if it represented the only hope of getting the super-highway bill through Congress.

Mr. Pearson notes that the Democrats had proposed taxes on tires, gasoline, diesel oil and a weight tax for trucks to finance the highway bill, arguing that a bond issue would mean gravy for the big banks and place the burden of payment on the next generation.

Walter Lippmann tells of Life magazine having published a letter addressed to the people of the Northern states, by William Faulkner, a native of Mississippi, speaking as a Southerner who not only believed in "the simple incontrovertible immorality of discrimination by race" but also that such discrimination was an evil which would be eventually cured by Southerners themselves, the point of the letter having been to warn Northerners that discrimination would not be cured and would only be exacerbated through legal coercion to enforce Brown v. Board of Education.

Mr. Faulkner was opposed in principle to both segregation and enforced integration, regarded his position as being in the middle, saw himself somewhere in between the Citizens Councils and the NAACP, between those who would uphold "white supremacy" through nullification of Brown and those who would use Federal power to abolish segregation. He had wondered where Southerners like himself would go should Federal enforcement be attempted, answered that they would go with the resistance of the Citizens Councils.

His plea was that Northerners should not press for Federal enforcement as it would make it impossible for Southerners like himself to work for the gradual acceptance of integration.

Mr. Lippmann indicates that there was something which had to be said for Northerners who would understand and sympathize with Mr. Faulkner's argument, those such as the President and Governor Adlai Stevenson, who were in the majority at present, that their position was threatened by Southern extremists who not only proclaimed nullification but, as in the Autherine Lucy case, the first black student to be admitted to the University of Alabama, also participated in or encouraged mob violence. For moderate Northerners, it was impossible to accept the gradualism advocated by Mr. Faulkner if they also had to acquiesce in what had happened at the University of Alabama, as it would surrender two elementary principles, that discrimination by race was immoral and that the laws of the nation were binding on all who lived within it. It would make the middle position unprincipled and in the end untenable.

He finds that the situation was one in which all of the strong passions tended to run to the two irreconcilable extremes, the extreme defense in the Deep South of "the white way of life", and toward a militant demand by blacks and their friends for the vindication of their indubitable human rights.

He posits that there was little reason to believe that the issue could be dealt with in the South as it had been after the Civil War, through nullification with the assent of the North, as there was a new dynamic factor at work at present, the rise of American blacks to a position of considerable economic and political power, as evidenced in the Montgomery bus boycott, begun the previous early December and continuing throughout 1956. There, the black population was practicing passive resistance, a classic tactic of weak and subjected peoples. He suggests that the uncompromising and militant resistance by the Citizens Councils in the Deep South would, if closing the door on gradualism, cause the Montgomery example to spread.

Yet, he suggests that there was no great hope that warnings such as his own and that of Mr. Faulkner, urging reason and moderation, would, in themselves, be heeded, as the basic weakness of the middle position was that it did not yet represent a practical and concrete program on which people of moderate temperament had agreed to unite. While Mr. Faulkner urged going slowly at present, Mr. Lippmann asks how slowly could the nation go without nullifying the Constitution, with Northerners urging to take time but also to show good faith in the process, giving rise to the question of what was enough compliance to show good faith. The Supreme Court had accepted the responsibility of judging those questions but what appeared to be missing was a consensus of enlightened opinion as to what issues it was necessary and wise to present to the Federal courts and in what order. "For the formation of such a consensus it may prove necessary to call upon the President for leadership."

Marquis Childs discusses Senator James Eastland of Mississippi, who, pursuant to seniority rules of the Senate, had just become chairman of the important Judiciary Committee, a position he regards as at least as important as that of a Cabinet member, with the chairman being one of the most powerful figures in Washington. Senator Eastland had achieved the position by virtue of having been re-elected three times from a state with a population of a little more than two million people, nearly half of whom were effectively ineligible to vote by reason of color.

One of the practical powers exercised by the chairman was to advance or withhold appointments of the President. The previous July, shortly before the first session of the 84th Congress had ended, the White House had sent to the Senate for confirmation the name of Solicitor General Simon Sobeloff to become a judge on the Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals, and the nomination was resubmitted the prior January 12 and referred to a subcommittee headed by Senator Joseph O'Mahoney of Wyoming. Mr. Sobeloff had argued before the Supreme Court the Brown case in the course of his ordinary duties as Solicitor General, thereby obtaining, however, the enmity of many Southerners and particularly of Senator Eastland. For whatever unknown reason, however, the latter had permitted the nomination to be reported to the Senate floor for debate and a vote.

The Southern suspicion was that Attorney General Herbert Brownell had deliberately forwarded the appointment of Mr. Sobeloff to invite the kind of delay and embarrassment which would reflect on Democrats, especially the Southerners, and by holding up the appointment, Senator Eastland had advertised the division in the party regarding integration. The darker suspicion was that it was not only intended to embarrass Democrats but also to dispose of Mr. Sobeloff, who, through his integrity, had caused the Administration a certain embarrassment by having refused to allow his name to appear on the Government's brief in the loyalty case of the late Dr. John Peters of the Yale University School of Medicine. He had made an earnest effort to persuade Mr. Brownell to admit the Government's error, and when the Supreme Court had found in favor of Dr. Peters, Mr. Sobeloff's judgment had been vindicated.

The Fourth Circuit, where Mr. Sobeloff would serve, included South Carolina, and would be passing on many legal aspects of integration. Five Southern states, including South Carolina, were resisting Brown, and the fact that Mr. Sobeloff had argued that case disqualified him in the view of some Southerners from being able to conduct a judicial attitude in cases involving integration. Senator Olin Johnston of South Carolina was a member of the Judiciary Committee and would be up for re-election in 1956, thus far without substantial opposition. Senator Johnston's friends on the Committee believed that action on the Sobeloff nomination would be an invitation to an opponent to challenge him in the primary and so it was nearly certain that action would not occur before April 5, the last date when candidates could file in South Carolina, or perhaps even before the June 12 primary date.

Shortly before Mr. Sobeloff had been nominated for the judgeship, Assistant Attorney General Warren Burger—ultimately, in 1969, to be appointed by President Nixon as the successor to Chief Justice Earl Warren following the filibuster, led by Senator Strom Thurmond of South Carolina, of the nomination put forward in mid-1968 by President Johnson of Justice Abe Fortas to be the successor Chief—had been named to the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, and his nomination was also being held up, with the Southerners arguing that if the Administration really wanted to make Mr. Sobeloff a judge, he should have been appointed to the D.C. Circuit to avoid the integration issue becoming acute.

Out of the integration issue, there was a brooding resentment which hung heavily over Washington, with a growing feeling among Southerners that the issue was being deliberately inflamed by some within the Administration for political purposes. One Southern leader had recently said of the Administration: "They are coming up here to ask us to vote more money for these uncommitted countries in order to try to hold those people of color in line with the West. Yet, at the same time, they're pouring gasoline on the fire that's been started down with us. They can't have it both ways."

A letter writer from Pinehurst indicates that during World War II, soldiers had used the word "expendable" to apply to the enlisted men whose lives had to be sacrificed to save a crucial post or situation, finds it now evident that the Republicans believed that the President was necessary to save the Republican Party from defeat in November and were willing to have him run for the Presidency even if it cost his life, thus having put him on the "expendables" list. Yet no single individual was indispensable under a democratic government. He finds it nevertheless grounds for rejoicing that the President had declared himself to be a candidate for re-election, giving every voter, regardless of party, the basis for considering the sort of President he had been. The writer says that he had been elected based on his popularity as a soldier and war hero, backed up by many promises, asks whether he could be re-elected as a President with many unfulfilled promises and on the basis of his Administration. He concludes that the Republican Party had decided that Mr. Eisenhower was "an expendable", and the people would determine whether he was indispensable or not.

A letter writer from Cheraw, S.C., urges that those who were planning to use pressure tactics on members of Congress would regret it in the future, indicating that they knew that the Congress had nothing to do with the decision in Brown. His advice was that while they were marching, they should go to the White House and the Supreme Court building and that they would inform them who had caused the conditions which existed at present concerning civil rights. He warns the "colored people" that their real friends were in the South and believes they were finding that out, wonders why they were planning a march on Washington if they had not lost some rights by the act of the Supreme Court's decree. He urges all to stay home and solve their own problems, as the outsiders did not understand those problems. "Let me state that we, the white and colored people here, were getting on fine until some of your would-be friends came in with the purpose of getting your money during this time of prosperity in the South." He recalls the Bonus March of 1932, the participating veterans having been met by the Army—led by chief of staff General MacArthur, whose junior officer was Major Dwight Eisenhower—and ultimately run out of town because they were petitioning Congress for a bonus for wartime service. He warns the marchers to stop before someone got hurt in the capital, as that would happen, says that it was no way to solve their problems. "Remember a baby has to crawl before he can walk, but to do this he needs help also."

Perhaps, you had better learn to crawl first out of your provincial cave in Cheraw and view the broader world perspective before counseling others on how to assist infants in their struggle to meet and greet with equanimity the broader world around them.

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