The Charlotte News

Monday, October 27, 1952

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Stan Carter, that enemy artillery fire this night had driven U.S. Marines from the crest of "The Hook", a few hours after they had recaptured the western ridge line in close-quarters fighting in Korea. There was no indication yet as to whether the Chinese had moved up to occupy the high ground. Earlier, the enemy troops had attacked with 2,000 men along a three-mile front. The Communists had only made a small dent in the Marine line, about 10 to 12 miles east of Panmunjom, site of the armistice talks, currently in recess. Associated Press correspondent Milo Farneti indicated that at times the Marines and Communists were actually wrestling in the trench lines. By nightfall, the Marines had recaptured all except two or three outposts guarding "The Hook". The enemy on Sunday had knocked a hole in the U.N. lines and seized one end of the ridge, so named for its fish-hook shape.

The Air Force was leaving to its pilots and overseas commanders the decision of what to do should Soviet fighters again attack American planes flying peaceable missions over non-Russian territory. The spokesman for the Air Force indicated that crews had the right to fire back in self-defense, should a plane, such as the B-29 shot down by Russian fighters over Japanese waters earlier in the month, encounter such fire. That particular plane, however, had its guns tied down during the routine training flight. Commanders were authorized to assign fighter escorts when needed for planes on routine training and weather flights.

At the U.N. in New York, Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Vishinsky was scheduled to speak to the General Assembly's Political Committee during the afternoon, and refused to say during the weekend whether he would speak in answer to the indictment of Russia's participation in the Korean War, as charged the previous Friday by Secretary of State Acheson. The Secretary had appealed for the U.N. allies in the war to contribute more and prepare for further resistance, if the Communists continued to resist concluding an armistice over the issue of voluntary repatriation, which, he said, the allies would continue to insist upon. On the agenda this date was a decision as to whether U.S.-backed Yugoslavia or Soviet-backed Czechoslovakia would occupy a vacant slot on the Economic and Social Council. The two natons had tied in balloting, with ten votes each, on Saturday after five other vacancies were quickly filled. A two-thirds majority of 40 member nations was needed for election to the Council.

In Belgrade, Yugoslav radio reported that Bulgarian troops had fired across the border at a Yugoslav pillbox the previous day and that Bulgarian planes had made three illegal flights over Yugoslav territory. The border violations were reported around a strategic area which could be a major invasion route for Yugoslavia's unfriendly, Soviet-backed neighbors to the east. The broadcast did not say whether Yugoslav forces had returned fire or taken other retaliatory measures.

The Air Force put the entire city of Manchester, England, out of bounds to American airmen because of two recent gang attacks on U.S. service personnel. Manchester was the scene of frequent Communist Party demonstrations against the stationing of American airmen in Britain. Two weeks earlier, two Air Force M.P.'s had been attacked by a gang of toughs wielding knives and razors, and were badly beaten and cut, with a similar attack occurring the previous Friday against two other M.P.'s. No arrests had been made in either assault.

General Eisenhower, opening his final drive of the election campaign, said this date to a crowd of about 4,000 persons in Philadelphia at the Pennsylvania Railroad's 30th Street Station, that he would not be turned aside by criticism from the view that South Korean troops should man the major portion of the battlefront in Korea. He repeated his promise to go to Korea himself if elected to the presidency to try to end the war. He paid tribute to the dead of World War II, honored by a memorial in the station, saying that he brought up their sacrifice because the threat to the world now was a doctrine which said that man was nothing and a creature of the state, that such an attack had to be guarded against on every front, that freedom and peace had to be achieved through cooperation with the rest of the world, and that a population, such as those in Korea, who wanted to defend themselves should not be denied the right to contribute their utmost in that quest.

General Eisenhower's campaign chief of staff, Governor Sherman Adams, indicated that the General's political enemies planned to "stop at nothing this week" to win the election.

Governor Stevenson said this date to a crowd estimated at 2,000 in Quincy, Mass., that the nation would hear "the most magnificent of all smears of all times" this night when Senator Joseph McCarthy made a nationwide broadcast regarding Communism. The crowd erupted in a chorus of boos when he mentioned Senator McCarthy's name and replied "no" when he asked them if they were worried. He said that a week from the election, the country still did not know what General Eisenhower proposed to do about much of anything, that the prospects for foreign policy were the most confusing, a status which he believed was by design. He said that the General was "getting on the wrong bus" when he said that he would go to Korea to find ways to end the war, that the war would be settled in Moscow and not Korea.

The President began a tour of the Midwest this date, on his final swing of the campaign, having departed Washington the previous night after a conference with UMW president John L. Lewis, at which Mr. Lewis had given his assurance of cooperation in ending the soft coal strike. The President was therefore in unusually good humor as he departed early in the morning for Gary, Indiana, where this night he would deliver the first of six major speeches during his final tour, which would cover 4,500 miles, ending at his home in Independence, Missouri, where he and daughter Margaret would cast their votes before returning to Washington the following week. He had only two speeches during the afternoon, both in Ohio. He would make major speeches the following night at Hibbing, Minn., in Chicago on Wednesday night, in Detroit on Thursday night, in Cincinnati on Friday night, and in St. Louis on Saturday night, to wind up the campaign.

John L. Lewis ordered striking soft coal miners back to work immediately this date, after they had struck the previous week in protest of the Wage Stabilization Board's cut by 40 cents of their negotiated daily pay increase of $1.90. The union and the industry had jointly appealed the WSB decision to Economic Stabilizer Roger Putnam. Associates of Mr. Lewis said that they expected the full pay raise to be approved within a day or two.

The North Carolina Republican Party reported this date that it had spent over $24,000 in general election campaigning and had received over $23,000 in contributions, through October 28. The contributions had been made by about 200 donors, most of them giving less than $100, with about 20 contributions of greater than that amount, the largest being $1,000 given by Stuart W. Cramer, Jr., of Charlotte, and $500 by J. E. Broyhill of Lenoir, the Republican national committeeman and furniture manufacturer. The North Carolina Citizens for Eisenhower-Nixon Committee reported the previous day that it had spent about $7,800 and received contributions totaling a little over $7,000.

In Pisgah National Forest, officials indicated in the morning that help was needed in battling a forest fire in the Puncheon Camp section of Spring Creek in Madison County, the fire having burned over 500 acres of forest land and remaining out of control at mid-morning. Across the state line in Cherokee National Forest, a fire was out of control on a two-mile front and North Carolina firefighters were moving in to assist in extinguishing that fire.

On the editorial page, "Why United Appeal Deserves Support" urges giving to the new one-fund method of meeting local social welfare responsibilities, replacing the old piecemeal approach to charitable solicitations. The goal for the drive, opening this date, was $738,000, and it indicates that achieving it was a necessity if the city and county were to show the same generosity which they always had.

"Firemen Due Fairness, Not Favoritism" tells of Charlotte firemen apparently wanting to have their cake and eat it, too, regarding their retirement system which was heading for bankruptcy. The firemen had suggested that the City increase its contribution from five percent of the firemen's salary to 12.5 percent and keep it at that level indefinitely. The piece doubts that the taxpayers of the city would agree. The firemen contributed five percent of their pay to the fund and the City matched it, but it would take a 17.5 percent contribution to put the fund on a sound actuarial basis.

The piece suggests leaving the contributions at the same level and reducing the benefits until the fund was sound, that if the firemen wanted a more extensive retirement plan than other City employees received, they should increase their contribution to 12.5 percent and be placed under the regular retirement program of the City. The firemen contended that they faced special hazards, but the police faced hazardous duty also and did not receive such higher contributions.

"Empty Egg Baskets" tells of the Congressional Quarterly having recently listed potential Democratic or Republican committee chairmen in the House, depending on which party would gain control after the election. If the Republicans were to gain control, Representatives from six Central states would control 13 of the 19 committees, three Middle Atlantic states would control five, with New England controlling one. If the Democrats retained control, Representatives from six Southern states would control nine of the 19 committees, three Middle Atlantic states, four, three Central states, four, and one border state and one Western state, one each.

It indicates that Southern Democrats had been powerful because of their control of these committees, but that an argument on the other side was often overlooked, that if the Republicans were to control the House, the South would be without representation among the chairmanships.

It offers the advice of Cervantes, that it should be "the part of a wise man to keep himself today for tomorrow, and not venture all his eggs in one basket."

"Variations" tells of an educational journal having recently noted the unusual spellings and neologistic phrasings employed by pupils when asked by their teachers to write out the "Pledge of Allegiance", the first phrase coming out as "I pejur legions", "I plaig alegins", "I pledge a legion", or "I pledge the Legen to the flag". The next phrase, "to the Republic for which it stands", came out as "to the Republicans", "to public for witches stand", or "to the Republic for Rich can stands".

It goes on with other variant spellings and malapropistic renderings of the other phrases, concludes that it was not surprising, as adult letter writers often mangled the name of General Eisenhower, spelling it "Eisenhour", "Isenhower", "Isenhour" or even "Icinghour" or "Eisenhowever".

How about, for that second phrase, "to the Republican National Committee for Rich, c/o Maurice Stans"?

A piece from the Greensboro Daily News, titled "'Just Pulling a Scotty'", tells of Governor Kerr Scott's name surely to outlast the memory of his administration, according to Bill Sharpe writing in his State Magazine, as the Governor had undertaken such a pervasive road-building program that the paved secondary road was now called a "scott road". It had become as common as "macadam" and was even used by anti-Scott people.

The piece indicates that Mr. Sharpe could have gone further, and indicated that the terms "buncombe" and "bunk" derived from Buncombe County in Western North Carolina. Trade names, such as jello, often became shorthand for the products to which they referred. "Deep Freeze" was owned as a trademark, which would likely go by the boards. Victrola was another, from an earlier generation.

It concludes therefore that Governor-nominate William B. Umstead and his successors would likely long be building "scott roads", as Mr. Sharpe predicted.

Don't forget the Kodak so that you can capture lots of nice pictures along the scott roads.

Drew Pearson provides a prospectus for the members of the cabinet for each candidate should either win the presidency. In an Eisenhower cabinet would likely be found Governor Thomas Dewey as Secretary of State, Winthrop Aldrich of Chase National Bank and brother-in-law of John D. Rockefeller, as Secretary of Treasury, Senator Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., as Secretary of Defense, Governor Earl Warren as Attorney General, Senator Frank Carlson of Kansas as Secretary of Agriculture, Governor Dan Thornton of Colorado as Secretary of Interior, Senator James Duff of Pennsylvania as Secretary of Commerce, former Governor Harold Stassen of Minnesota as Secretary of Labor, and RNC chairman Arthur Summerfield as Postmaster General.

In a Stevenson cabinet would be found Averell Harriman as Secretary of State, Dwight Palmer as Secretary of Treasury, Secretary of the Air Force Thomas Finletter as Secretary of Defense, Senator Estes Kefauver as Attorney General, either Milton Eisenhower, brother of General Eisenhower, or, more likely, former Governor of Oklahoma Roy Turner as Secretary of Agriculture, present Secretary of the Interior Oscar Chapman continuing in that role, or Senator Joseph O'Mahoney of Wyoming, Phil Wrigley, head of the chewing gum empire, as Secretary of Commerce, Senator Wayne Morse as Secretary of Labor, and DNC chairman Stephen Mitchell as Postmaster General.

There was a continuing campaign by the Republicans to collect from every Ford dealer in the country, but the effort was having a rough time with some of the Democratic Ford dealers, though many had contributed for fear of incurring disfavor from Ford Motor Company headquarters in Detroit. It had been made clear to dealers in Iowa that if they did not pony up $1,000 each, or $200 for smaller dealers, it would impact their allotment of cars. One Democrat in Cedar Falls refused to pay and said that Ford could go jump in the Mississippi River as far as he was concerned. Another dealer from Hudson also refused.

He notes again that in 1948, 18 Ford and GM dealers had been convicted in Michigan for violating the Corrupt Practices Act when then Michigan Republican national committeeman Arthur Summerfield, the largest Chevy dealer in the world, got them to contribute to Governor Dewey's campaign.

It was against the law to contribute more than $5,000 to a political campaign, but contributions could be scattered among members of wealthy families, such as the Rockefellers, and the column provides that family's various contributions, including $12,000 from future New York Governor and Vice-President Nelson Rockefeller, $3,000 each to the RNC, the Republican Senate campaign committee, the Republican House campaign committee, and the United Republican Committee of New York, all legal.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop find a plan put forward by Beardsley Ruml, to meet the high campaign costs by seeking five-dollar contributions from individuals, to have merit. He had caused to be printed about two million booklets, each containing five certificates with a hand-written thank you note from Governor Stevenson, costing five dollars apiece. The country would be blanketed by 10-man teams, each member having a book of five certificates to sell. The results had been spotty, but Mr. Ruml believed he would be able to sell 40 percent of the books, thus raising 2.4 million dollars and attracting 800,000 voters with a personal stake in the Governor's campaign.

As things were, the candidates were forced by the Hatch Act to be liars in reporting their campaign expenditures, as the Act unrealistically maintained low contribution levels from individual contributors. As a result, both major parties were dangerously dependent on large contributions from a small number of wealthy Americans and special interests.

The Democrats had relied on Louis Johnson to fill their coffers in 1948, for which he was rewarded, disastrously, by the President with the job of Secretary of Defense. There had been other, less conspicuous such appointments and certain concessions made to special interest groups as a result of large contributions.

If the Ruml plan worked for Governor Stevenson, it might set a positive trend for the future. The Alsops posit that something needed to be done because of the increasingly expensive campaigns resulting from the high cost of television broadcast time.

Even General Eisenhower's campaign had been worried early on that the disgruntled Taft supporters would not contribute.

The small-contribution plan was not a cure for the problem, as five-dollar donations could not possibly cover a whole modern campaign, but until a cure was found, such as the limited underwriting of campaigns by the Federal Government, the Ruml plan was at least a step in the right direction.

The lesson carries over to 2019, in the nearly ten-year wake of the Supreme Court's 5 to 4 Citizens United decision, vitiating the key parts of McCain-Feingold campaign finance limitations as a violation of free speech of corporate donors, with the appointment by El Presidente of a wealthy concierge as Ambassador to the E.U., without, a la El Presidente, ostensible background or knowledge in foreign policy or international affairs, except, perhaps, those carried on in hotels, now having stirred up a bribe-infested hornets' nest, badly stinging El Presidente, to whose 2016 campaign the concierge contributed a million dollars with which to purchase his post. Before undertaking to direct foreign policy and engaging in international politics, it helps to understand basic concepts beyond how to conduct room service and accommodate guests, such as not setting up a phone call in which would transpire a direct solicitation of a bribe by El Presidente from a foreign government's head of state, offering to unfreeze a half billion dollars of frozen aid in exchange for a public announcement by the foreign head of state that it was conducting an investigation into El Presidente's primary political opponent in 2020. It also helps to distinguish between legitimate withholding of foreign aid in exchange for things deemed genuinely to be in the national interest, as the firing of a corrupt prosecutor, and that which has as its object a violation of campaign finance laws by soliciting a contribution of a thing of value to a political campaign from a foreign national or government.

Did El Presidente and his concierge Ambassador never hear of the XYZ Affair, and the famous phrase arising from it, "not one cent for tribute"? Guess they don't teach that stuff anymore in concierge school. One apparently need only know, nowadays, how to say, accommodatingly, mais oui and "nothing-burger"...

The Congressional Quarterly reports of a study it had conducted of eight national groups which were asked to rate members of Congress as "right" or "wrong" on selected roll call votes. Six of the groups, including the AFL, the CIO, the International Association of Machinists, the UAW, the ADA, and the Property Owners of America, marked all of the votes as either all "right" or all "wrong". The National Farmers Union, which rated only members from farm states, gave no one a perfect score for being all right, and only one Senator, Harry Cain of Washington, as being all wrong. The Council of State Chambers of Commerce rated members on economy and spending votes, and gave four Republicans perfect scores for economy and four Democrats perfect scores for spending.

The record of Senator Herbert Lehman of New York had received the greatest approval from the groups voting all "right", including such a vote from AFL, CIO, IAM, UAW and the ADA. The Property Owners Association, however, rated him all "wrong".

Senators Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota and James Murray of Montana were labeled "right" by AFL, CIO, IAM and ADA, but "wrong" by POA and the Council.

It also provides the various ratings for Senators Clinton Anderson of New Mexico, Thomas Hennings of Missouri, Eugene Millikin of Colorado, Edward Martin of Pennsylvania, Hugh Butler of Nebraska, Herman Welker of Idaho, and Wallace Bennett of Utah.

In the House, it found that the Farmers Union named only Congressman Roy Wier of Minnesota as all "right" and there were no all "wrongs" from the farm states. The Council listed no one as all "right", and listed Mr. Wier and Congressman Eugene McCarthy, also of Minnesota, as being all "wrong". Congressman Jacob Javits of New York was the only House Republican to be judged completely right by four of the organizations, CIO, IAM, UAW and ADA, but was rated all "wrong" by POA.

A letter writer from Forest City indicates that the newspaper had printed his letter on October 15, stating that he was shocked that the newspaper had endorsed General Eisenhower, to which the publisher had responded with a letter to him, explaining that the newspaper had no ill feeling toward him because of his opposition to the General, and would defend his right to support and vote for whomever he pleased, stating that the political inclinations of the newspaper were expressed only on the editorial page and that it sought to treat each candidate fairly in the news columns. He concludes by thanking the newspaper for reminding him of the two-party system, that under Communist rule, there would be no letters to the editor column, or the right to vote or speak one's opinion regarding the election.

A letter writer from Pittsboro indicates that he was offering his last letter prior to the election and thanks the newspaper for permitting him to "clutter up" the letters column, and also thanks readers for their reactions to what he had said, some agreeing and some disagreeing. He says that he would register a protest vote in the election as it was the best he could do, voting against a "20-year record which, on the whole, has been but little better than a period of camouflaged anarchy." He finds it the "crime of modern history" that the high command of the New and Fair Deals had "put Roosevelt under wraps long before the nominating convention [of 1944] and kept him so until after the election, when they knew that he was weakened by disease and mentally fatigued, if not sick, and further with knowledge of his pro-Russian attitude, but believing there was one more victory in his candidacy," using him and permitting him to attend the various peace conferences without the advice and cooperation of any prominent publicly chosen representative of the opposition party. He laments that the country had lost the peace after expending 337 billion dollars and suffering approximately a million casualties in winning the war, and he was voting against that record.

You have a future, should you live long enough, at Fox News. They have a big red cape behind the cameras which they hold in lieu of cue cards...

A letter writer from Derita provides a lengthy quote from "What It Means To Be a Catholic", a pamphlet by the Most Rev. Apollinaris Baumgartner, saying that she believes it should be followed by everyone, regardless of their religious beliefs. She indicates that if everyone voted and voted according to their conscience rather than the dictates of a political party, the country would be much better off.

A letter writer indicates that she had noticed a few letters in the newspaper from "so-called Democrats" mentioning a depression, that they had forgotten about the depression under President Martin Van Buren, lasting from 1837 through 1841, and the 1857 depression under President James Buchanan, as well as the 1893 depression during President Grover Cleveland's second term, when Governor Stevenson's grandfather, of the same name, had been Vice-President. All of those Administrations had been Democratic. She indicates that they had also forgotten about the depression of 1921-22 after President Wilson's term, during the Administration of Warren Harding, when 5.7 million people had been unemployed.

"I cannot help but get furious when an infinitesimal specimen of bacteria, namely Harry Truman, goes whistle-stopping through the country trying to make people think that only Republicans have depressions."

You appear quite depressed.

A letter writer from Kannapolis indicates that he had often seen it said that the country had never gone to war under a Republican Administration, but that in 1898, President William McKinley asked the Congress to declare war on Spain, as it had, and that when President Theodore Roosevelt succeeded President McKinley after the latter's assassination in 1901, war was declared on the Philippines. And the Civil War had occurred during a Republican Administration. He concludes by saying that Henry Ford had freed the mule and Herbert Hoover, the workingman, without pay, and he was wondering of what Senators Jenner, McCarthy and Taft, and Governor Dewey were going to free the country. He adds a "P.S.", stating that he was about to forget that a soldier was running for the presidency under the sponsorship of the above-named officials. "'Scuse me."

A letter writer indicates that she was new to the state and was planning to vote by absentee ballot in her former home state, where carpools were used to transport persons to the polls, without the drivers trying to influence the passengers' votes, suggests that it would be helpful in the community for those who were handicapped or had small children.

A letter writer responds to a letter published October 16, indicating that the writer gave the President and others reasons to degrade the South regarding its treatment of blacks. She indicates that there was nothing wrong with going to the slums to get votes, as the previous writer had suggested, as they were citizens, too. She indicates that during the recent arrests by the ABC officers of persons in possession of moonshine, that 72 black persons had been arrested, when the liquor they sold had been distilled, wholesaled and retailed by white persons. She notes that officials had arrested 30 couples for occupying rooms for immoral purposes, the majority of whom were black. There were approximately 40 or more hotels, rooming houses and tourist houses operated by whites and solely for the occupancy of whites in the community, and she wonders whether persons occupied rooms in those places for immoral purposes. She indicates that the bellhops and maids knew, and that they were mostly black.

A letter writer indicates that the "Trumanites" claimed that price control legislation was blocked by a hostile Congress, but would not admit that deficit spending had caused U.S. currency to lose value. He laments that many voters did not understand economics and voted for an ideology of borrowing and spending as a road to prosperity. He indicates that the only way to curb inflation was for the government and individuals to operate on a balanced budget. He finds that the President was "a little man and a great spender", that "his crowd" would continue to spend unless the voters realized that Santa Claus did not live in Washington.

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