The Charlotte News

Thursday, December 13, 1945

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports the expected result that 36 of the 40 convicted defendants at Dachau for atrocities committed at the camp during the war were sentenced to hang, while three guards against whom there had been no evidence of cruelty, in one case even kindness extended to prisoners, received terms of ten years each, and one guard, against whom there was only slight evidence of cruelty, a life term. Among the convicted were five camp doctors and three prisoners who had collaborated with the SS. Dr. Klaus Karl Schilling had killed many prisoners during experiments seeking a vaccine for malaria. Testimony exposed that some prisoners had been cremated while still alive. All of the accused had been represented before the U.S. military tribunal by U.S. Army officers, with whom they shook hands after the sentences were pronounced.

At Nuremberg. Assistant U.S. prosecutor Thomas Dodd adduced a preserved shrunken head and lamp shades made of tattooed human skin while relating evidence of the atrocities committed at Mauthausen and Buchenwald. The shrunken head had belonged to a Pole caught fraternizing with a German Jewish girl. The lampshades came from victims at Buchenwald, presented to the wife of SS Standartenfuehrer Koch. The victims had been specifically selected for their artistic tattoos out of all of the tattooed prisoners in the camp.

General Marshall, continuing his testimony before the joint Congressional committee investigating Pearl Harbor, became visibly angry when stating yet again under persistent questioning that he had provided to General Walter Short at Pearl Harbor a definite war warning and that he expected the order to be carried out for full preparation. General Short had responded by preparing only against sabotage, of which General Marshall acknowledged knowing prior to the attack, adding that he should have insured that more was being done in readiness of potential attack. But he also admitted that General Short might likely have done more had he known of the intercepts from Tokyo showing Japanese interest in ship movements in and out of Pearl Harbor. He stated that he did not impart that information to General Short because such concern of the Japanese was longstanding, nothing new in November and December, 1941. He also thought, however, that it was obvious to both General Short and Admiral Kimmel that the Japanese had visual access to shipping movements, easily accessible from the high bluffs near the Harbor, and could report same to Tokyo.

Meanwhile, Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal stated that he believed it tragic that it had now been publicly disclosed that the Japanese code dubbed "Magic" had been compromised by G-2 and ONI in January, 1941. He described the code-breaking as having been "playing the Pacific war poker game with a mirror behind another man's hand." He concluded that disclosure of the code-breaking was one of the "penalties" or "corollaries" of the democratic system of government. He also favored a single intelligence agency henceforth, as an alternative to the Army desire to join the Navy and Army under a Defense Department.

The attitude of Secretary Forrestal toward disclosure, it might be noted, got the Government and the country into a lot of difficulties over the course of the ensuing three decades, involving covert operations approved through the C.I.A., continued even from the White House basement during the Reagan Administration, the latter to circumvent the tight constraints placed by Congress on the extent of activities of the C.I.A. in the wake of the Church-Tower Committee hearings of 1975.

In London, Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin told Commons that Britain and France had agreed to remove their troops from Syria and Lebanon. Outbreaks of violence had erupted in the Levant States in May, as Syrians demanded independence from France.

General Patton was reported to have been recovering well from his injuries suffered on Sunday in an automobile mishap near Mannheim, Germany. The commanding Army officer at the Army Hospital where Patton was being treated stated that there was a good chance the partially paralyzed General would again be on his feet, as the fracture in his neck vertebra had been reduced, though it was unclear how extensive the damage had been to his spinal cord. His condition had been downgraded from serious to satisfactory. Most of the doctors believed General Patton would pull through in the course of days, weeks, or months, but that he might never be able to walk again.

Unfortunately, within a week the General would contract pneumonia and die on December 21.

Those who are foolish enough to believe, incidentally, that General Patton was deliberately murdered by the Army, or by some O.S.S. operative, to silence him for his supposed determination to "go public" with his anti-Soviet views, as a cadre of right-wing "researchers" have posited, probably ought first examine the records before putting forth such nonsense. For one thing, if anyone was to be silenced for being outspoken at the time, it would have been General Patrick Hurley, not General Patton, who had been quiet since the end of the war, save for his not following strict de-Nazification policies and thus incurring the wrath of General Eisenhower who took away his command of the Third Army in October as a result. General Patton made it a point to remain aloof from politics, had eschewed efforts to try to get him to run for Congress from California. That he would be killed after the war by the American Army or that there would be an effort exerted to kill him in such a haphazard manner as a freak automobile accident which, among the three occupants of the car, injured only the General sitting in a position remote from the point of impact, is ludicrous in the premises. Surely, such forces would have used a method more certain of result, such as recruiting one of the Nazi prisoners to shoot the General and then allowing his escape.

Such "researchers" need to pay less attention to novels and compressed time frames of movies and more to dedicated research of simple contemporaneous newspaper accounts, often the best source, more so than inherently unreliable supposed eyewitness accounts and the like, obtained decades after the fact from aging memories and, sometimes, self-serving or self-glorifying sources. But, of course, studying facts is often a dull and jejune task to someone bent on establishing some unpopular political point via a popular historical figure who is long ago deceased and unable to confute the association.

Commander Iko Hashimoto of I-58, the Japanese submarine which fired three torpedoes into the Indianapolis, testified, over defense objection, at the court martial of Captain Charles McVay, on trial for not taking proper evasive action as the ship moved from Tinian via Guam to Leyte after delivering key components for the first atomic bomb, dropped August 6 on Hiroshima. The commander stated that the ship was 290 miles from Palau when sighted on the night of July 29-30, his submarine then trailing it for 27 minutes before launching the torpedoes. He witnessed three strikes on the ship, but could not positively identify it as more than a "dark object" in the water, observed from a range of about a half mile.

Hope still prevailed that Ford and UAW might work out their differences to avoid a strike and also to set a pattern by which G.M. and UAW could settle the ongoing strike. G.M. had not yet stated whether it would cooperate with the Government-appointed fact-finding committee of Walter Stacy, assigned the task of trying to examine G.M. books to discern whether the company could afford a wage increase. Discussions between G.M. and UAW this day were confined to the charges of illegal picketing, blocking access to company offices by regular office employees.

Ford stated its frustration at slow reconversion, that three or four months earlier, after V-J Day, the company believed it would have produced by this time 80,000 1946 models, instead had produced only about 26,000, not many more than was true in September. It said that conditions would not improve for two to three more months, and would be further hampered by the threatened steel strike. Strikes in other companies had tied up 15 to 25 essential items, presumably including the heart of the motor, the fuel pump, which was supplied to the industry by G.M.

Dampening optimism on resolution, however, was Ford's statement that changed circumstances prevented it from offering a wage increase at the time, particularly unsuited for the purpose given the lag in production.

Some 200,000 electrical workers at G.E., G.M., and Westinghouse were casting ballots as to whether to strike after the beginning of the year.

Fortunately, given the number of pickets on the sidewalks, there would be, according to OPA, no hike in the prices of shoes. An allowed 4.5 percent rise in manufacturers' prices was ordered absorbed by retailers and wholesalers, as profits were as much as 7.5 percent higher than in the period 1936-39.

Celebrating the 400th anniversary of the beginning of the Council of Trent, Pope Pius XII called for reunion of the Church, Catholic and Protestant, Trent having been called to resolve problems growing from the schism.

A dairy owner in Los Angeles won a civil judgment for $5,000 in a suit which claimed that low-flying planes from the Lockheed Air Terminal were disturbing his cattle.

Also in Los Angeles, the sister of Tokyo Rose, American-born Iva Toguri, being held in Tokyo on charges of sedition, applied for a license to sell wine and beer at a grocery store owned in the name of Iva. The State Board recommended denial of the license, but the sister complained that she and her family were American citizens who were blameless, that Iva had been the only American-born member of the family of age when the store had been purchased and the purchase money had come from the entire family.

Freck Sproles reports that the local Salvation Army had provided Christmas for three small children of a World War I veteran recently released from the hospital and unable to afford to give his children any gift. Two of the children would receive fountain pens and one an erector set. All were in an orphanage.

The Empty Stocking Fund had increased by another $360 to $3,465.59.

In New Orleans, spot cotton closed steady at 25 cents a bale higher.

For whatever reason, as it seems to have more to do with Easter than Christmas, with nine shopping days remaining, The News restates the Humpty-Dumpty verse, replacing, "Had a great fall, and all the king's horses and all the king's men..." with the lament, "Humpty Dumpty started to bawl; He put off shopping till you know when, And couldn't find what he wanted then."

But, as told by Alice, anyway, if you can believe her account out in Wonderland, having gone through a mirror to get there, Humpty-Dumpty could not figure much about anything sensible anyway, and so would it not be par for the course that he would also lose track of the days remaining until Christmas? Doesn't make a bit of sense. We would just tell old Humpty to grin and bear it, go talk to the Canooks, buy a hockey stick, or something like that.

Besides, the stores were apparently pretty much still devoid of much merchandise worth having this Christmas of 1945 anyway. So what's the difference, Humpty, ol' pal? Stop your crying. We just can't stand to see that.

On the editorial page, "Is This Good Business?" discusses the rejection by the Reconstruction Finance Corporation of the offer by National Carbon Company to purchase the large war plant in Charlotte, ending any chance for a peacetime battery plant which would have employed 500-600 people. Though the agency acted within its authority, it was a loss to Charlotte of much needed jobs, appearing penny-wise and pound-foolish for the Government simply not to write off the cost of the plant to enable establishment of much needed industry in the South, for the good of the region and the country as a whole.

"A Long Step Forward" gives praise to the City Council for having passed a city ordinance instituting new standards for housing, including indoor plumbing, and refusing to bow to pressure of the Real Estate Board advocating a wait of five years before the requirements would be implemented. The ordinance would go into effect as soon as the shortage of building materials would be alleviated.

"Opportunity Knocks Again" wonders at the refusal of the House Education Committee by one vote to pass out of committee a bill to provide 50 million dollars of Federal aid to the states for education in the first year and 100 million dollars per year thereafter, without any strings attached as to how the states would spend the money. Thus, the traditional fear that such aid would carry with it requirements that schools integrate to eliminate the plain inequities extant under the Jim Crow system was not present.

Former Associate Editor Burke Davis had pointed out recently that Charlotte's schools, especially its black schools, were in need of improvement, which was why there was discussion of floating a six million dollar bond. The State spent a portion of its budget on education, roughly equivalent in percentage to the national average, but still education suffered.

So it was perplexing that the Southerners had turned down the opportunity to receive such aid without any strictures on how it would be spent.

Drew Pearson tells of the passing of George Carlin, guiding light of the United Features Syndicate and "midwife, patron saint, and godfather" to Mr. Pearson's column with Robert Allen at its inception in 1932. He had also been instrumental in the columns of Westbrook Pegler, Marquis Childs, Eleanor Roosevelt, Tom Stokes, Heywood Broun, Raymond Clapper, and Ernie Pyle, the latter three of whom having died respectively in December, 1939, February, 1944, and April, 1945, Mr. Clapper and Mr. Pyle both having lost their lives while covering the war in the Pacific.

Mr. Pearson comments that he was able to keep Mrs. Roosevelt placated even as Westbrook Pegler skewered her and her husband regularly in the adjoining column. He could even get away with editing out her words and still be invited to the White House.

Mr. Carlin, he explains, had kept it all going as the Syndicate was his life and the columnists his children. As some of his children passed away and others, such as Mr. Pearson, went on to other booking agencies, the excitement appeared to leave Mr. Carlin's life until he had quietly died a few days earlier, passing to a place where Mr. Pearson envisioned him working still with Mr. Clapper, Mr. Pyle, and Mr. Broun, "pounding out masterpieces for a new public truly appreciative of their great genius, a world free of wars and bloodshed and the puny pettiness of mankind."

He next reports that Eric Johnston had nearly resigned as president of the U.S. Chamber of Commerce regarding the Chamber's conflicting desire to end price controls as Mr. Johnston wanted controls to continue beyond their slated expiration July 1.

American troops were to be retained in China for at least another 100 days, until completion of the job of transporting the remaining 300,000 Japanese troops back to Japan. Secretary of State Byrnes had admitted that lend-lease goods were still going to Chiang's troops.

General Eisenhower had signed a directive allowing thousands of Jewish refugees from Poland to enter the American occupation zone of Germany, many additional refugees coming from the British zone where treatment had been shabby.

The Truman Administration was reeling from former Chinese Ambassador Patrick Hurley's charges to the extent that President Truman had ordered a reversal of Hurley's policies, instructing new Ambassador, General Marshall, to undertake to effect unity between Chiang Kai-Shek and the Chinese Communists.

Finally, the column tells of the objection by General Marshall to disclosure of his letter to Governor Dewey in fall, 1944, asking that the presidential candidate not reveal the cracking of the Japanese code so as not to compromise thousands of American lives, as the code would be changed once the Japanese knew of its having been cracked. General Marshall had met in executive session with the Pearl Harbor Committee to try to keep the letter under wraps, but to no avail. He did not want it disclosed that he had referred to cooperation with the British and, implicitly, that American intelligence was also receiving and decoding Russian messages.

Marquis Childs explains the carryback of excess profits taxes, as they would expire on January 1. Each corporation was allowed a credit for each year of wartime excess profits, based on profits above the average earnings for the pre-war period of 1936-39 or, alternatively, based on invested capital. For the profits above this base, the corporation had paid 85.5 percent tax during the war. The credit carryback was designed to insure profits during reconversion, such that, theoretically, a corporation could shut down in 1946 and still show the same earnings as in 1945. Each corporation could obtain a refund for its paid excess profits taxes.

Some companies were using the carryback as a club against strikes, threatening not to enter into bargaining for higher wages based on their guaranteed profit for the coming year. Thus, there was a move to alter the provision to permit the carryback only to those companies which would engage in collective bargaining.

A corporal from Fort Bragg writes another letter expressing the anger of enlisted men being held in service long after they had thought they would be discharged, after returning from overseas.

Samuel Grafton discusses the possibility of defection of two principal parts of the Democratic support should the policy of the Truman Administration continue on the course it was then headed. Of the four divisions of support, the South, Northern big city bosses, labor, and the disparate group of idealists who were not swayed by party membership but rather personality plus progress, the latter two groups, especially the idealists, were likely to bolt either to the Republicans, especially should former Minnesota Governor Harold Stassen become the Republican nominee, a third party, or simply not vote, in either case, bad for the Democrats.

Mr. Grafton analogizes to a four-legged chair missing potentially two of its legs.

The reason for the division was not because President Truman was governing badly but because he appeared to lack the charisma of President Roosevelt, that he was more concerned with preserving party unity than in assuring that policies were being administered consistently, placing the new President in a position of being perceived as less serious than his predecessor. President Truman did not appear to hear the "meaningful rumble from below" as had FDR.

Whatever, the cause, the Democratic Party was undergoing some form of mitotic reaction which Mr. Truman had to note and arrest if he wanted to win re-election in 1948.

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