The Charlotte News
Thursday, July 3, 1958
ONE EDITORIAL
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Bernard Goldfine acknowledged this date before the House subcommittee investigating his gifts to White House chief of staff Sherman Adams, that he had provided what he called Christmas-present payments to numerous White House and Congressional employees, but denied a suggestion which might explain the mysterious disposition of $750,000. He refused to provide House investigators his records on the $750,000 worth of checks drawn on funds of his enterprises but never cashed. He contended that the checks were not relevant to the subcommittee's investigation of his relations with Mr. Adams. He said that his Christmas-present payments to White House and Congressional employees were comprised of about $25 each. He said that at Christmas time, they sent such checks to some poor workers. Robert Lishman, counsel for the subcommittee, chaired by Congressman Oren Harris of Arkansas, raised the payments soon after Mr. Goldfine had begun his testimony for the second day. He gave Mr. Goldfine a list of 37 people whom he said had received payments and then he brought in the matter of the $750,000 of outstanding checks against funds of Mr. Goldfine's businesses. Mr. Lishman suggested that they might have gone to Federal employees "who may have been too bashful to get them cashed." Mr. Goldfine said that only a small portion of that money had gone for what he called the Christmas payments. The fact that the checks remained outstanding, some for years, had been brought out earlier during the hearings. They consisted of cashier's checks or bank treasurer's checks and were good indefinitely. Mr. Lishman said that such checks were good until the bank on which they were drawn folded, differing from personal checks which would become invalid if not cashed within a year. The first name mentioned on the list of those receiving the payments was that of Eugene Kinnaly, administrative assistant to Representative John McCormack of Massachusetts, the House Democratic leader. Mr. Goldfine said that his largest gift had gone to Mr. Kinnaly and that he had known the man for years. The latter had told a reporter that the only gift he had ever received from Mr. Goldfine had been a box of fruit and food the previous Christmas and that he had never received a penny from him or from anyone else as gifts. Mr. Goldfine had begun his second day of testimony by finishing the last three pages of a 25-page statement he had begun reading the previous day, at which point Mr. Harris had asked him for his public explanation regarding why gifts to Mr. Adams had been deducted by him as business expenses.
In Guantánamo, Cuba, it was reported that a broadcast from the mountain headquarters of rebel leader Fidel Castro had ordered the release of all Americans and Canadians held by the rebels in the mountain jungles nearby. Five of the 50 kidnaped by bands under Raul Castro had been released the previous night. The broadcast said that Fidel Castro had known nothing about the kidnaping of 47 Americans and three Canadians "due to difficulties in communications." It said that he had ordered his brother to release the men. Raul Castro commanded rebels in the northern section of rebellious Oriente Province. The broadcast, monitored in Puerto Rico, said: "We know they actually were not taken as hostages but only as observers so they could see how Batista's forces kill Cuban civilians, using arms furnished by the United States." A speedy return of more kidnaped North Americans was expected after U.S. Consul Park Wollam had returned from the hills with five captives in a U.S. Navy helicopter the previous day, those having been five of the 12 engineers taken by the rebels at the Moa Mining Co. in northeastern Cuba the prior Thursday. Darkness had halted the flights, but the helicopter was readied to resume operations this date. In all, the rebels had kidnaped 46 Americans and three Canadians and taken them into the mountains of Oriente from which Sr. Castro had carried on his guerrilla campaign against El Presidente Fulgencio Batista and his regime. Among those taken had been 29 American sailors and Marines from the Guantánamo base.
In Moscow, it was reported that Premier Nikita Khrushchev had called this date for an East-West conference of military and civilian experts to work out an agreement to prevent surprise attacks by one nation on another. He made his proposal in a letter to the President, delivered in Washington the previous day and released at a Foreign Ministry news conference in Moscow during the afternoon. He had suggested that the U.S. and the Soviet Union take the initiative in calling the conference, which would be held in the near future and that the participants would include the U.S., the Soviet Union and "possibly representatives of some other government." An agreement against surprise attack had been one of the Kremlin's several standing proposals for discussion between East and West and Mr. Khrushchev's latest reiteration of it had gone one step further, to include a possible conference of technical experts. At the same time, it revived the general subject, dormant for the previous few weeks, of an East-West summit conference.
The Shah of Iran completed his three-day unofficial visit in Washington this date, and Government officials privately called it a complete success. Iran reportedly would obtain a 40 million dollar development loan from the U.S., the amount which the Shah had requested.
In Beirut, Lebanon, rebels had launched a counter-attack this date at the main east-west highway from Beirut to Damascus and dueled for control of another road supplying Government forces fighting southeast of Beirut.
In Nicosia, Cyprus, Turkish Cypriots had raided Greek homes in a Nicosia suburb this date, in continued communal violence over the fate of the British colony.
In Canterbury, England, the Archbishop of Canterbury convened the world conference of Anglican bishops this date and called on them to work for unity in the Christian church and for peace in the world.
On an inside page, it was reported
that the Senate Select Committee investigating misconduct of unions
and management continued its hearings this date with Committee
counsel Robert F. Kennedy stating that the focus would shift to
alleged trucking rackets in East St. Louis, Ill., and charges that
gangsters had muscled their way into the garment industry in
Pennsylvania and New York. Among those to be called to testify were
James Plumeri, convicted New York labor extortionist; Russell
Bufalino, whom the Committee had described as a gangster operating in
the Pennsylvania garment industry, sought to be deported by the
Government; Frank "Buster" Wortman, reputed head of the
old Shelton gang of East St. Louis; Thomas "Three Finger Brown"
Luchese, an alleged New York hoodlum; and Abe Chait, whom Mr. Kennedy
said was a major power in the New York garment industry and an
associate of gangsters. Mr. Bufalino was the only witness named who
had attended the meeting of syndicate gangsters in Apalachin, N.Y.,
in November, 1957, reputedly designed to split up territory
peacefully and end turf wars. Since the hearings into Mafia
infiltration of legitimate businesses and unions had commenced on
Monday, five witnesses had asserted the Fifth Amendment privilege
against self-incrimination, refusing to answer questions about the
Mafia. New York mobster Vito Genovese had been the main witness the
previous day, refusing to answer questions regarding whether he had
treasonous dealings during World War II with Italian dictator Benito
Mussolini, asserting the Fifth Amendment about 200 times. He was
characterized by Committee investigators as a "king of the
rackets", a power in the Mafia, and a person who had cheated on
his Federal income taxes. As reported elsewhere as part of the same story, Mr. Kennedy had also told him that there was no statute of limitations on treason and that it was clear that as a wartime fugitive in Italy from a murder charge in New York, Mr. Genovese was "helping and assisting an enemy of the country". O. C. Dickey, former investigator for the Allied Military Government in Italy, testified that he had heard but could not prove that Mr. Genovese had been decorated by Il Duce
In Audubon, Ia., nearly a score of persons, either known to be dead or presumed dead, had been listed this date as victims of floodwaters of the East Nishnabotna River and its tributaries. Officials listed 13 dead and six still missing 36 hours after floods had ravaged the southwestern Iowa area. The towns hardest hit had been Audubon, Exira and Hamlin, with one resident of Exira estimating that scarcely any house in the flood area had been left on its foundations and that some homes had simply vanished. The river was normally a stream 20 to 40 feet wide but had been swollen by floodwaters to the width of the Mississippi River. One woman had been swept from her home in Exira in the wee hours of the morning and had ridden floating debris some 30 miles downstream before being rescued at Griswold. Her son had been rescued from a tree near Exira but her husband remained missing. The Red Cross had sent rescue workers to the flood area and set up rehabilitation procedures, but only a start had been made toward restoring order. Iowa National Guard units had been pressed into emergency duty in the county and at Atlantic downstream, where 70 families had been evacuated as a precautionary measure.
Sunshine was forecast for most of the nation for the July 4 holiday the following day, but some sections might get showers or thunderstorms late in the day.
In Tacoma, Wash., an outing the previous day on Commencement Bay north of the city had almost ended in tragedy when eight of nine persons aboard a pleasure boat had been overcome by carbon monoxide.
In London, it was reported that a killer iceberg, estimated at 5 miles square in size, had been spotted this date in the eastern Atlantic. Emergency radio warnings had been broadcast immediately to all trans-Atlantic shipping to be on the lookout for the underwater iceberg with its jagged edges able to rip open a ship. A Pan American airliner had radioed that it had spotted the iceberg in the heavily traveled shipping lane some 650 miles west of the northern tip of Iceland. A British Admiralty spokesman called the iceberg "a very dangerous menace to Atlantic shipping". It was reported to be moving in the warm currents of the Gulf Stream at about 156 miles per day, a speed of 6 knots, and heading for the north of Scotland. Shippers said that icebergs were a rarity off the British Isles. The Admiralty spokesman said that the iceberg originally "must have been a fantastic size to have drifted so far south without melting."
In Morganton, N.C., it was reported that two Burke County youths, 18 and 17, were being held by police this date for attempted armed robbery of a Morganton cab driver. They had admitted the attempt, according to police. The taxi driver told officers that the youths had hired him the previous night for a trip of about 25 miles, and about 11 miles south of Morganton, near the home of one of the boys, they had gotten out of the cab and one of the boys had grabbed a shotgun hidden in some grass. The driver was then taken to a wooded area and while the youths were tying his hands, he lunged and the shotgun had fired, striking no one. The boy who had grabbed the shotgun told police that he only had one shell in it and that the taxi driver had "more nerve than anybody I ever saw." A passerby then took charge of the boy and the cab driver, taking the other boy with him, driving to a country store and calling police.
In Tokyo, it was reported that William Girard, the former soldier whose firing-range killing of a Japanese woman had turned into an international incident, had written his Japanese lawyer that he was writing a book.
In New Orleans, agents for the district attorney the previous night had hustled about 40 giggling French Quarter striptease dancers to jail and booked them for indecency.
In London, it was reported that the British War Office this date had announced an official investigation because a sentry had broken the age-old Horse Guards tradition of silence while on duty. A spokesman admitted that it was true and that the entire matter was under investigation. The incident had taken place the previous day when the sentry, one of two guardsmen mounted on white horses in Whitehall, prided for their strict discipline and able to remain absolutely still and keep their horses still for an hour at a time, had slowly advanced his horse a pace, methodically lowered his glittering sword and pointed the unsheathed weapon at the guide's throat. He then exclaimed, "You are a liar." The old soldier had fallen back in astonishment and for a moment the other sentry shifted his eyes to witness the incident. The speaking sentry then said, "Now, move on." The startled guide exclaimed: "This is shocking. Nothing like it has ever, ever happened before. I shall report you, sir."
Also in London, actress Ingrid
Bergman said this date that she would marry Swedish theatrical
producer Lars Schmidt as soon as it was legally possible, that after
their marriage, they planned to live in France. It would be Ms.
Bergman's third marriage. An Italian court was expected to announce
shortly its decision on the application by Roberto Rossellini to have
their marriage annulled. Ms. Bergman said that she expected her three
children by Mr. Rossellini, twin girls Ingrid and Isabella, and
Roberto, Jr., to live with her, with their father to have visiting
privileges. The children would probably spend part of their summers
with their father, Ms. Bergman explained. She also had another
daughter from her first marriage to a doctor. She had been in Britain
since the prior March filming "The Inn of the Sixth Happiness"
Also in London, it was reported that Lady Molly Huggins, whose husband was vacationing in Italy with another woman, had announced this date that she had begun divorce proceedings. The husband, 66, and former Governor of Jamaica, was a grandfather and the other woman, 45, ran a fancy dress shop near London, having a husband and a small daughter. First photographs of the other woman had been put on the front pages this date, with the London Daily Sketch columnist cheering Lady Huggins as the woman of the week for being of spirit, talking openly, even gaily, of her husband's disappearance and not afraid to discuss the other woman. On Monday, Lady Huggins had said that if her husband, Sir John, were to return home, she would forgive him, that he was being "very silly" and that she would not follow him to Italy as she did not suppose he would be there long, that he was "a little old for that sort of thing." She had said of the other woman that she had known her for years and that she was "rather pretty" and seemed to be "rather a nice woman" and rather was like herself, "although she's a little larger". The report indicates that Lady Huggins was a good-looking blonde herself. She had stated of her husband that he seemed to be such an upright man and that it was all completely out of character. She said that her husband had told her about the other woman and they had agreed to separate for awhile and thought it would blow over. Sir John and the other woman had been discovered living in separate suites in a hotel on Italy's Coast of Flowers and had refused to talk to reporters.
In Montclair, N.J., police reported that a 22-year old man had bet his brother the previous night that he could duck faster than the other could swing a baseball bat, but he lost the bet.
On the editorial page, Cecil Prince, editor of the newspaper, writes from White Sands, N.M., in a piece titled "With Booze and Bravado the Army Makes Its Pitch for Mobile Missiles", indicating that there were two ways to preview hell, one being to stare into the glare of a nuclear explosion and the other "to watch a guided missile leave the earth with a cargo of death and follow its ghastly glow to the point where destruction is total and absolute."
During a public relations extravaganza called "Project Ammo", the Army during the week had invited 400 hand-picked observers to admire both views. The atomic bursts had been phony but the rocketry was real, "and for a few shattering seconds each time a countdown was completed, so was hell."
Since 1944, when the German V-2 had been perfected, rockets and guided missiles had given the military mind a means toward an end. The Army had proved at White Sands and at the McGregor and Orogrande ranges of Fort Bliss in Texas during the week that the ultimate weapon at any range was frighteningly possible.
The demonstration was perhaps as costly a "circus" of modern destruction as the Army had ever staged, part of the bill having been picked up by the large U.S. corporations which had profited from missile manufacture, while the Army's share had also been considerable. The missiles were very expensive and in addition, two B-17 bombers, an F-80 jet fighter plane and an M-4 medium tank had been sacrificed to Army marksmanship. And the free liquor provided for the observers would have put Louis XIV's court to shame.
Top military leaders, including 130 general officers possessed of 260 stars, were on hand along with key executive department personnel, including the Secretary of the Army, Wilber Brucker, leading industrialists, missile designers and more than 120 newsmen, who wondered occasionally why they were there and why their travel expenses had been paid.
It was primarily an advertising promotion of the Army's special role in rocketry and space exploration, as well as a public celebration of the military-industry teamwork which had been responsible for whatever progress the Army had enjoyed in the missile field. It was also a pointed pitch for the concept of limited war with unlimited means. A dozen rocket or missile systems had been unveiled and nine had actually been fired. The old, familiar Nike Ajax surface-to-air missile, the Corporal surface-to-surface missile were demonstrated and comic relief had been unintentionally provided by an experimental armed helicopter unit, modern in appearance but "vulnerable to any squad of Revolutionary War irregulars armed with squirrel rifles."
Later in the show, the Charlotte-made Nike Hercules missile had made its first public appearance, and the observers greeted the display with genuine enthusiasm. The missile was manufactured by the Douglas Aircraft Co. in Charlotte, with electronic guidance and control systems made by Western Electric in Burlington, Greensboro and Winston-Salem. It had been the demonstration's brightest star. It was a second generation surface-to-air missile, the successor to the Nike Ajax, also made in Charlotte at one time. The Hercules was bigger, better, faster and deadlier, part of a system which electronically acquired a target and then caused the missile to destroy it. Unlike the Ajax, the Hercules could engage and destroy either single planes or a whole formation of aircraft. Its atomic warhead gave it the ability to kill any known manned aircraft flying at present or likely to fly in the near future.
At White Sands, the Hercules had scored a perfect kill on a simulated target, and, according to the commander of the Missile Range, had been a completely successful firing.
Mr. Prince suggests that such could mean much to Charlotte's economic future, as Douglas Aircraft would become more important in the months and years ahead to the city, certain after the week's demonstration. The Army could now announce that the Hercules had finally become "operational" and was already guarding Washington, New York and Chicago, with the experts at the demonstration indicating that it was "the most effective weapon in America's air defense arsenal."
Among other lethal weapons of the space age displayed at the show during the week, one had been a total flop, the Navy-developed Talos, a surface-to-air missile originally designed for use on ships. It was now under study for possible integration into the Army air defense system as a land-based anti-aircraft missile with a mission similar to that of the Hercules. Armed with a new type of warhead never previously tested, it had failed to detonate when it neared a drone B-17 target plane. The Army did not know why it had failed and neither did the Navy.
The most spectacular demonstration had been by the HAWK, Homing All the Way Killer, a surface-to-air missile system designed to defend against enemy attackers flying at low altitudes to escape detection. One 16-foot Hawk, in its first public appearance, had scored a direct hit on an unpiloted F-80 jet fighter plane 5 miles distant. It might be adopted by the Marine Corps.
Other weapons demonstrated ranged from the 5-foot long Dart anti-tank missile, which had easily dispatched an old M-4 tank at a range of 7,000 feet, to the huge 70-foot Redstone surface-to-surface missile which was praised with pride but not fired. In between, there had been impressive firepower demonstrations by the Littlejohn and the LaCrosse, both comparatively small and mobile battlefield weapons, and a briefing on the Sergeant, a large surface-to-surface successor to the older and weaker Corporal.
He indicates that toward the end of the "circus", the enthusiasm of the observers had grown and there was finally a tendency to break into applause and even cheers when a "kill" was scored. "The roar of the rockets, the hollow rumble of faraway impacts, the applause and the cheers all seemed to be strangely out of place in this desert they call the Tularosa Basin—a name that rolls so pleasantly on the tongue."
The only predatory animal remaining on the landscape was man and during the week, he had been "very, very busy with his chores." He finds that despite the elation, there was something a little sad about it and a little frightening. "For hell is a place very much like White Sands, N.M."
Drew Pearson indicates that when Bernard Goldfine had come to Washington to confer with Sherman Adams the prior May and had registered under an assumed name at the Sheraton-Carlton Hotel, he had borrowed the last name of the manager of the Sheraton-Plaza Hotel in Boston, the hotel where Mr. Adams had his bills paid by Mr. Goldfine in several different rooms, amounting to $2,000 worth, while contending that he thought that it was Mr. Goldfine's regular suite. The manager of the Boston hotel had since been complaining that Mr. Goldfine had used his name but had never given him a vicuna coat.
White House press secretary James Hagerty had denied during the week reports that Mr. Adams had been masterminding Mr. Goldfine's legal defense, but the actual facts were that Mr. Goldfine had come to Washington under the assumed name in May to warn Mr. Adams that the column of Mr. Pearson was investigating him and that it could lead to opening up the probe by the House subcommittee, which to that point had remained dormant.
Following Mr. Pearson's column of May 13, written that date by assistant Jack Anderson, the subcommittee had begun an active investigation, at which point Mr. Goldfine had retained Edward Bennett Williams, top Washington trial lawyer, as his counsel. Mr. Goldfine did so on the recommendation of his New Hampshire attorney, Senator Norris Cotton, both a lawyer for and a director of Mr. Goldfine's mills. Mr. Williams had begun active legal work on the case when Mr. Goldfine had called Senator Cotton to say that he would have to drop Mr. Williams after being instructed by Mr. Adams to hire Roger Robb. Mr. Robb had been the attorney for Admiral Lewis Strauss and the Atomic Energy Commission in purging Dr. Robert Oppenheimer and had also represented Peter Strobel of the FCC, Richard Mack also of the FCC, and Secretary of the Air Force Harold Talbott, all conflict of interest cases during the Eisenhower Administration. Mr. Adams also faced a conflict of interest charge. Mr. Robb had been in close contact with the White House since that time.
Many Republicans in New York had suddenly gotten cold feet about running for governor against incumbent Governor Averell Harriman, delighted to allow Nelson Rockefeller to step forward and take all the honors. Leonard Hall, former RNC chairman, had been determined to be the nominee, but had now gotten cold feet. State Senator Walter Mahoney had also developed the syndrome, indicating that he had too much business in the State Senate and was too busy to run. Those changes had only occurred in the previous two weeks. He indicates that an interesting inside fact was that it was dictated largely by Sherman Adams, though he had not meant to do so. The reaction to the problems of Mr. Adams, in addition to the business recession and the confusion in Washington, had convinced both Mr. Hall and Mr. Mahoney that they ought let Mr. Rockefeller have the field entirely to himself.
Walter Lippmann finds that there was a certain vagueness in what Lebanese President Camille Chamoun had been allowed to think regarding American military commitments, having been said to think that if he were to ask for British-American armed intervention, having failed to obtain U.N. armed intervention, the British and Americans would be honor-bound to send in the Marines and British paratroopers. But it was hard to believe that the U.S. or Britain had really put themselves in a position where President Chamoun could decide to compel them to take part in the Lebanese fighting, as such a delegation of authority to a foreign leader, not even certain of the loyalty of his own Army, would be so imprudent that it was unlikely the President or Secretary of State Dulles would have done so. If such a promise had been made, it would be beyond anything contemplated in any of the pacts, doctrines and declarations of the past.
It would place the U.S. in a position committed to more than defense of a country which was the victim of external aggression, but rather committing itself to a particular individual in the internal affairs of that country. The Lebanese civil war had erupted when President Chamoun had started to amend the constitution to give himself another term of office. While the rebellion had undoubtedly been encouraged from Syria and Egypt, the basic fact was that if the Lebanese Army had been willing to act for President Chamoun, it could have suppressed the rebellion. Since President Chamoun could not use effectively his own Army, there was reason to believe that the conflict was, as U.N. observers had indicated, primarily an internal affair.
Had the U.S. promised President Chamoun to intervene if he called upon the U.S., it would have committed the country to the personal fortunes of one Lebanese politician and there was no public evidence that such had been done, though Secretary Dulles had stated in a recent press conference that the U.S. might intervene.
It had to be assumed that the U.S. was supportive of U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold's efforts in Lebanon, that the U.S. was acting in good faith and not merely seeking to take back a promise which it wished it had never given. The U.N. action looked toward a negotiated settlement of the civil war and any negotiated settlement would involve the departure of President Chamoun, eliminating any personal pledge to him.
Mr. Lippmann suggests that no one had reason to be embarrassed or become apologetic for opposing an Anglo-American intervention in the Lebanese civil war. It had been said that if President Chamoun's Administration was overthrown and replaced by one no longer pro-Western but pro-Nasser, there would follow the collapse of the Western position in the rest of the Arab world. Since that would happen if the country did not intervene to save President Chamoun, either the U.S. had to act or lose everything in the Middle East and beyond.
The trouble with that argument was that if intervention was attempted, as in the Suez crisis in October-November, 1956, and if the intervention were to fail, the Western position in the Middle East and beyond would be much worse than if a negotiated settlement were to take place, with President Chamoun forced to give up the remaining three months of his term. There was no certainty that intervention would be successful and Mr. Lippmann finds ominous the fact that no one who favored intervention had ever ventured to say what the Marines and the British paratroopers would be told to do were they to land in Lebanon. Nor had it been indicated how they would ever get out again.
He indicates that presumably, the objective of the Marines and paratroopers would be to seal the Syrian border, an operation requiring the pacification of the rebel areas behind the border, constituting at least one-third of the country. It would amount to military occupation of Lebanon and there was no reason to suppose that the rebels would lie down and surrender. There was every reason to believe that they would wage guerrilla warfare and that the U.S. Marines would find themselves in the same type of guerrilla war which the French Army had been fighting for several years in Algeria.
Nor was it probable that the British-American forces would be able to wage a self-contained war of pacification up to the Syrian border. Even if the Russians remained quiet or just concentrated on Poland and Yugoslavia, the Arab world from Morocco to the Persian Gulf would be as at least inflamed as it had been in the 1956 crisis.
He finds it difficult to imagine how Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser could fail to make reprisals for the second intervention, and given the fact that he and his United Arab Republic had physical control of the pipelines and of the Suez Canal, it would not be a small localized operation, rather one striking at Premier Nasser just enough to annoy and provoke him but not enough as might theoretically have been done at Suez in 1956, to destroy him.
After the stand of non-intervention by the U.S. in Suez, the nation was committed by its own acts and declarations to a policy of coexistence with Premier Nasser. The policy might not work, but if the alternative was military intervention against him, there would be enormous risks without any serious prospect of success.
Mr. Lippmann finds that the true alternatives were on the one hand a negotiated settlement of the Lebanese civil war, which would mean the departure of President Chamoun and a Lebanese renunciation of its adherence to the Eisenhower Doctrine—which provided that any country in the Middle East which called upon the U.S. to provide military aid in a situation in which it was confronted with outside aggression, would receive it. The other alternative was intervention to keep President Chamoun in power, which would probably mean an indefinite, indecisive, prolonged entanglement of U.S. forces in guerrilla warfare.
Doris Fleeson indicates that Washington had not seen anything quite like the arrival of Bernard Goldfine flanked by his lawyers in the city since President Calvin Coolidge had appointed John Sargent, also of Vermont, to be his Attorney General. At the time, President Coolidge was having trouble with the Teapot Dome scandal and he ordered Mr. Sargent not to talk to reporters, the latter taking it quite literally and refusing to reply even when an exasperated reporter had asked him his name.
Mr. Goldfine had been met by one of his Boston attorneys, Samuel Sears, who snapped at reporters that his client was saying "absolutely nothing". When one suggested that Mr. Goldfine might say something simple, such as that he was glad to be in Washington, Mr. Sears waved his arms and shouted, "No, no!" Lawrence Cohen, another of his lawyers from Boston, had already made it official that Mr. Goldfine was "a terrible witness". A determined effort was underway to stop him from the type of broadsides which John Fox had been firing before the subcommittee investigating the Adams-Goldfine matter.
It also had become apparent during the weekend that Sherman Adams, with the help of the President, was directing from the White House a determined counter-offensive to the demands of many Republicans that Mr. Adams resign. Vice-President Nixon had spoken up for Mr. Adams and the Administration generally. White House press secretary James Hagerty had exploited the recklessness of the charges by Mr. Fox, and Mr. Adams had held his first press conference at which he did not answer questions but was nevertheless an historic occasion.
Roger Robb, another attorney for Mr. Goldfine, had been described by the Boston attorneys as their chief of staff and their channel to a Madison Avenue public relations firm advising them on procedure. Mr. Robb, known as an associate of Mr. Adams, said, "No doubt Goldfine talked to Sherman Adams about a lawyer. I assume he talked to a lot of people."
She indicates that Mr. Adams obviously hoped to find salvation out of the confusion. Mr. Fox's recklessness had forced the subcommittee to defend its own procedure, but Mr. Adams had admitted on the record receiving gifts from Mr. Goldfine and that the latter had received consent decrees rather than prosecution despite repeated floutings of the Federal Trade Commission wool labeling requirements at his mills. Mr. Goldfine's corporate records and tax returns were still to be provided to the subcommittee.
She indicates that the political problem was as acute as ever and Republicans appeared even more bitter as they watched Mr. Adams fighting to save his job. While it had been candidates up for re-election in the fall who had called for him to resign, they represented all parts of the party spectrum and would be in an untenable position in the fall should Mr. Adams remain.
The opposition could show up in votes on vital parts of the President's program, approaching a showdown in Congress. She indicates that it was now too late for closed hearings or anything remotely resembling roadblocks to the subcommittee's work. "When the public scents a secret in government, it is merciless."
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, tells of 21-year old Viscount Encome, heir to the British Earl of Eldon, who had been kicked out of Oxford for a prank, holding a champagne party to celebrate his dismissal from Magdalene College for several sins, one of which had been shooting one of the college's deer and barbecuing it. He also had a pet Spanish snake and a girlfriend who had taken it for an airing. At the party, a couple of hundred of his intimate friends had gotten drunk on champagne in and around his rooms and had ridden bicycles, taken from workers, in the Trinity quadrangle.
Friends had said that shooting a Magdalene deer was "part of the family tradition", as the Viscount's father and grandfather, when they had been at Oxford, had done so, but had not been expelled, one friend commenting that it was "only in the Socialist age that people are sent down for pranks."
Mr. Ruark indicates that it was possible that his father and grandfather had not barbecued the deer on the banks of the Cherwell, but, in any event, the Earl of Eldon's offer to replace the deer from his herds of his 10,000-acre estate in Devon had not kept the boy in school. The latest press indication was that he was going to Mallorca with an 18-year old girl, and Mr. Ruark comments, "Jolly good show."
He thinks that there were not enough people being "sent down" from Oxford in present times, that "the whole damned world is so glum, so free of champagne parties for irresponsibles and Spanish snakes being taken for airings around the necks of pretty girls and barbecued sacred cows—or deer—that the general tenor of the times has turned to bass."
"There ought to be a picnic, a Sunday at the beach, somebody standing on his head, the one funny drunk—anything except this damnably dull procession toward the infinity of destruction. I applaud the Viscount for being sent down with the champagne corks popping."
A letter writer from Matthews thanks the newspaper for its interest in the writer's candidacy for the Democratic nomination to the County School Board and thanks those who had voted for him in the first primary and had returned to provide 1,080 votes in the runoff. He indicates his continued interest in the schools and his pledge of support to the County School Board and to the Democratic Party in the November election.
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