The Charlotte News
Tuesday, June 3, 1958
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Paris that Premier Charles de Gaulle, armed with all the broad powers which he had demanded from the National Assembly, had turned his attention this date to Algeria and the Army running it in his name. He summoned General Raoul Salan, the French troop commander, from Algiers for consultation, the latter having been ruling Algeria openly in the name of the rebellious French there. After asserting his authority over the Army, the new Premier called in Robert Lacoste, resident minister in Algeria who had a major following among the rebellious French colonists. Premier De Gaulle would go to Algeria the following day. He had installed himself in the official residence of French premiers within minutes after the Senate early in the morning had finished legislative action on bills granting him sweeping powers. The last measure, authorizing the Premier to write a new constitution strengthening the executive, had passed the Senate by a vote of 256 to 30. The Premier would draft a constitution in consultation with a parliamentary committee and submit it directly to the people for a vote. (Why hasn't Trump thought of that?) The Senate vote had completed action within 48 hours on the three-part emergency program demanded by the Premier as his price for taking the helm in France during its crisis. The Army-dominated ruling junta in Algeria had professed to be in the dark about General Salan's trip and even about Premier De Gaulle's visit to the rebellious North African territory. The junta had hailed the Premier's return to power as a great victory for the rebellion, but the old political faces in his Cabinet had caused widespread consternation and open disgust among some of the extremists, who hoped that the General would clean house in Paris. (They wanted him to drain the swamp...) Accompanying General Salan to Paris was the Air Force commander in Algeria. Security troops manned strategic spots throughout Paris and in the rest of France, but were few in number. While Premier De Gaulle set himself a blistering pace, the National Assembly had prepared to vote itself the vacation which the new Premier had insisted on, for six months. (Trump did think of that one.) Just what form the adjournment would take was a technical problem, but the measures already passed literally left the Assembly with nothing to do. The adjournment was actually scheduled for only four months, until the regular session would begin on October 7. The Premier's special powers extended by law for six months from the date they were published in the official journal, which would probably occur the following day. That would overlap the return of the Assembly, but it could be discussing the following year's budget in the meantime. The Senate debate was brief and was confined primarily to Communist objections. Immediately after the Senate action, the Premier had been driven in his black Citroen sedan for the first time to the Left Bank mansion known as Hotel Matignon, the official residence. It bore out earlier reports that he would not move into the Hotel until the Assembly had completed action on his emergency program.
In Tunis, Tunisia's Ministry of Information reported early this date that French and Tunisian troops had clashed again in the desert area of southern Tunisia near Remada. French sources had denied it.
The President met with the National Security Council for an hour and a half this date, possibly for policy discussions in advance of the following week's visit by British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan. As usual, White House press secretary James Hagerty told newsmen that there was nothing he could say about the purpose of the meeting or what had been discussed. The French political crisis and possible suspension of U.S. and British nuclear testing were prime topics for the talks between the President and Prime Minister McMillan, which would start on Monday. The Security Council normally met on Thursdays and the White House gave no reason for changing the time of the meeting, but there was speculation that its work would be directed toward the meeting with the British Prime Minister. The President reportedly was being urged by some of his advisers to make at least a tentative decision before the arrival of the Prime Minister, favoring a two-year suspension of nuclear testing to become effective after the present series of tests in the Pacific ended. Both Secretary of State Dulles and Dr. James Killian, the President's scientific adviser, had recommended such a course. Atomic Energy Commission chairman, Lewis Strauss, however, had argued for continued testing unless there was broad agreement with the Soviet Union on a disarmament program. The President had approved, in an hour-long conference with Secretary Dulles, a new letter to Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev, in which he agreed to inclusion of Polish and Czech scientists in proposed scientific talks on ways of supervising any East-West agreement to halt testing, with there being no such agreement yet. The letter probably would be dispatched later in the week after clearance with Britain and France and other NATO allies. Secretary Dulles had stated: "We have no objection to the Soviet Union including on its side experts of other nationalities provided the people are qualified, as I assume they will be. The task is technical, not political."
The House this date began debate on the largest money bill before Congress, 38.3 billion dollars, to finance the nation's armed forces during the coming fiscal year.
At the U.N. in New York, Canada this date became the fourth nation to accept the U.S. invitation to witness a hydrogen bomb test in the Pacific, with the others having been Belgium, Sweden and France.
In Jakarta, the Indonesian Army this date claimed the capture of a port on the northwest coast of rebellious north Celebes.
In Naples, Italy, former President Truman and Mrs. Truman had arrived this date, met by officials of the U.S. Consulate.
In London, British housewives faced the prospect of food shortages and soaring prices this date as the effects of a London dock strike had spread throughout Britain.
In Bonn, West Germany, the Government's decision to continue paying support costs for British troops in Germany meant that West Germany would buy 300 fewer U.S. M-48 tanks, according to a German budget official.
In Seoul, South Korea, the U.S. 8th Army this date had charged a private of Clarksdale, Miss., with involuntary manslaughter in the death of a Korean soldier who had hitched a train ride on a U.S. mail car.
In Philadelphia, a Teamsters strike by truck drivers of the city's two major newspapers halted delivery for the fourth straight day this date.
In Mexico City, it was reported that a passenger plane with 45 persons aboard had crashed against a mountain peak near Guadalajara the previous night, with the wreckage found this date showing no signs of life. The plane had been a Constellation of the Aeronaves de Mexico and was on a flight from Tijuana at the California border to Mexico City. Some of the 22 passengers who had boarded at Tijuana had been Americans. The four-engine craft had made a stop at Guadalajara and taken off for Mexico City late the previous night, crashing against San Agustine Peak, ten miles from Guadalajara. The airport at Guadalajara was at an altitude of 6,000 feet and the peak was at 7,500. The wreckage was sighted by search planes carrying officials of the airline, and search parties with six ambulances, doctors and nurses had moved into the area. It was expected to take the party several hours to reach the inaccessible location of the crash. It had been raining at the time of the crash and some residents of Guadalajara said that they had heard an explosion at about the time of the crash. One of the victims had been identified as the executive vice-president of the airline, who lived in Pasadena with his wife and their five children. Two other Americans identified were from La Jolla, Calif., scientists at Scripps Institute of Oceanography there.
In Los Angeles, it was reported that one of the FBI's 10 most wanted fugitives had fallen off the list despite such precautions as two loaded automatics, a false mustache and a cleverly faked identification card. The 34-year old man had been arrested the previous day at his Los Angeles apartment by agents acting on a tip from a man who saw his picture in a post office. The wanted man was a convicted bank robber and embezzler and had been hunted since he fled from Utah State Prison at Draper by using his "press card" as editor of the prison newspaper, getting out by saying that he was going to interview prisoners on an honor farm. Recently, he had picked up a hitchhiker who later saw his picture on the post office wall, and told the FBI the general area where the man lived. The previous day, the special agent in charge of the Los Angeles office had met the man when he returned to his apartment, informing him that he was under arrest. The man had looked around and seen that the agent was backed by several other agents and offered no resistance. Agents had taken a loaded pistol from his waistband and found another in his apartment. In his pocket, he carried a fake mustache and what the agent had termed a "fine-looking ID card." The agent said that the man had printed the card himself, that it had a picture of him and a space for thumbprints, which were actually the prints of his left and right big toes. He had spent 14 of his 34 years in prison and had been convicted of bank robbery, interstate car theft, embezzlement, issuing of bad checks and, while in the Army, selling G.I. clothing.
Dick Young of The News reports that Police Chief Frank Littlejohn would not be leaving his position until a full investigation of the clerk of court's office was completed. He told the newspaper that he would not leave until he had been given a clean bill of health after a full investigation of the clerk's office. He had announced the previous week that he would appear at the City Council's next meeting, scheduled for the following morning, and submit his resignation if the planned appointment of a civilian for the job of clerk of Recorder's Court were carried out, replacing a police officer who had served in the position for some time. City Manager Henry Yancey had told the Council that the civilian appointment had been suggested by Judge Basil Boyd of the Recorder's Court and that such a plan would allow the release of a police officer for regular police duty. The police chief, however, had taken strong exception to the judge's suggestion and said that he would resign if it were carried out.
In Elizabethtown, N.C., it was reported that a local young woman, 18, who had planned to be wed at Pope Air Force Base to a sergeant who had died in a plane crash the prior Saturday, had learned the previous day that he already had a wife. The latter had come to Elizabethtown the previous day and identified herself as the sergeant's wife, claiming his body. The would-be bride's parents said that the sergeant had given their daughter a diamond ring about a year earlier. But she had been told by her parents that she could not marry until completing high school. The sergeant had flown down the previous Friday and preparations had been made for a July wedding. It also turned out that the sergeant was 32 years old, not 24, as he had claimed. The disappointed fianceé was placed under a doctor's care. The sergeant and another man had been burned to death seconds after their plane had crashed during takeoff from an airport in Elizabethtown. The Air Force Base said that the funeral would be held in Thomasville during the afternoon. The sergeant had no children from his marriage. Sergeant Bilko comes to life in death.
In Los Angeles, a former cab driver, who had robbed a bank, said that he was jobless at the time and that his children were hungry. He had gotten $540 in the robbery the previous March 31, a crime for which he could have been sentenced to 20 years in prison. But when the 35-year old man had appeared in court the previous day with his wife and sons, the judge placed him on probation for five years, indicating that he was motivated by the same feelings of sympathy which had caused hundreds to rally to the bank robber's support. Outside the courtroom the previous day, he told the press that it had been hard to find a place to live in Detroit with all of their children. He had lived in Detroit all of his life, was disgusted and said to his wife that they should go to California. That had been the prior September, but things had gotten even worse when they arrived in Los Angeles, the man indicating that for three weeks they had slept in their 1947 Studebaker and had eaten in a park. When his wife got a job as a waitress, they moved into a Quonset hut for $25 per week plus utilities. But the bill for the electricity at the end of two months had been $67 and he found out that the landlord had another apartment, a trailer and a garage wired to their place. He took care of the kids, four of whom were in school, and they all had gone at different times, taking turns in wearing one good pair of shoes which a neighbor had given them. The man spent all day in consequence taking them to school and bringing them home, and then late in the afternoon picked up his wife, and what she made in tips was used for food for dinner. He said that he never had any time to look for a job except close by and could not find anything. Then his wife had lost her job because she was pregnant, with her legs becoming too weak to stand. All of their money was gone and that night in March, when they put the kids to bed crying because they were hungry, he resolved to do something. He went to a downtown bank and threatened the cashier with a toy pistol, walking out with the money. He was captured moments later and his story appearing in the newspapers and on television had produced a flood of offers to help. The family had gotten a house in nearby La Puente without any down payment, with furniture and clothing having been given to them, plus $1,000 in cash contained in hundreds of letters. From among dozens of offers of jobs, the man got one as a laundry truck driver. He and his wife were both damp-eyed as they led their children from the courtroom the previous day, with the man saying it was the best break he had ever received.
In Louisville, three women had escaped serious injury when they leaped from an automobile traveling at 60 mph after the accelerator had become stuck. The driver of the vehicle, 33, had been the last to leave. She was hospitalized with a broken ankle and the other two were treated for lacerations. They had been returning from a shopping trip the previous day when the accelerator stuck and the car began increasing in speed. After the three had jumped, the car veered across the road, brushed against a tree, knocked down a telephone pole, hit another tree and rolled about 100 yards before it stopped. A simple solution, as the header suggests, would have been simply to turn off the ignition.
In Ogden, Utah, a Highway Patrolman had decided against issuing a ticket when he saw a beer can sail from the window of a passing car. Instead, he ordered the four adults inside to clear refuse from a two-mile section of the highway, and he said they had driven off with their floorboards covered with bottles and cans. Utah's anti-littering law classified the offense as a misdemeanor, subject to a fine of up to $299.
In Cambridge, Mass., a man of Marlboro had been granted a divorce when he testified that when he told his wife that the meatloaf she served him wasn't fit for a dog, she had said: "Oh, but it is. I know it's fit for dogs because just for kicks I made it out of dog food."
On the editorial page, "What Is a 'Progressive Conservative'?" indicates that the search continued for new North Carolina Senator B. Everett Jordan's political philosophy, but that the search was bleak and unrewarding. As he had expressed in his first formal press conference in Washington recently, his convictions included a belief in "mutual understanding", the "teachings of Jesus Christ" and other such noble generalizations. But he remained unwilling to let his hair down and reveal the core of his ideas or to deal in practical realities.
As Bruce Jolly, a veteran Washington correspondent, had said: "For nearly a half hour he replied to questions that were blunt, frequently barbed and generally to a point. But he adroitly avoided answering most of them."
The Senator had labeled himself a "progressive conservative", but it questions what that was, whether it was the same as being a "conservative progressive", whether he was a little bit to the left of the right wing or a little bit to the right of the left wing. His statements offered few clues.
He said: "Internationally, I feel we must change our basic thinking. The thing we must consider first is what we have done wrong in our efforts to do something right." It finds that no one could quarrel with such a statement and it sounded progressive.
On the farm issue, he said: "I don't pretend to have the answers. They must be worked out collectively. But we must get agriculture on a sound basis again."
He had expressed firmer feelings about the textile situation, but again had suggested no positive answers, saying: "What I can't see is how it is a world threat to us to send textiles to China, or tobacco either. Nor can I see why the Japanese should not trade with them." It indicates that, no doubt, Senator William Knowland and the China lobby would attempt to enlighten him.
He had expressed interest in education and water, saying: "Our educational system must continue to prepare our children to carry on a vigorous farm economy and at the same time train skilled craftsmen for the highly technical industries that are looking to the South for an abundance of untapped human and natural resources." It finds that no one could quarrel with that either, and that no one could quarrel with any man who was for God, motherhood and country.
But something more substantial was expected of a United States Senator, and at some point he was expected to shed the vague nice-nellyisms and stake himself with candor and courage on the practical issues concerning the nation's consciousness. It finds it regrettable that the picture the public had been getting of Senator Jordan was possibly misleading, that he was not namby-pamby, and not a hazy, platitudinous thinker, but rather known by intimates to have firm and wholly honorable convictions on contemporary issues. But the question was when he would share that image of his better self with the public.
"What Happened to All That Urgency?" indicates that seven months earlier, the President, quoting his scientific advisers, had identified "the most critical problem of all for the American people", that having been the Soviet education system geared to the prolific production of high quality scientists and engineers. At the time, the President's words had gripped the consciousness of Americans, who were seeing the first of the Russian Sputniks and looking askance at their leaders who had misled them.
But the result had been just talk, according to the National Education Association, which said that the Sputnik had been launched the previous fall, but that winter, spring and now summer had come without a word from a state legislature or the Congress regarding anything to be done about the deficiency.
It suggests that perhaps the NEA was excessively gloomy, as talk was an improvement over the blissful apathy shattered by the Sputniks. But it finds that it was time to ask if the talk was leading anywhere, whether there was any intent and sustained effort to improve the schools beyond adding rooms to accommodate the growing school population. It finds the schools too numerous and diverse to provide any clear trend at present. But it appeared clear that the sense of urgency which had prompted the President's warnings, and attempts by Congressional leaders to outdo him in solemnity, had been eroded steadily by the pressure of succeeding events. The recession and other issues had moved to the foreground of politics and public concern, and sharp attacks on frills in school curricula apparently had united the educational establishment in its determination to resist the infidels demanding change, with there being little to suggest that anything beyond education as usual would be going on in the schools the ensuing fall.
It recognizes that change in school curricula and methods could not be made quickly, but it was also true that a sense of urgency was required if any basic change in the methods would take place. The President was capable of producing some urgency on occasion, but on most matters, he did not take the trouble to cultivate it, suggesting that perhaps he and Congress and local school boards ought take another look at the warning he had issued the previous November regarding the nation's "most critical problem".
"The Englishman Got a Fair Answer" indicates that storytelling was an ancient and important part of politics and, if lucky, perhaps the relaxing and warming effect of the art would spread eventually into diplomacy and international relations.
It finds that a story told by Illinois Representative Sidney Yates to the Washington Post carried a more pointed sense about the necessity of people understanding, rather than fearing, the differences which divided them. He said: "An Asian cabinet minister said he was going to attend the funeral of a friend. An English diplomat asked: 'Will there be food placed in the grave, as is customary in funerals in your country?' The minister replied that he supposed there would be. The diplomat smiled condescendingly and asked: 'Tell me, when will your friend eat that food?' The Asian paused a moment and then replied: 'I would say, sir, that he will eat it as soon as the friend you buried last week will smell the flowers that you put on his grave.'"
It finds it a fair question and a fair answer.
A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled "April Came High This Year" finds that the cost of living could not have chosen a better time to climb to a new level than in April, with the high price of living covering a multitude of items well above the so-called "subsistence level".
But all of the incidents of springtime were present, which it sets forth. "There was a time—when Greek was a required college course and economics was not—that all such things could be had, as the poet calculated, 'for the asking.' But of course he was writing about June. Our statistics are for April, an expensive month apparently, 'but look what you're getting.'"
Drew Pearson indicates that one of the first moves which the President would make toward the new government of Premier De Gaulle would be to invite him to Washington, once the French crisis had calmed. Behind the invitation would be the desire to attract him to the U.S. and selling him on the continuation of NATO, with the more important worry being that the French Army under him would begin waving the big stick at Germany, undoing all the good will built up between France and Germany during the previous decade. The French military were determined to restore their might, and having helped deprive the European Defense Community of a European army under the same command and wearing the same uniform, they would doubtless continue to thumb their noses at French-German cooperation. Thus, the State Department had advised the President to invite both General De Gaulle and West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer to Washington. Whether the General would come under those circumstances remained to be seen, perhaps demanding that President Eisenhower and Chancellor Adenauer come to Paris.
It had been 15 years earlier in North Africa that General De Gaulle, "an honest, mediocre, military man", who was all the British could find to carry on resistance against the Germans, had confided to President Roosevelt that he was to be the Joan of Arc of France. FDR had found him proud, stubborn and unyielding, returning to Washington to ridicule the General privately in his meetings with members of Congress. Time passed and the Free French movement had returned to France, courtesy of the U.S. Army. General De Gaulle had enjoyed a brief time in power and then retired to his country village 150 miles from Paris, where he remained until France, he said, would choose to call him back.
The conditions of his recall would be a new constitution giving him continuity of government without the constant frustration of continuing Cabinet crises. The previous week, he was called back by President René Coty, and again he was stubborn and unyielding, refusing to negotiate with French political leaders. But he had the Army on his side, which the politicians had appeased. Unlike former President Truman, who had fired General Douglas MacArthur when the latter had challenged the President's authority in the Far East, French civilian leaders had bowed repeatedly to the military.
Mr. Pearson indicates that what would happen henceforth depended more on ability than fate. "De Gaulle has integrity, but has he ability? Time alone can tell."
Joseph Alsop, in Paris, indicates that everyone had to ask now what General De Gaulle would be like as Premier of France, with no one quite knowing the answer, though he makes room for it to be the turning point in France's recovery from its long postwar period of instability.
He finds that, in the meantime, too little attention was being paid to the French recovery during the postwar period, with the Fourth Republic, coming to an end, having achieved a "total transformation of the humiliated and neurotic nation, with an outmoded industry, and antiquated agriculture and a shrinking population that was France in 1945." Every index now, from the birth rate to the rate of industrial output, pointed to the conclusion that the country had already experienced a splendid renaissance.
But he finds that two factors had obscured the reality of the French rebirth, one being the incompetence of the National Assembly to deal decisively with any passion-charged national problem, and the other being the most passion-charged of all of the country's problems, that of the former empire. Between the two factors acting together, the rebirth of France had been given a misleading appearance of impotence and even frivolity.
But now, General De Gaulle was coming to power by legal means for a limited term and with a specific mandate to do the two things which were needed, reforming the constitution and seeking a solution in Algeria. Logically, therefore, there was every reason to have hope about the final outcome of the French crisis, ending with the decision to do the two things which everyone had always known had to be done, but previously had not been accomplished.
He cautions, however, that before becoming too optimistic, there was the problem that General De Gaulle had to face in Algeria something like a ready-made Fascist government which had come into existence since the committee of public safety had been formed in Algiers. The slogans, tone and modes of action were all consciously anti-democratic. The General's first decision would concern Jacques Soustelle and the others who had formed that new government in Algeria and it would not be an easy decision. Observers of the situation in Algeria had determined that the events there had created the opportunity for a solution, which had not existed previously, and the question was whether General De Gaulle would be able to seize that opportunity without becoming entangled with the men who were in actual command there, suggesting the larger but more remote question concerning the General's elevation to power.
For by nature, he was authoritarian, had a deep sense of history, a passionate patriotism and a magnificent personal style. But he had never previously been at ease in the free play of free political institutions. So the question was whether he could give France the free institutions, reformed but democratic, which the country needed to provide full expression to the vigor of its rebirth.
That question had agonized the French Left. In the General's demand for full powers and his claim to prepare his own constitution, plus a desire for a "Cabinet of Technicians", there had been a reminiscence of Marshal Petain in 1940. Those of the Left who were not Communists desperately feared that despite the General's stern insistence on "Republican legality", he would end by giving France an authoritarian regime of some sort. If such fears were justified, the ultimate fear of those non-Communists on the Left would also be justified.
Soon or late, an authoritarian and conservative French regime would founder and then be replaced by another authoritarian regime dominated by the Communists, as one extreme would surely beget the other.
But Mr. Alsop concludes that in his opinion, there was no reason to suppose that General De Gaulle had the slightest desire or intention of going to an authoritarian extreme, that a better forecast was suggested by the manner of his asking for power, the character of his reported Cabinet, and every other bit of evidence visible on the surface. "All his life this man has been obsessed with the grandeur of France. If the two tasks de Gaulle has set himself are well performed, France can again be truly grand. The rebirth that France has already experienced makes that possible. The raw material is there. All now depends on what de Gaulle will do with it."
Doris Fleeson indicates than an alliance, largely tactical and informal, was in the process of being formed between New York Governor Averell Harriman, Michigan Governor G. Mennen Williams and Western Democrats, aimed more at ensuring a liberal Democratic platform at the 1960 national convention than at helping any single candidate. Both Governor Harriman and Governor Williams would be active candidates for the nomination in 1960 provided they were re-elected in the ensuing fall, as they had an excellent chance of being—though Governor Harriman would lose to Nelson Rockefeller. And California Attorney General Pat Brown, if he were to defeat Senator William Knowland in the gubernatorial race in the fall, would not be expected to show any special modesty about his abilities to be the 1960 nominee.
The principal politicians in those areas had a large community of interests, all being practicing liberals, Mr. Brown less so than the others. They had labor support and were at the head of the fight against discrimination of all kinds, giving them great appeal among minorities. The Westerners also stressed natural resources conservation and the development of their areas, with nothing being alien to that philosophy in Governors Harriman or Williams. Governor Harriman, through his ownership of Union Pacific Railroad, had been a major developer of the West, though both Governors had to guard their business fences in their highly developed industrial states.
That alliance wanted to avoid personality clashes with fellow Democrats of the South, though they would not choose peace at any price, such as a compromise on civil rights, as they could not afford that at home.
She finds that it all added up to another merry Democratic national convention, as forecast by former President Truman, a fight which he wanted to avoid and had plans for assuming the role of peacemaker. But whether he could achieve that was another matter.
She indicates that short of any open break, the only course open to the South was to get the best possible deal through its moderates, including Governors LeRoy Collins of Florida and Luther Hodges of North Carolina, both able and well-liked. As the civil rights legislation the prior summer had proven, the South did not have the votes in Congress anymore to block civil rights and certainly did not in a national convention dominated by present Democratic governors. Western Democrats had already begun their conferences at a two-day session of 14 national committee members and 11 state officers from Washington, Oregon, California, Idaho, Arizona, Utah, Colorado, Nevada and Alaska. They said frankly that they wanted to emulate the cohesion which the South had always shown on issues affecting that region. DNC chairman Paul Butler had attended that session and given it his blessing. Nothing had been said about candidates, except privately, with all of the emphasis having been on regional economic development, with another aim of the conference having been to spur the Democratic majority in Congress toward anti-recession activity. The West had made little secret of its dissatisfaction with Southern dominance in Congress and its major committees.
A letter writer finds that inflation appeared to have as many lives as a cat. He indicates that his mother and father, with seven children, had sought to farm many years earlier with cotton bringing five cents per pound, leaving them hopeless and helpless, that he had begun his professional career in 1932 during the "so-classed Hoover depression." He recalls the tears of foreclosed homeowners gathered at the foreclosure sales of their indebted homes, at a time when there was no inflation and when they wished there had been. An old lawyer friend with wide business experience had said that he could never make a dollar in a depression, that he would prefer inflation every time. He says that he, therefore, wants to keep the old bag inflated, that he was going on his first vacation in a lifetime and was paying his longstanding creditors with the inflated dollars and might even borrow money for his vacation.
A letter writer from Zirconia indicates that the one-track minded experts on juvenile crime ought ask themselves why juveniles did it until the delinquents outnumbered the healthy ones, suggesting that until nutrition was tackled, there would be no true results. She regards the case of Charles Starkweather, seeing a direct relationship between his crooked legs and his tragic life. She says that nature had provided such natural foods as whole grains, fruits and vegetables with their balance of vitamins and minerals, proteins and carbohydrates. But instead people consumed junk, such as the devitalized white bread and sugar, the artificially colored and flavored soft drinks and some 900 different poison preservatives, food additives, coal-tar derivatives, dyes, fluorides, drugs and shots. She asserts that it should not happen to a dog, but that it did to man. She says that healthy minds inhabited healthy bodies, that the Scriptures stressed the importance of the state of the "temple", purportedly quoting one verse: "Health and good estate of body are above all goals." She indicates that experience with laboratory animals showed how those fed on whole foods thrived peacefully, while those fed on devitalized foods abandoned or devoured their litters and became vicious. She wonders how long it would take to realize that if people treated their "temple" as a combination trash can and chemical test tube, they could not be stable. She says that her four children had never needed a doctor, dentist or drugs, that no investment paid as did some knowledge of food.
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