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The Charlotte News
Wednesday, June 25, 1958
FOUR EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Moscow that a crowd of more than a thousand Russians, some angrily shaking their fists and shouting the Russian equivalent of "dirty S.O.B.", had demonstrated this date at the U.S. Embassy. About 150 Soviet policemen had kept the noisy crowd under control and no rocks or ink bottles had been thrown. In a similar demonstration outside the West German Embassy the prior Monday, Russians had shattered ink bottles against the building and stoned every window. The crowd before the U.S. Embassy had included some youths in Red Army uniforms. The Russians had converged on the building almost simultaneously from three directions in what had been clearly a well-planned demonstration. The Embassy had prepared for Russian retaliation against demonstrations by Hungarian refugees the previous weekend at the Soviet Union's offices in New York. Embassy windows had been boarded, the first floor had been evacuated and Russian employees had been given the day off. Several men standing in two big trucks had led the first group of demonstrators which reached the Embassy in downtown Moscow, shouting occasional orders. Placards carried by the shouting demonstrators read "Down with Provocateurs" and "Yanks Go Home" in English and Russian. About 25 Soviet policemen held the crowd back when it first surged across the sidewalk toward the ten-story Embassy building. The number of police was quickly increased to 150. A few members of the U.S. Embassy staff appeared on upper story balconies to watch the demonstrators, prompting people in the crowd to produce pocket mirrors which they used to reflect sunlight into the eyes of the observers. Several demonstrators shouted for the U.S. Ambassador, Llewellyn Thompson, to make an appearance. He was not in the building and was understood to be at his home having lunch. While hopeful that no new retaliatory demonstration would develop, the American Embassy staff had taken unusual precautions. Hoses were laid out in the downstairs halls for use in case of fire. Every window on the first and second floors had been covered with cardboard to minimize breakage. The office staff had been moved into the upper stories of the building. Eight U.S. Marines, normally on duty on the top floors, had been transferred to the ground floor corridors. Furniture in the two lower floors had been moved out. A total of 150 Americans, including the wives and children of diplomats, lived in the Embassy building, primarily in apartments on the middle floors.
In Beirut, heavy firing had broken out late this date shortly after the Government had announced it had asked for an armed U.N. emergency force to seal off the frontier of Lebanon. President Camille Chamoun said that he expected a big rebel push against his pro-Western Government at any hour, but that it was too soon to say whether the present firing was it. The heaviest firing had been heard on the outskirts of the Basta section of Beirut where rebel forces under former Premier Saed Salam were entrenched inside barricades. Shooting had broken out in the post office area about the same time and firing had erupted and bombs exploded in the Christian quarter in the eastern part of the capital. Machine guns, mortar fire, dynamite bombs and small arms fire could be heard as the rebels and security forces exchanged fire. The fighting had broken a long day of unusual calm in the capital. The rebels had called a truce during the visit of U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold, present to try to bring peace to the troubled nation. The shooting had broken out shortly after he had departed by plane for New York. Even as firing had broken out, rebel leader Salam had told a reporter that the rebels would resist any increase in U.N. forces in the country, indicating that he was speaking for all rebel leaders. He said that even if the number of U.N. persons were as little as 500 and unarmed, the rebels would consider it as a change in U.N. policy. He said that if the U.N. forces would be increased, they would consider it an international intervention and aggression and would resent it as they resented any aggression. He was commenting on a statement by Premier Sami Solh that he had asked for a U.N. force "to seal off completely Lebanon's frontiers" with the Syrian province of Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser's United Arab Republic. The request had been handed to Dr. Hammarskjold shortly before his departure. The Government also charged that its forces had been shelled from Syrian territory.
The Goldfine-Adams investigation had exploded into an angry row this date climaxed by dismissal of a former Securities & Exchange Commission head, J. Sinclair Armstrong, presently an assistant secretary of the Navy, before the House subcommittee investigating SEC handling of cases involving Bernard Goldfine, a Boston textile industrialist and close friend of White House chief of staff Sherman Adams, accused of receiving favors from Mr. Goldfine in exchange for intervention by Mr. Adams with Government agencies which had been causing Mr. Goldfine trouble, a charge which Mr. Adams admitted factually but denied having had any intention to provide preferential treatment for Mr. Goldfine or doing so in exchange for the gifts he had received. Mr. Armstrong had tangled with Mr. Harris from the outset of his testimony. The members of the subcommittee wanted to know whether the SEC had pulled its punches and whether it was influenced by Mr. Adams on behalf of Mr. Goldfine, who was having trouble with the agency. Mr. Armstrong said that he had been outraged at allegations that SEC people could possibly be influenced by anyone. Mr. Harris asked him to step aside and not resume his testimony until Mr. Harris returned from another committee meeting which he had to attend, indicating that he had some questions personally to ask him. Mr. Armstrong continued nevertheless, indicating, "I've been waiting for two years to make this statement." Mr. Harris responded that he had been before the committee at the beginning of every Congress, prompting Mr. Armstrong to say, "Well, what have we talked about?" Mr. Harris then banged his gavel and sent Mr. Armstrong from the witness chair. The subcommittee then turned to some secondary witnesses.
In St. Louis, attorneys had taken another step toward a new trial for Lamar Caudle of Wadesboro, N.C., and another former Truman Administration official, appointments secretary Matt Connelly, both of whom had been convicted in a tax conspiracy case, allegedly showing preferential treatment to a man charged with tax evasion. Lawyers for the two had notified the Justice Department the previous day that they would take depositions on July 1 in New York from a co-defendant in the case, attorney Harry Schwimmer, who had been stricken with a stroke and granted a mistrial, now prepared to testify that oil royalties he had taken out in the name of Mr. Caudle had been done without the latter's knowledge. The Government had charged that both Mr. Caudle and Mr. Connelly had accepted favors, including the oil royalties, to provide the preferential treatment for the tax evader who was fined but served no time in jail, the District Court judge having found that he was too ill to go to prison. Mr. Schwimmer, according to Mr. Caudle's attorney, had also stated that he had never conferred with Mr. Connelly regarding the case of the tax evader, his client. Mr. Caudle had maintained that he made Mr. Schwimmer take the stock back. The defendants asserted that Mr. Schwimmer could now provide testimony affecting their cases which was unavailable at trial because of the latter's illness, rendering him until recently unable to speak.
In Washington, the Federal Communications Commission this date ordered American Telephone & Telegraph Co. to cut its rates for private telephone line service by about 15 percent, to become effective in 60 days.
In Detroit, defiant pickets, facing union action to take over control of their local, blocked traffic at the Chrysler Corp. missile plant for a third straight day. A line of cars eight miles long at times backed up as UAW members paraded before the plant, which produced Army Jupiter and Redstone missiles. A bottle had been tossed into one car and some motorists entering the plant had been poked by pickets reaching through car windows. The county sheriff had 40 men on duty and called for additional help in unsnarling the traffic jam, resulting in some 20 officers from nearby communities responding. Deputies formed a cordon to keep non-strikers' cars moving into the plant as angry pickets jeered the officers. Two pickets had been held for investigation of disorderly conduct, one accused of sprinkling tacks at parking lot entrances and another of excessive abuse of officers. In a move to quell the wildcat walkout, UAW president Walter Reuther had called officers of the striking local before the union's International Executive Board this date to show cause why an administrator ought not be placed over the local. The local represented 450 of the missile plant's 8,500 employees. Officers of the local said that they were unable to keep the members from walking off the job and picketing the plant the prior Monday and the previous day.
In Rome, Amintore Fanfani, a tough anti-Communist, had been asked by President Giovanni Gronchi this date to form a new left-of-center government.
In Paris, Premier Charles de Gaulle this date had placed restrictions on French military commanders ruling Algeria and emphasized that they held civilian administrative powers only temporarily.
In Algiers, it was reported that General Raoul Salan had called on his military governors throughout the country to release as many political prisoners as possible for a Muslim holiday beginning the following day.
In Kumanoto, Japan, Mount Aso still spewed smoke this date after an eruption which had come without warning, killing 12 Japanese and injuring 28, with six of those injured having been in serious condition.
In Tallahassee, Fla., Governor LeRoy Collins, chairman of the National Governors Conference, this date had appointed North Carolina Governor Luther Hodges and Illinois Governor William Stratton to the special committee on federal-state relations.
In New York, a Swedish freighter had rammed a gasoline tanker in the darkness of the East River early this date, sparking a towering blast of flames which had sunk the tanker and seared the Manhattan Bridge high above. Two or three men were missing and 37 had been injured. The sinking tanker had also spewed dangerous unignited fuel into the river and caused the shipping artery to be closed to traffic for several hours. Although a wide area of the river was turned into an inferno of fire shortly after the collision, many crewmen had plunged into the water screaming for help. Numerous rescue craft rushed to pick up the swimmers and one New York City fireboat had been disabled in doing so. Thousands of spectators had been attracted to the riverbanks to watch the drama unfolding. The flames following the collision had reached the superstructure of the bridge 130 feet above and had set off some minor fires which brought to a standstill automobile traffic and subway trains using the bridge. Two of the missing men were crew members of the tanker.
In Salvador, Brazil, a train bringing injured victims to the town from a disastrous fireworks explosion in the north Brazil village of Santo Amaro had been derailed the previous night, killing two persons.
In Santa Barbara, Calif., six weeks earlier, the brakes on a man's truck had failed at the top of a grade in the city. He could have jumped, but instead had stuck with it, continuing to try to steer the truck through eight street crossings, avoiding pedestrians and automobiles until the truck crashed into a creek and the man was killed. At 31, he had left a wife and four children, with the fifth on the way. An account of the tragedy in the News-Press had started a spontaneous flow of dollars until the total approached $13,000. As one contributor had put it: "If he had tried to save himself and jumped, leaving the truck uncontrolled, who knows how many might have been killed or maimed? There are lots of children in that neighborhood. He must've been thinking of that when he decided to stay at the wheel." The man only lived a mile from where the accident took place. Most of the money had come in small amounts of one or two dollar donations from hundreds of donors, many anonymous, the smallest amount having been 28 cents provided by a little boy and the largest, $420. A semipro baseball team had staged a benefit game to help the cause, and schools, churches, service clubs, small businesses, government workers and hospital patients had contributed. A group of children had collected nickels and dimes in a pickle jar from passersby. The YMCA had arranged for three of the man's children to attend summer camps, with the fourth being too young. The man's widow said that she could not thank them all enough and did not know how to express what she felt. She said she told the children how nice everyone had been to console them, but the 11-year old boy had said that he wished he had his daddy.
In Tryon, N.C., it was reported that police had arrested a Polk County man early this date as he slept in an outhouse, a rifle across his knee. The peaceful arrest had climaxed a bullet-punctuated flight through mountain underbrush by three Spartanburg, S.C., cab company employees. The 32-year old man was identified as an ex-convict of the Columbus area and was charged with assault with a deadly weapon with intent to kill, held for grand jury action. The sheriff said that prior to daybreak, the man had hired a Spartanburg cab for a round-trip to his home to feed his chickens and to return to South Carolina. Three cab company employees had made the trip. When they arrived at the man's mountain home, he directed them to assist in his chores and asked two of the men to accompany him into the house to get some money. As he went into another room, the two employees heard rifle fire, looked outside and saw that the man was firing at the third man in the cab. The latter started the vehicle and backed down the hillside away from the home and then drove to town and notified the sheriff's office. The two men still in the home jumped out a window and fled, dodging bullets from the rifle as they ran. The sheriff collected a posse and went to the man's home where the arrest was made. The sheriff said that the man had been convicted several years earlier for threatening a taxi driver and had served a term on the roads.
Julian Scheer of The News reports that the County School Board this date had denied requests for reassignment of ten black children to white schools. The request had been made by four black families on behalf of their children presently attending black schools in Mecklenburg County. Eight of the applications had been turned down on the basis of the "welfare" of the student, according to School Board officials. Two of the students had been denied because they had been mistakenly enrolled in County schools while living in City School district limits. The parents were the same who had applied for reassignment the previous year and they would have ten days from the time they were notified of the denial to file a notice of appeal. The School Board attorney said that the requests had been rejected after "the Board took into consideration the crowded conditions in schools and gave careful consideration to the welfare and best interest of each child involved and based the decision on these points."
In Huntersville, N.C., it was reported that an early morning fire had swept through a garage-store, doing several thousands of dollars in damage. All machinery in the garage had been destroyed and County police said that five cars, including a Cadillac, and a pickup truck stored in the building had also been burned. Police said that all merchandise in the feed store had been destroyed.
In Cheyenne, Wyo., it was reported that light snow had fallen and temperatures had dipped into the 30's, with Laramie reporting a temperature of 45 and an inch of snow on the ground. That's nothing. In 2025 in late August, it has been reported that a record snowfall has hit Washington, knee-deep in some places in and around the White House.
In Saltash, England, a 19-year old girl had started a six-month jail sentence this date blaming tattoos for her troubles. She had the word "Kiwi" on one hand, a skull and crossbones on the other, a blue star on her forehead and a floral design on her chest. But the tattoo which she regretted most was on her leg, stating, "I love men". Because of the latter, she told police, she could not get a job. Prospective employers invariably decided that she was not the working type. She had been convicted the previous day of stealing 5 pounds from her mother, the equivalent of $14. She hoped that plastic surgery while in prison would remove her tattoos. Later, she hit the big time, in the U.S.A.
On the editorial page, "The Silly Business about Spencer Bell" indicates that the incumbent State Senator running for re-election in the upcoming runoff primary with State Representative Jack Love had taken a lot of flak for his support of a plan to change the method of selecting North Carolina judges.
It finds that appropriate as he was running as a political candidate. It was also appropriate to criticize his plan for judges to be appointed by the governor, as well as any other proposals recommended by his Committee on Improving and Expediting the Administration of Justice.
But it finds that any voter tempted to swallow the criticism that Mr. Bell opposed the right to vote for judges would find it beneficial to look at the record, as the plan for appointed judges would not take away anyone's rights. Higher court judges would be appointed by the governor, as most were appointed anyway at present, but they could be removed by the people voting on the basis of a judge's performance after a period of time. The plan assumed that people were unlikely to have the information initially on which to evaluate a judicial candidate's knowledge of the law and the personal qualities which made up judicial temperament, a position with which the newspaper agrees.
It finds that Mr. Bell was only guilty of having the courage to back a judicial reform plan, a portion of which had proved unpopular, and of doing as much as he could to arouse sincere debate on the issue. No citizen ought be taken in by the "silly business" that Mr. Bell opposed democratic government. As a State Senator, he had done as much as anyone in the state to demonstrate the value and effectiveness of democratic institutions.
"A Tar Heel Yarn Drove Home a Point" finds it inevitable that Senator Sam J. Ervin had been reminded of a story the previous week when Defense Secretary Neil McElroy had taken his turn in advocating for the President's Pentagon reorganization bill.
Almost anything was likely to remind the Senator of a story, his way of sorting out the eternal verities in public, some verities requiring even two stories—Watergate eventually requiring several dozen at least. A medium-length eternal verity had been involved the previous week, regarding the nonsense of attempting to curtail Army, Navy and Air Force press agentry by stripping them of their separate public relations and legislative liaison branches. The Administration preferred a "team" approach which would, in effect, gag the individual services.
The Senator said that he was reminded of a story "of a North Carolina justice of the peace who was confronted with a difficult civil suit. After hearing the plaintiff, the justice of the peace turned to the defendant and said, 'I'd appreciate it very much if you would not present your case, because when I hear both sides it gets me confused and I have trouble making up my mind who's right.'"
The information agencies which the Defense Department would close down were not actually propaganda arms of rival services, but were in place to provide hard facts quickly and efficiently for the press, members of Congress and the public. The propaganda came from individual generals and admirals and their private cliques, not from legitimate channels of information. It also came from the off-the-record press conferences held by the Pentagon's top brass and from highly placed tipsters who planted information with friendly correspondents. To blame inter-service rivalry on the regular news-dispensing and information-gathering offices of the separate services was, it finds, as ridiculous as it was unfair. To close down those agencies was to extend bureaucratic secrecy over wide areas of legitimate public information and to restrict the public's right to know.
It finds that unlike the Senator's fictitious magistrate, the public had to have the information before they could judge the issues with any real degree of confidence. That portion of the reorganization bill, it finds, ought be defeated. If the Defense Department wanted the real villains who were engaging in inter-service propaganda battles, it knew where to find them, and they could be silenced without endangering the people's right to know, by simply firing them.
"As Subtle as a Blow on the Head" tells of the humane slaughter bill having been bludgeoned in the Senate Agriculture Committee the previous week with the kind of vehemence which the meat-packers usually reserved for dumb animals. Rather than approve legislation similar to the Poage bill passed by the House, committee members had voted for a two-year "study" of painless slaughtering methods.
Both the American Meat Institute and the Department of Agriculture had been lobbying vigorously for the study, which was a familiar dodge, as similar delaying tactics had relegated a lot of worthy legislation to a lingering death in the past.
The bill was expected to reach the Senate floor in July and its amendment to return it to the effective language of the Poage bill would mark the beginning of the end of slaughterhouse cruelty to animals in the country. It finds that there was no need for any additional study of humane slaughtering methods, as they had already been studied in great detail and perfected with great care by universities in the country. Painless killing methods were already in use and, in fact, were required by law in civilized European countries. A few U.S. packers found those methods both economical and efficient.
It thus finds it absurd to postpone action merely to confirm the proposition that cruelty was cruel.
"The Sixth Digit" indicates that it was as thrilled as the next fellow about Charlotte having 100,000 telephones, but that the day before the previous day, there had only been 99,999 opportunities to dial a wrong number or to transmit bad news quickly, finding that life had been so simple then.
A piece from the Raleigh News & Observer, titled "Honeysuckle", finds that those who had not been intimate with honeysuckle had cheated their noses of a prime seasonal thrill and deprived their spirit of a pulsating tonic "so overwhelming as to make a banker leave the counting room door wide open."
The exquisite vines which grew along the sides of the old roads were the monarchs of those roads, wherein no one was ever perturbed about keeping a right-of-way cleared. It finds that there were not enough words or language so flexible as to bend in and over the tangled sweetness and steal the secret and put it on paper. The best of the professional poets had tried to do so long and arduously, but the task had proved hopeless.
It advises that the best thing to do was to sit quietly and be subtly enchanted, as the night birds sang a requiem for spent sunbeams and the crickets fiddled raucously, as if driven delirious by the moon. Nearby in the creek, the bullfrogs were booming. "Through all the music the honeysuckle filled the air with something approaching a divine tremor. You want to steal this substance and take it home as an anodyne against subsequent travail, but it is right and proper that it remain by the side of the old road."
Drew Pearson indicates that concealing the truth continued to be the studied policy of official Washington, that when it had leaked out that the wife of Secretary of Defense Neil McElroy had been receiving free dental care at the Army's Walter Reed Hospital, dental authorities had refused to comment. The press relations officer at the hospital referred inquiries to the Secretary, where it was officially explained that Mrs. McElroy's dental work was an "unimportant kind of thing." The actual truth, learned from other sources, had been that all of her teeth had been pulled and she had received a completely new set of dentures, with it also having been learned that the top dentist at the hospital had come in after hours to do the work. Army dentists were not permitted to work on the teeth of their own families or on the teeth of any service dependent. But it was officially stated by the Secretary that it was "normal procedure" for wives of Cabinet officers to receive free dental treatment at the hospital. He notes that Mrs. McElroy's husband, until recently, had been head of one of the biggest soap empires in the world, Procter and Gamble, makers of Ivory Soap, the slogan of which was "It Floats".
In the background of the case of Sherman Adams were ominous reports of attempts to squeeze two Boston newspapers out of business in one of the few American cities where there was still plenty of competition. Testimony had already been officially recorded regarding the attempt of Robert Choate, publisher of the Herald and Traveler, to put the squeeze on the Boston Globe by obtaining television channel 5. The subcommittee, chaired by Representative Oren Harris of Arkansas, had been probing that issue when it was diverted into the more sensational relationship between Mr. Adams and his old friend, Bernard Goldfine. Testimony was expected during the current week regarding the squeeze placed on another newspaper, the Boston Post, when its former publisher, John Fox, would testify. Mr. Fox was a former friend of Mr. Goldfine and knew him well, and had already supplied the subcommittee with important information. Mr. Fox had suffered a series of tax crackdowns from the Treasury Department, which he blamed on some mysterious hidden hand high up in the Government. First, the Treasury had discovered that he had $200,000 of whiskey in a bonded warehouse and demanded that he pay taxes on it then rather than later because it was eight years old. The IRS at first had considered smashing all of his whiskey but that was finally stopped by a ruling that the whiskey could be sold at auction for the benefit of the Government and could not be smashed.
About the same time, Mr. Fox had borrowed 13.5 million dollars from banks in 30 different states, and the subcommittee received reports from the banks that when agents from the comptroller of the currency had come to examine the banks, one of the first things they had asked was whether the banks held any of Mr. Fox's paper. As a result, many of his loans had not been renewed. Mr. Fox claimed that it was a deliberate attempt to persecute him financially, also dictated from higher places.
In June, 1956, the Treasury had placed tax liens on Mr. Fox for 1.7 million dollars, which he also claimed was persecution, supporting the charge by showing that 87 percent of the tax claim had later been dropped by the Treasury on the ground that it was improper. Mr. Fox had taken his battle to the U.S. Tax Court, where he had won most of the preliminary rounds, indicating that he had turned down a Treasury offer to settle the matter for $15,000.
His Boston Post had now folded and he blamed the local economic squeeze applied by Mr. Choate of the Boston Herald and Traveler and a tax squeeze applied by a hidden hand in Washington for its demise.
Marquis Childs, in Moscow, tells of having a choice of two magazines aboard a Soviet airliner, the Soviet Union Illustrated Monthly, a fairly professional picture magazine, and Culture and Life, containing articles on a variety of subjects, with the note struck repeatedly throughout both magazines having been the happiness and well-being of the Soviet people and their desire for peace and abhorrence of war.
To the visitor there for the first time, it was the initial impression of what appeared inevitably as the outstanding difference between the Eastern and Western worlds, the total and complete indoctrination of the Soviet citizen. It corresponded with the fundamental belief of the Communist order and was nothing new, but to the visitor from the West, seeing for the first time how 200 million people were enclosed within the doctrinal framework, he believes it must have seemed to be an astonishing phenomenon. To the great mass of Russians, it appeared to be taken for granted. There were some who looked longingly to the outside world and perhaps a few strayed, but among the great mass who worked hard, the number had to be very small.
On his first day in Moscow, he had an exchange with Premier Nikita Khrushchev which provided proof that in discussing the Russian position on the issues dividing East and West, it was wrong to use the word "propaganda". The exchange had occurred in a crowded cocktail party atmosphere of one of the big embassy receptions where members of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet made themselves available to all comers. Mr. Khrushchev had spoken with the half-humorous, half-stern manner characteristic of him, regarding the truth which ought be evident to everyone regarding the issues of war and peace. Mr. Khrushchev refused to accept Mr. Childs's suggestion that a truth lay somewhere between the Russian perspective and the American perspective. As he so often did, he resorted to a Russian analogy, on this occasion about the "White Bullock", a story of an old peasant woman who was forever taking her white bullock out to graze and forever coming back to the village to report that the bullock had strayed away. Mr. Khrushchev seemed to believe every word he spoke, and it was not "propaganda" which he was putting forth for a circle of reporters and diplomats, but represented the core of the national conviction as beamed to the farthest corners of the Eurasian land mass by every means of modern communication. He regards it as the meaning of Mr. Khrushchev and the Soviet system at present, that whatever struggle and rivalry might lie below the surface, no one might see, and the outsider could only speculate about what happened behind the Kremlin walls.
The first tentative step in cultural exchange had been taken, with representatives of the culture and learning of each side flying back and forth as though the divide did not exist between East and West. Pianist Van Cliburn had been a huge success in Russia, enchanting the people who loved music and representing something new and spectacular to them. The Moiseyev dancers had similarly captivated America and the Bolshoi Ballet had been appearing in Paris, where every seat had been sold out for months. The ballet and Russia's other prize cultural exhibits were also being sent to the Brussels World's Fair in a lavish display of what the country could offer. The Philadelphia Orchestra had just won wide acclaim in Russia both from audiences and reviewers, who were often critical not only of foreign artists but their own.
He finds that all of it had to make for greater good will, but whether it would alter the political climate remained questionable.
Coincidental with the appearance of the Philadelphia Orchestra, the Central Committee of the Communist Party had issued the decree "on the rectification of errors" of a judgment passed in 1948 on the work of Dmitri Shostakovich, Aram Khachaturian, Serge Prokofiev and other prominent Russian composers. The 1948 judgment had condemned them for "formalism" and failing to represent Socialist realism. Those evaluations had been found in the new decree to be "inaccurate and erroneous". Some Westerners believed that the fact that the Philadelphia Orchestra had played the music which had been criticized might have helped to bring about the new evaluation. Others had interpreted it as merely a new rebuke to V. M. Molotov and Georgi Malenkov, who had been removed during Mr. Khrushchev's rise to power, along with presumably the introduction of a less rigid outlook on the arts.
He suggests that while it might be a significant change in Soviet society, it would take a very long time for it to bring about some adjustment in the perspectives of the East and the West.
Doris Fleeson finds that the U.S. District Court judge's suspension of school desegregation in Little Rock during the week (ultimately to be reversed by the Eighth Circuit Court of Appeals in August, the appellate decision then to be affirmed by the Supreme Court in September), had confronted the harassed Eisenhower Administration with yet another political time bomb, with no immediate remedy in sight. The President had spoken fairly to black leaders who had called on him during the week regarding the decision and they in turn had spoken politely of him and of Attorney General William Rogers, who had joined the conference. But the powerful black press was sending out stories which emphasized that the President had made no commitments and that absolutely nothing was being done.
The same stories quoted the black leaders, including the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., Roy Wilkins, and A. Philip Randolph, as saying to the President that blacks were becoming "frustrated and angry" over the Federal Government's failure to protect them, stressing that no single member of the previous fall's Little Rock rioters had spent a day in jail but all had gone scot-free.
The judge's decision to halt Little Rock desegregation for 2 1/2 years until the beginning of 1960 would be appealed and she regards it as being rash to predict the outcome or even to speculate, but a St. Louis politician of great experience and legal acumen had made comments regarding the appellate court's makeup, which made it plain that they were not of the same sentimental stripe as the District Court judge, who had said he loved the South. But the fact that the decision had been grounded in equity with its long tradition in the courts meant that his decision would be afforded great latitude.
She suggests that it therefore appeared that integration in Little Rock, which had become a symbol for the South and the country, might have stormy weather ahead. Liberals in Congress saw only a steady building of tension, no matter what happened.
No present inducement appeared possible which would incite a Northern black exodus from the Democratic Party, though the role played by Democratic Governor Orval Faubus of Arkansas did not help them. She posits that the ruling certainly would arouse the extremists again, harm the country in its international relations and furnish the already mired Presidency with a fresh challenge.
A letter writer of the Over Forty Club, Inc., indicates that having read a news item in the newspaper and been present at the third anniversary of the Club, as well as being a member of same and a supporter of the newspaper since he had arrived in Charlotte, he believed himself in a position to say several things about the piece, that it was brief and not to the point, that the popular young lawyer and politician Bud Coira had been there and introduced the main speaker, Congressman Charles Jonas, who was mentioned by the piece only in a perfunctory manner. The story had also indicated that Mayor James Smith was present, when he was not. Mr. Jonas had made appropriate mention of it being Flag Day, as well as easing discrimination against those over 40. He concludes that beyond the fact of the article having been half fiction, too short and badly botched, those in the club had been glad to occupy such space as the newspaper granted.
He seems to be saying politely, in effect, "Thanks for little or nothing."
Herblock, incidentally, makes a comment this date on the State Department which would be applicable in spades to the entire current Administration in Washington in 2025, with its vaunted "transparency" being about as opaque as any prior Administration of the last 56 years, even eclipsing the Nixon Administration, the most obfuscating of any at that time in recent recollection, the current regime having cleansed the press room of any reporters who might pose questions which are too pointed, and calling only on friendly news outlets which pitch their propaganda like pig slop to the addicted recipients to whom they cater daily. When it reaches a point where anything an Administration's representatives say is far more likely a lie than containing even a kernel of truth, it has lost any public relations effort ab initio, this Administration obviously being populated by the too dense and historically challenged to have ever studied with any discernment the Nixon era and its undoing of itself, not by its "enemies" or the "liberal" press.
During the week, when the three stooges visited National Guard troops at Union Station, assigned to the nation's capital supposedly to interdict the terrible epidemic of rape, robbery and murder running rampant on every street corner at all hours of the day and night, reaching such a riotous, insurrectional state of siege that El Presidente and his retinue cannot leave the confines of his compound except by helicopter, one of their number, Herr Doktor Goebbels, referred to non-violent protesters outside yelling innocuously "Free D.C." as being "Communists" and "elderly white hippies", reminiscent both in appearance and rhetoric of this clown
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