The Charlotte News

Wednesday, June 11, 1958

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Paris that Premier Charles de Gaulle had bluntly told the defiant insurgents in Algeria this date to stop interfering in government and had remonstrated with his military commander there, General Raoul Salan, following a Cabinet meeting devoted primarily to foreign affairs. The Premier had replied sharply to a resolution by the All-Algeria Committee of Public Safety the previous day, opposing his plan for local elections in Algeria and condemning parliamentary government in France, the Premier criticizing General Salan for letting his name be used as approving the Committee's action, even though the General had later disavowed the resolution. Premier De Gaulle reminded in the note to the General that the Committee had no other rights and no other role than to express under the General's control the opinion of its members, that regular authority, including that of the General, could not associate itself with such a subject as the Committee or any other political organization. The Cabinet in Paris had gone ahead with plans for the local elections in Algeria in the face of the Committee's criticism.

In Algiers, the junta was reported to have split into two factions this date, with one side favoring support of Premier De Gaulle and the others still demanding a political house-cleaning in Paris.

In Paris, Secretary of State Dulles had been invited to France to confer with Premier De Gaulle the following month, according to a Cabinet spokesman this date.

The White House this date said that insinuations that Bernard Goldfine had received preferred treatment from Federal agencies because of friendship with White House chief of staff Sherman Adams would be proved to be completely false. Press secretary James Hagerty had said that the matter would be quickly disposed of when Mr. Adams returned to Washington later in the day from a New England fishing trip. Mr. Hagerty added that Mr. Adams had the complete confidence of the President—something which would soon change. Mr. Hagerty refused to discuss evidence produced by House investigators the previous day that Mr. Goldfine, a Boston industrialist, had paid almost $2,000 in hotel bills during the previous four years for Mr. Adams. He declined to provide any information on the expected time of the return of Mr. Adams or to say what form his rebuttal would take. When a reporter commented that the statement of Mr. Hagerty did not amount to a denial that Mr. Adams had his hotel bills in Boston paid by Mr. Goldfine, Mr. Hagerty said that he had to refuse to elaborate on the statement he had already made.

In Nicosia, Cyprus, Turkish Cypriots had smashed and set fire to Greek shops and other establishments this date in another flare-up of violence as the death toll had risen to seven since the rioting had begun the prior Saturday.

Diplomatic officials said this date that the U.S. and Britain had agreed to supply about 50 jet fighter aircraft to Iraq, Jordan and Lebanon.

In Cairo, a weekly newspaper this date had said that Soviet President Klementi Voroshilov and Premier Nikita Khrushchev would visit Cairo the following October, having been invited by Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser during his recent visit to Russia.

In Hong Kong, it was reported that Communist China this date had announced its refusal to extend an agreement permitting Japanese fishermen to operate in Communist waters.

The House, providing the President a major legislative victory, this date had passed and sent to the Senate a bill continuing the reciprocal trade program for another five years.

The Government's new Civil Rights Commission was launching a nationwide study during the month in three major fields of racial discrimination, voting, education and housing. The staff director of the Commission, Gordon Tiffany, said that the decision to concentrate on those three areas did not prevent investigation into other civil rights areas, but that at the present time, the Commission had received no certified complaints except for a few which he said were incomplete and were returned for further information. He said that for that reason, the Commission had deferred a decision on whether to investigate reports of police brutality toward blacks in the Dawson, Ga., area. The mayor of that town had denied the reports, as had two black citizens, one an undertaker and the other a principal of a high school. Mr. Tiffany said that the Commission had decided that it would not determine to hold an investigation until complaints were filed. The inquiry which was contemplated would cover nearly every state and would be undertaken in conjunction with non-salaried state advisory committees presently being set up by the Commission.

In Baton Rouge, La., a legislative committee this date questioned president Troy Middleton of LSU and five deans of that school in an effort to learn how many faculty members favored school integration, 59 members having recently signed a petition of the Louisiana Civil Liberties Union in opposition to a proposed law providing for closure of public schools which would otherwise be integrated and providing public funds to parents to send their children to private schools, among other things.

In El Dorado, Kans., it was reported that a tornado had devastated 40 square blocks of a modest new residential area of the town late the previous day, killing at least 13 persons and injuring 49 others. National Guardsmen were on the scene searching through the rubble for possible bodies or survivors. A commander of the Highway Patrol said that his men had been unable to account for the occupants of three automobiles which the twister had apparently swept off the toll road at the edge of the town. Searchers had found a 13th body this date in the rubble of the woman's home. A man who had parked his car under an overpass on the turnpike in an attempt to find refuge from the wind and heavy hail, had watched, along with his family, from outside the car as the car was swept away by the winds. He told police that he could not find his two teenage daughters who had been with them, and then shortly thereafter he had disappeared as well and had not been located. His wife was in the hospital in critical condition. Some houses had completely disappeared, leaving only their foundations and the concrete floors of the garages, with others having lost their roofs, while some brick houses only had broken windows or other minor damage.

In Bennettsville, S.C., the slayer of State Senator Paul Wallace was being held without bond this date in the State Penitentiary in Columbia. The County clerk of court, according to eyewitnesses to the killing, had walked into the sheriff's office the previous night and fired five bullets into Mr. Wallace, 57, as he listened to election returns which had given him his fourth four-year term. The witnesses said that the man had opened fire without saying a word. The Senator's family had rushed him to a local hospital, where he died in the emergency room ten minutes later. Police said that the shooting had apparently resulted from "a personal matter" between the two men, with townspeople indicating that there had been "political differences of opinion" between them. That sounds like rather an understatement.

In Badin, N.C., two men, both employees of an aluminum company, had been instantly killed when an iron rod they had been using to hold up a tree they were cutting down had come into contact with a high tension wire. The accident had occurred the previous night. The moral is not to use metal poles around high tension wires, as you are liable to become electrocuted. Then, what good is taking the tree down?

In Charlotte, the City Council had voted this date to hold a special session during the afternoon to discuss the auditor's report on the office of the clerk of Recorder's Court, and the Council had asked Police Chief Frank Littlejohn to join them in that session. The report of the special auditor's investigation of the office had been made public this date. It had determined that there was no recorded cash unaccounted for in any of the funds of the clerk. The investigation had been initiated by reports that a member of the Police Department had been cashing checks on funds being held at the clerk's office. The report found that there had been checks cashed between July, 1957 and May, 1958 by a captain of the Police Department, totaling $26,524, but that checks totaling $32,911 covering the same period of time had been deposited by the clerk of the court, with no name attached to the deposits. The captain in question was head of the Department's traffic division. He said that he was glad that the report did not show any shortage involving him, that it had confirmed his opinion that there was no shortage on his part. A lieutenant, who had for 16 years been clerk of the Recorder's Court, had been relieved of his duties and was awaiting reassignment to another post. A text of the letter from the company which performed the audit to City Manager Henry Yancey is provided, in case you might think of doing a term paper on this critical scandal which apparently never materialized.

Mr. Yancey, angry at charges by Mr. Littlejohn that he had held up the auditor's report on the clerk's office so that Recorder's Court Judge Basil Boyd could "start cleaning up his own house", had labeled the allegations as "utterly false". Mr. Yancey had phoned Chief Littlejohn to demand an explanation of the charges as published in the morning Charlotte Observer.

Jerry Reece of The News reports that a local housewife and mother of three this date wanted to thank everyone who had helped find her lost son the previous night. A four-hour search had been conducted for the two-year old boy, eventually found by members of the Derita volunteer fire departments, asleep on the tracks of the Norfolk and Southern Railway Co., about a mile from his home. His mother said that after they had found him, he had slept all the way home and that it was no trouble getting him to go to sleep the previous night. He must've been drinking.

In Louisville, a 37-year old man had been charged with strong-armed robbery in the theft of a bag. Police said that he had snatched a night deposit bag from a man, who said he had just picked up the bag at a bank. It was empty.

On the editorial page, "Once More unto the Breach, Voters" indicates that from the gasps which had followed State Representative Jack Love's request for a runoff primary in the State Senate race, one might have gathered that the ambitious young legislator had committed some unpardonable social indiscretion.

But he had every right to continue his quest for the seat, and, likewise, the Democratic voters of the county had the right to deliver the seat to a better qualified candidate, incumbent Senator J. Spencer Bell.

Since so few people of the community voted in such elections, however, the matter was in great doubt and it would take a skillful campaign effort on the part of the supporters of Mr. Bell to ensure his victory on June 28. It regards the latter's qualifications to be greatly superior for the position, and the voters had recognized that fact in giving him a vote which was only 157 votes short of the clear majority he would have needed to avoid the runoff. It urges people therefore to turn out and vote again.

It's too hot to vote. We're going to stay home where it's cool in the shade.

"Just Trees, Please, Along this Road" indicates that a billboard ban applied to the new U.S. 29 bypass would be an invaluable advertisement for Charlotte and Mecklenburg County. The City Appearance and Improvement Committee of the Chamber of Commerce had recommended such a ban to the State Legislature.

It would not cost anything and the public would be allowed to enjoy the benefit of its investment in the thoroughfare free of distraction. It commends the foresight thus exhibited by the Chamber and urges that the billboard ban be adopted.

"Public Servants: Delusions of Grandeur" indicates that reporters had been ousted from the New Orleans City Council's weekly executive session for the second time in as many weeks, with the president of the Council having explained that they could not give their honest opinion with the press around to quote them.

It offers that it was from honest opinions and the clash of honest opinions that the voters developed an ability to vote intelligently, with the concluding votes often concealing as much as they revealed. The governing body which closed itself to the press and public was really saying that the people had no right to know what their governing body was doing, that the governing body had no responsibility to the people and that it did not wish to be influenced by public opinion.

The right of access to public proceedings was self-evident, and yet state legislatures, city councils and commissions everywhere had to be reminded constantly that there was no possible justification for secret or private meetings. The people also had to be reminded occasionally that public records belonged to the people, that public officials were not merely the servants of the people, and that newspapers were, to a large degree, the eyes of the people.

"Market for 'Good Things' Is Glutted" indicates that the President's brother, Milton, had been warned away from visiting South America for the time being, in the wake of the mistreatment of Vice-President Nixon and Mrs. Nixon during their time in Caracas and Lima. Thus, it finds that there was little likelihood that there would be any beneficial disaster about to happen, that all the "good things" appeared to be happening to France at present.

Yale University president A. Whitney Griswold had made a speech to the graduating class in which he said: "We have had enough of the pious cant that says the Sputniks were a good thing because they will wake us up, or that the reception of the Vice-President in South America was a good thing because it showed up the weaknesses of the Good Neighbor Policy. This is worse than making a virtue of necessity. It is making a virtue of disaster. The worst of the disaster has not happened yet, but it easily might if we do not look these things in the face and recognize them for what they are, namely the result of a long cumulative process of self-deception."

It finds the tenor and content of the speech to suggest that it was addressed to Washington as well as to its immediate audience, and it hopes that the determinedly optimistic eyes of some of the powers in Washington would see it. It finds it all too easy to remember the salubrious disaster which had overtaken the free world at Suez in fall, 1956. Secretary of State Dulles had found so much benefit in that crisis that he had taken credit for helping to set it in motion.

It suggests that he was welcome to it, but that the market for "good things" appeared glutted at the moment and for at least a week or two, the nation could get along without any more of the South American "good will".

A piece from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, titled "In Re Man versus Mule", indicates that the Mississippi Supreme Court had handed down a legal decision on the mule, having ruled that man did not exercise complete control over the hybrid animal.

Two or three generations earlier, before the gasoline engine had made the mule practically obsolete, farmers would have been appalled at the decision, even though not disagreeing with it.

The court had decided that the owner of two mules, who was alleged to have operated his wagon in a negligent manner, should have a new trial after the lower court had ruled that he had allowed one of his mules to push the other into the path of a truck owned by the defendant, the court holding that "the action of the offending mule cannot be attributed to any negligence on the part of the plaintiff."

It posits that the offending mule had held a grudge against its teammate and possibly its master, paying it off by shoving the other mule into the path of the truck, finding it to be a natural act for any mule. "As Josh Billings, an authority on the subject, once said on the lecture platform: 'I've known mules to be good for six months so as to get a chance to kick a feller.'"

Drew Pearson indicates that there were some unhappy overtones behind the effort of Premier De Gaulle to unite faction-ridden France. One was that Leon Delbecque, who had first organized the committees of public safety in Algeria, had expressed disapproval of the Premier's moderate policies, conducting a secret campaign to organize committees of public safety in France, itself. The two ministers of state whom the Premier had taken to Algeria were virtually locked in a room in Government House until the welcoming ceremonies for the Premier had concluded. They represented political parties and the right wing did not like political parties. Francois Mitterand, future Premier, former Minister of the Interior, had been pursued at great speed through the streets of Paris by a gang of Croix de Feaux Fascists, apparently intending to kill him, before he finally trapped them by driving into a police compound.

It all added up to the fact that the Premier's vigorous but moderate policies did not satisfy the extreme right, who wanted a military dictatorship of the type of Generalissimo Francisco Franco in Spain, and believed that the Premier had made too many deals with the political leaders to get into power. They wanted nothing to do with political parties.

Communists were watching from the wings, listening to those overtones, confident that they would inherit political power from the ultimate rejection of Premier De Gaulle, figuring that he would not deal drastically enough with the former Vichy adherents from World War II, or the right wing which had been more or less accepting of Nazi rule. He suggests that Premier De Gaulle might become the Kerensky of France, a moderate who would finally give way to a government of the extreme right or the extreme left.

Rhode Island Senator Theodore Green, 90, had been up until midnight twice the previous week, piloting the foreign aid bill through the Senate. Each morning he had arisen early and on one morning, in the gymnasium of the University Club where he lived, had exchanged physical education ideas with German middleweight boxing champion Franz Szuzina, who was in Washington for the Big Brothers of boxing bout with Joey Giafdello. The Senator said that he was not a boxer but a wrestler, that he used to wrestle in the Senate gym until two years earlier, but had finally given it up. When the boxer asked him how he stayed so trim, he said that it was because he walked to work every morning and pushed himself away from the dinner table, keeping his weight at 134 pounds, and if he gained anything, he just ate less. When the Senator had been asked to pose for the newsreels, he had insisted on talking to Mr. Szuzina in German, with the latter indicating that the Senator spoke German almost without an accent. The Senator had also taught Roman law at Brown University, had served for 40 years as treasurer of the Seaview Railroad and as trustee of the Rhode Island Trolley Lines, and was a member of the National Council of the Boy Scouts of America.

Senator Clinton Anderson of New Mexico had won two long battles with the Administration in the previous few days. After four years of hammering at Admiral Lewis Strauss, chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission, who, as an investment banker had been considered unqualified for that position, he was finally stepping down. After six months of prodding the Admiral and the President to dedicate the peacetime atomic reactor at Shippingport, Pa., the President had finally dedicated it. Senator Anderson, along with Senator Albert Gore of Tennessee and Congressmen Clarence Cannon of Missouri, Mel Price of Illinois and Chet Holifield of California, had repeatedly reminded the Administration that Queen Elizabeth personally had dedicated the British reactor at Calder Hall, but that the President preferred to golf. Just before Admiral Strauss had resigned, the President had pushed a button in the White House, officially dedicating the peacetime reactor, six months after it had actually opened.

The previous weekend, however, Senator Anderson had sided with the isolationists who would bar foreign aid to Poland, Rumania, Hungary and the satellite nations, which offered the U.S. the best chance to make friends behind the Iron Curtain, siding with 16 other Democrats, whom Mr. Pearson says did not know any better, while Senator Anderson did.

Joseph Alsop, in Algiers, tells of a composite officer of the French parachute regiment with whom he had talked, who was lower in rank than an officer of comparable age in the U.S. Army as promotion in the French professional officer corps was very slow, while in experience, he was far older than most members of the postwar generation in any other army, having been almost continuously involved in warfare during his entire adult life. He wore a panoply of metals on his chest, unless preferring the single ribbon of the Legion of Honor. He had probably spent six years in the war in Indochina and then three years in Algeria, not exceptional. His experience was not quite the same as that of other French professional officers who were not parachutists, primarily because no French soldiers who were not volunteers had been sent to Indochina and the parachute regiments, entirely composed of volunteer soldiers, had consequently fought the whole war there, with the result that he probably had seen far more of war than other French officers and that his profession was probably much more of his whole life.

He indicates that the difference was probably far less significant than the differences between him and his own people, constituting a wide gulf. France at present was increasingly a comfortable country, living the comfortable, materially prosperous but inglorious life which seemed to be the Western ideal and aim. The professional soldier had long since rejected that ideal and aim and had perhaps done things which would shock most modern moralists of the West, as the parachutists had not driven terrorism from Algiers by ordinary police methods.

This composite officer had an unconcealed admiration for the Communist soldiers of the Vietminh and the Algerian rebels, though he had spent his life fighting them, and also had contempt, not only for the French politicians who had never had the courage to make either war or peace, but also for the prosperous bourgeois at home and the rich solons in Algeria. He was an uprooted man in the sense that he had largely rejected both the values and ideas of success of his own society, and yet, in another sense, was still a captive of his society's values.

An average Soviet officer might have done all that the parachutist had done without ever asking for any justification beyond those reasons of State, while, in contrast, the parachutist might have largely rejected the material values of Western society but had not altogether rejected its humanitarian values and so sought a justification, sometimes desperately.

He was passionately dedicated to the idea of "integrating Algeria" with the rest of France, making the Moslem population citizens of greater France, giving them the same education, opportunities, social benefits as the rest of the French people. But he also had reason to make war upon them and even to torture those who were suspected of terrorist activities, seeking to justify that experience, an experience which would have caused any other Western army to abandon its government at least five years earlier.

He had abandoned the Fourth Republic, preparing the way for the new France under the leadership of General De Gaulle. Having now seen the latter take power, he would surely follow the leader to the end of the earth were it not for one difficulty. If the new Premier concluded that metropolitan France could not or should not carry out the Algerian integration policy, the parachutist would not know exactly what to do. "For has he not been formed into a lonely Spartan in the bosom of the most Athenian of modern societies? And how is the gulf between the man of Sparta and the men of Athens to be bridged?"

Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that people who sometimes sneaked him classified intelligence had informed him that man was on the verge of developing machines which could respond to the human voice. He finds it Weirdsville, that there might be typewriters which would come when one called and put down words on paper one never really meant to say, "except for the Martinis." "You just tell a machine to get you two down front in the center section; the machine recognizes its master's voice and you get the tickets for the latest hit play AND a typescript in your own handwriting."

He next constructs a mini-drama between Rafe Rackstraw, an underpaid genius, and Univac, presumably a computer.

The things that some people imagined in 1958. Weirdsville…

A letter writer responds to a previous letter writer, says that she is the mother of an 11-year old son who was a baseball player, as the previous writer, remarking that her son played both on the back lawn and on a Little League team, that a few years earlier she had found it disturbing to have him and more than a half dozen of his friends playing ball on their lawn grass and forgetting to be careful about the flowers. But now when he scored on his Little League team, she was glad that she had decided that a boy was more important than a perfect yard. She then presents a story titled "The Boyless Town", with an obvious premise and conclusion.

A letter writer from Dillon, S.C., wonders why the newspaper continued to mention the "late great" Senator McCarthy, as he was dead and there was no one left to fight communism. "So you and The Charlotte News should be satisfied."

Neither editors of newspapers nor anyone else hastened the demise of Senator McCarthy, but rather only the bottom of his liquor bottle, from which he also got his imaginary Communists infiltrating the Government at every turn. They were there amid the ghoulish faces in the ice cubes in the glasses of the liquor ads seeking to insinuate themselves into the Senator's mind whenever they could—the same sort of source material whipping the current Administration and its drunks, paranoiacs and propagandists bent on revenge for a special counsel daring formally to accuse Trump of crimes, while the lead liar and duly convicted felon proceeds to deny climate change, Russian interference in the 2016 election on behalf of Trump, that he lost and lost badly the 2020 election for his failed leadership, and now even seeks to deny the poorest quarterly jobs report since the 2020 pandemic, when he was last in office, firing the chairman of the Bureau of Labor Statistics for issuing a standard revision of the numbers showing reduced creation of jobs versus the earlier tentative report. The truth contradicting the first three forms of denial is self-evident to anyone not confined to the Asylum which is Trumpville, and that of the latter may be verified by these various reports through time as standard practice.

It is part of a pattern, of course, to distract from and explain away routinized bad performance stemming from ridiculous, hare-brained midnight-tweeted policies and brewing scandals, to tell the uninformed that night is really day and that the problem lies in the failure of the sun, which has been perpetually controlled by Democrats since the dawn of creation, some 10,000 years ago.

Next quarter we expect a report to be promoted by Maria Bottleorumo at Fox Prop as "the greatest jobs creation report of all time in the history of the world, 650 million new jobs. Can you believe it? A record 250 percent growth in the economy in just one quarter, all the result of your Leader, Magaville." And also along with it in the drunken "business news", "lock her up, lock her up, lock her up" again and again and again, along with all other liberal, radical Commie Democrat Party people, to confirm what those Magavillians knew all along was the truth. And don't let her loose or transfer her to some cushy country club prison neither. Put her on Alcoholator Alcatraz. Remember, they ordered those Pizzas with anchovies, did they not?

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