The Charlotte News

Friday, June 6, 1958

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Secretary of State Dulles had said this date that "we have been encouraged" by some recent Soviet foreign policy moves and believed that significant agreements between Russia and the Western powers were possible. He stated to the Senate Foreign Relations Committee: "Whether or not a summit conference would be productive of such agreements remains to be seen." He described as encouraging the Soviet agreement to join in scientific studies of policing a nuclear test suspension and also Soviet acceptance of the U.S. proposal to confer on neutralizing the Antarctic. He suggested that the Soviet Communist bloc was in trouble on a number of points, predicting that Russia would either have to grant more independence to the Eastern European satellites or revert to Stalinist terror "with increased likelihood of violent revolt." He said that it was only one of several "insoluble problems" faced by Premier Nikita Khrushchev and the rest of the Kremlin leadership, listing the problems as including education, with the Soviet Government increasing education, particularly in science, while having to face the problem that minds which could penetrate outer space could also penetrate the fallacies of Marxism, in the economic sphere, that the Russian people were demanding more consumer goods, causing the Soviet rulers to have to do more for the welfare of their own people, in the area of personal security, that Stalinist police brutality had been put aside, causing in the more relaxed atmosphere "individualism" to grow. Regarding the satellites, Poland and Hungary had shown that nationalism and individualism were not extinguished even by massive and sustained pressures, causing the Soviet leadership to have to grant more independence to the satellites or increase police oppression and thereby the chance of revolt. Regarding refugees, millions of people had fled from Communist rule to free countries and their flight showed that there was something basically repellent in Communist rule. Regarding foreign policy, he said that since "brute force no longer brings results", in view of the free world defenses, Soviet rulers had switched to more friendly policies and developed "a vested interest in respectability." Mr. Dulles said it was a trend which the U.S. welcomed and encouraged and might bring nearer the day when Soviet leaders would be primarily interested in improving the welfare of their own people and bringing an end to the unnatural exploitation of the ruled peoples by international communism, at which point relations might be dominated by the natural good will and friendship which had always prevailed between the American and Russian people.

The testimony of the Secretary took place after the Senate Foreign Relations Committee had its proposal to encourage Eastern European nations to loosen Moscow's grip defeated by a vote of 43 to 42 in Committee the previous night. The plan, which the Committee had proposed to add to the foreign aid authorization bill via an amendment offered by Senator John F. Kennedy, would have permitted the President to use aid money in satellite countries if he determined it would help encourage them to take a course independent from Moscow. The Administration supported the amendment in principle, but the President had stated on Wednesday that he believed it ought be handled in separate legislation rather than as part of the foreign aid bill. Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota attributed the rejection of the amendment to a State Department double-cross.

Representative Patrick Hillings of California said that the White House had advised him this date that John McCone, a Los Angeles businessman, would be nominated to succeed Lewis Strauss as chairman of the Atomic Energy Commission. Mr. McCone, 56, was an engineer with widespread business interests, having been a Defense Department official in the Truman Administration, serving as deputy to the Secretary of Defense in 1948 and as Undersecretary of the Air Force in 1950-51. He was a personal friend of the President and had been a frequent visitor at the White House. Admiral Strauss was leaving the AEC on June 30, when his current five-year term would expire, the announcement of which had been made by the White House the previous day. Mr. McCone was former president and director of the California Shipbuilding Corp., the Joshua Hendy Corp., the Joshua Hendy Ironworks, chairman of the board of the Pacific Far East Line, a director of the California Bank of Los Angeles, the Pacific Mutual Life Insurance Co., and the Industrial Indemnity Co. He was a member of the Burning Tree Country Club in Washington, where the President was also a member and often played golf. Admiral Strauss had given no specific reason for his decision, but had said in a letter to the President that he believed "circumstances beyond the control of either of us make a change in the chairmanship of the commission advisable." The report indicates that it could have been an allusion to speculation that his renomination might run into stiff opposition in the Senate. After the news, some members of Congress had lauded his "great contributions", while others voiced pleasure at his impending departure. He would also give up his post as special advisor to the President on atomic energy matters, but would become the President's special assistant in charge of promoting the atoms-for-peace program. As such, he would lead the U.S. delegation to an international scientific conference on peaceful uses of atomic energy, in Geneva the following September. For the previous several months, he had reportedly been locked in a dispute with Secretary of State Dulles regarding U.S. policy on nuclear testing. The Admiral contended that continued testing was necessary to perfect anti-missile weapons and to produce nuclear weapons with a minimum of radioactive fallout, indicating that tests ought be halted only in conjunction with a halt in production and with a safeguarded inspection system. Secretary Dulles was known to believe that the U.S. ought change its policy, possibly with a temporary halt to testing while efforts were being made to work out a more permanent cessation with the Soviets.

At Cape Canaveral, Fla., a Navy Polaris experimental missile had been launched this date on what was described as its toughest test yet. The rocket had gone straight up for some 20 seconds but then seemed to break apart shortly after it had moved toward a more horizontal course. At least one section of the rocket had fallen into the ocean where crash boats were standing by. The Navy said in a brief announcement that the mission was to test certain components of the Navy Polaris missile system under more difficult conditions than previous launches. The last time the Lockheed rocket had been fired was on May 8, when it burst apart with a huge flash of flame shortly after launch. But the Navy had announced that the breakup on that occasion had been expected and that the test appeared to be normal.

In Oran, Algeria, Premier Charles de Gaulle had told representatives of the All-Algeria Public Safety Committee this date that its insurgent authority had to come to an end and that he would run Algeria. He named General Raoul Salan as military commander of the junta, as his own delegate-general in Algiers, a new post. But Premier De Gaulle would personally assume control of Algerian affairs, acting as his own cabinet minister for the territory. The Premier said that the committee which led the drive to bring him to power had to concentrate on integration of the Moslem and European communities in Algeria. On this, the last day of his tour of Algeria, he told representatives of the Algerian and local safety committee: "You must not trespass or substitute yourselves for legal authority. Your task is to work for a complete integration of souls." He said that authority now existed in the hands of General Salan and that it must not be contested. It amounted to a rebuff to Leon Delbecque, one of the civilian leaders who had plotted the takeover in Algeria by the committee. The previous day Premier De Gaulle had called for unification of all such groups, both in Algeria and in France, to prevent leaders of past French Governments from coming to power. Speaking of the committee's work for integration, he said "this is a great role but there is no question of going any further."

At the U.N. in New York, it was announced by the organization that political upheavals in North Africa were keeping private investment out of Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco, with Morocco and Tunisia facing serious unemployment.

In Bengasi, Libya, the Arab League had announced this date its failure to solve the angry dispute between Lebanon and the United Arab Republic after Lebanon had rejected the compromise. The UAR was comprised of Egypt and Syria under the leadership of Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser.

At Geneva, Secretary of Labor James Mitchell, speaking to the International Labor Organization this date, said that the U.S. economic situation had shown indications of improvement in recent weeks.

Douglas Starr of the Associated Press—who, along with two members of the staff of the Jackson (Miss.) Daily News, had been the only newsmen to contact Professor Clennon King after he had been jailed for trying to enter the all-white University of Mississippi at Oxford, the three reporters having entered the building undetected and taped an interview with him, shortly after which, the State Police had barred anyone from seeing the professor, who had sought to become the first black student to enter a white school in Mississippi—, reports that the professor had earned an isolated jail cell this date for his efforts to cross the state's rigid racial lines. He had stated that his attempt to enter the University had ended. The 37-year old former faculty member of the all-black Alcorn A&M College had been whisked away by State Highway Patrolmen the previous day after he had sought to enter the summer session at the University. His whereabouts had been maintained in secret until the previous night, at which time the Associated Press had learned that he was being held in a tiny cell on the top floor of the State Highway Patrol headquarters in Jackson, where the exclusive tape-recorded interview was conducted only an hour before the Highway Patrol had thrown a cordon of troopers around the building and refused anyone admittance. In the interview recorded by Newman Bergsma of the Daily News, the professor had said that he just wanted to get out of there, that he did not know what they were going to do, and that he would not bother with the attempted integration anymore. But state authorities had indicated that he would be examined by physicians after the clerk of Chancery in Oxford had filed a lunacy warrant against him, indicating that if they concluded that his mind was "a little off", they would send him to Whitfield, the state hospital, for psychiatric examination. The professor had been taken from a line of students waiting to register for summer school at the University and was told that if he came back onto campus, he would be arrested. He said that the University registrar had told him that the situation on registering was "just about hopeless". The professor had asked that his application forms be returned but was refused and that when he said he wanted to return to the waiting line, was forced out another entrance and carried to a waiting car. He said he was not mistreated. Governor J. P. Coleman, who had ordered troopers to the campus to preserve the peace, said, "All of his legal rights will be fully preserved."

In Charlotte, six applications for assignments of black students to white schools for the following school term had been received at the City School Board offices, filed the previous afternoon. One sought original assignment of a first-grader at Piedmont, others for reassignment of a fifth-grader from Biddleville to Seversville, a third-grader and a fifth-grader from Alexander Street to Piedmont, and a fifth-grader from Myers Street to Dilworth. An assistant principal had said that there was another application requesting reassignment from Northwest Junior High School to Seversville, with no explanation of the grade of the student. Since Northwest was a junior high and Seversville an elementary school, there appeared to be confusion regarding that application, according to the assistant principal. During the previous school year, for the first time in history, black students had been admitted to formerly all-white schools and three had completed the prior school year. Those schools were Central High School, Alexander Graham Junior High School and Piedmont Junior High School. The student at Central and the student at Piedmont had been assigned to those respective schools again for the following year by the School Board. The student at Alexander Graham would attend Myers Street the following year, as Graham was being abandoned at its Morehead Street site and the student's address was closest to Myers Street. The date for filing applications for reassignment was regarded as June 12, although the School Board had not officially set a date. The state pupil assignment law indicated that parents had ten days to file application for reassignment after notification of an assignment. Students in school in the previous term had been formally assigned by the Board to the same schools for the following year, with notice of those assignments having been stated on the children's report cards, distributed on the last day of school, May 30. But some children had not been present and the cards had been mailed. School officials had estimated that all such notices should have been delivered by June 2 and that ten days from that date would be June 12. The previous year, there had been 24 applications for assignment of black students to white schools, but the Board had approved only four, and only three students had actually attended white schools. The student assigned to Harding High School had withdrawn after a few days following significant disturbances to her well-being. We are reminded that exactly ten years hence from this date would be our last day in school in that particular grade, during which we would hear that Senator Robert F. Kennedy, mortally wounded just after midnight on June 5, after having won the California Democratic presidential primary, had died of his wounds. It was a sad and tragic day, one of three in particular during the previous 4 1/2 years.

In Detroit, it was reported that Walter Reuther, president of the UAW, had moved swiftly this date to make certain that incidents involving workers at General Motors and Chrysler the previous day did not disrupt the uneasy truce in the automotive industry contract negotiations. Mr. Reuther, after receiving reports from top aides on the Chrysler and General Motors situations, had repeated his order that the UAW members had to keep the peace at all costs in automotive plants until the contracts could be worked out. Nearly 500,000 UAW members had been working without a contract since the three-year contracts had expired on May 29 with General Motors and on the prior Sunday with Ford and Chrysler. The first incident had occurred on Wednesday night, when pickets had ringed the G.M. Fisher Body plant near Pittsburgh, with Leonard Woodcock, head of the UAW's G.M. negotiating committee, indicating that the dispute had revolved around local grievances. Pickets at the plant had been removed the previous night and production resumed by the overnight shift.

Also in Detroit, Chrysler this date had shut down assembly operations at its Plymouth body and assembly plants, the first such action by any of the automakers during operations without labor contracts.

In Menomonie, Wisc., in the area where a tornado had hit on Wednesday night, impacting especially the small town of Colfax, a young mother had died of injuries this date, while a man believed to have died in the destruction had been found alive, maintaining the total of the reported dead at 30. The grim search for dead or survivors continued. Meanwhile, hundreds of the injured and the homeless poured into an Eau Claire collection station as communities near the stricken northwestern Wisconsin area provided their compassion by the truckload, with more than $3,000 having been collected the previous day alone in milk cans placed on the streets of Eau Claire, as Boy and Girl Scouts and volunteers had sorted clothing, bedding and food contributions at a collection center, 30 truckloads of which had been sent to Colfax. State, Federal and private agencies had offered assistance from headquarters set up in the four-county area. At least 30 persons had died when three twisters had ripped a 90-mile path through the area on Wednesday night, with six persons still reported as missing. More than 350 people had been injured, 119 of whom had required hospital attention and at least 20 of whom had been in grave condition. Damage would be in the millions, according to Governor Vernon Thomson, who inspected the area by plane and car the previous day.

In Barberton, O., two brothers, ages eight and ten, had been killed, while playing with a nine-year old friend on the Erie Railroad trestle late the previous day. They had been looking down at the ties when the engineer of the train had seen them about 25 car-lengths ahead and hit his horn and air brakes on his westbound freight, as the train was estimated to be traveling at about 50 mph. The playmate, who was closest to the end of the trestle, had just managed to reach safety, with the two brothers, just a few steps ahead of him, unable to do so. High steel barriers had prevented the boys from jumping off of the trestle or stepping from the tracks. The boy who survived said that they were playing a game along the tracks to see who could stay on a track the longest, that he had fallen off once, that the older of the two brothers had fallen off twice and the younger had not fallen off at all, that they had walked along the trestle and then had gone down to the creek underneath, had thrown some rocks in the water and then climbed back up, started walking along the trestle, until he heard the younger of the two brothers yell that there was a train coming, toward which they were walking. He had seen its light and turned around and ran, indicating that if the younger brother had not yelled, he would also have gotten hit. He said he did not hear a bell or whistle or anything else.

In Huntsville, Ala., the arrest of two couples on charges of stealing $18,000 in money and checks from the night depository of a local bank had been announced by the FBI this date.

In Miami Beach, Fla., a 20-million dollar lease had been signed for a square block of oceanfront property, clearing the way for construction of a large beach hotel.

In Kathmandu, Nepal, British mountain climbers this date said that a Swiss expedition had failed in an attempt to climb the 226,799-foot Dhaulagiri, the world's highest unconquered peak.

On the editorial page, "The High Court's Integrity Is Showing" finds that the State Supreme Court's reputation for fairness and due regard for individual rights had been enhanced by two decisions.

In one, it had ordered a jury trial for Warrenton attorney James Gilliland, appealing the judgment of the State Bar Council of disbarment, having to do with an alleged matter in which he had handled a couple of estates with a conflict of interest—in actuality, aimed at him because of his perceived left-wing politics, not being enough of a good ole boy, not given to shuckin' and jivin' down at the country store. He had been denied a jury trial in the Superior Court on the ground that he had waived it by failing to demand it and by failing to present issues requiring it. (Eventually, he would avoid disbarment, only to be murdered in 1963.)

In the other decision, the Court had ordered a new trial for Dr. A. E. Perry of Union County on a charge of performing an illegal abortion, the doctor having claimed that racial discrimination had figured in legal proceedings leading to his conviction.

It finds that both men had one thing in common, unpopularity in their local communities. The disbarment proceedings had begun against Mr. Gilliland only after his appearance for clients in Charlotte at a special HUAC hearing, representing a couple of old college friends and others accused of being Communists at that hearing two years earlier. Dr. Perry had also been a controversial figure in Union County because of his activities as an official of the NAACP.

It indicates that the Court's rulings in those cases had nothing to do with the controversies surrounding the two individuals and the Court had not suggested that those controversies had figured in the actions against them. It finds that the Court had acted entirely based on its findings of legal errors in the handling of the cases. By doing their duty, the justices had demonstrated again the integrity of the Court and the proper functioning of rule by law. Indirectly, the decisions would operate to quell any suspicion that the defendants were being prosecuted for opinions as opposed to illegal acts.

It suggests that if the offenses charged against the two men were true, they deserved punishment, but the Court had said that the truth of the charges or not had to be determined through proper procedures, the way it should be.

"Voters Aren't Excluded from Penalty" indicates that several local candidates had failed to report, as required, their financial contributions.

But voters also avoided their responsibility as citizens to vote. In the State Senate race in the current year and one which had occurred 20 years earlier, there were parallels, both involving three candidates, with the total vote in spring, 1938 having been 22,868 and the total vote in the recent primary having been 22,696.

It indicates that the law of reporting which some candidates were ignoring prescribed a penalty for not doing so, but that there was no law penalizing voters who did not exercise their franchise. Circumstances, however, did provide a penalty. "Only an alert and informed electorate can demand high standards of public service and select officials who will meet those standards. Voter apathy eventually results in deterioration of the public service."

"How To Lobby for an Honorary Degree" indicates that the May 31 issue of Business Week had suggested how it could open the door for a fellow executive to receive an honorary degree at one of the nation's colleges and university, with the best idea being to contact personally one of the trustees or the president of the school early in the academic year, with the lobbying having to be conducted subtly without a hint of pressure or slight persuasion.

It finds it a cheap political approach to an ancient academic institution, one which the magazine was dignifying as "discreet". Honors of the type were supposed to recognize contributions to humanity, not the moneymaking prowess of paperclip manufacturers or the political pull of gentleman farmers. They were not supposed to be sought or bought. But it was a shameful fact that some institutions of higher learning in the country had already abused the practice of conferring honorary doctorates, indicating that they were all too eager to add academic adornments to the names of famous, wealthy or influential businessmen.

During the current month, it was estimated that 5,000 such degrees had been awarded, and since the first such award had been made in 1692 by Harvard, more than 80,000 had been presented by about 970 accredited colleges. As a result, the honorary degrees had become so common that they had lost their significance, often amounting to nothing more than paper currency granted in return for special favors.

It finds the tragedy to be that the truly deserving individuals were often overlooked. When a distinguished composer who had contributed enormously to America's cultural life had finally been awarded an honorary degree recently, he had found himself on the same platform with people whose sole claim to fame had been the size of their pocketbooks, understandably causing the composer disenchantment.

It indicates that not all institutions of higher learning abused the practice, with many honorary doctorates conferred for honorable reasons. But the custom had been cheapened in recent years. It concludes that honorary degrees ought be highly valued and that their value was debased when, like money, too many of them were printed.

A piece from the Manchester Guardian, titled "Better Become a Farmer", indicates that in choosing a career, a man might reasonably ask whether it offered him a good chance of living to a ripe old age. The tables of occupational mortality, prepared by the registrar-general, just published by the Stationery Office, showed the comparative chances of dying between the ages of 20 and 65 in a wide variety of occupations, indicating that teachers were uncommonly likely to live long while publicans were uncommonly likely to have short lives. To become a farmer was prudent, for farmers had only 70 percent of the average death rate under 65, while to marry a farmer was less prudent, as farmers' wives were not far short of average mortality, the same being true of farm workers.

The death rate for single women was relatively low in personal service, and even lower in clerical work, though in both occupations, the rate of death of men was well above average.

Bookmakers suffered a high mortality rate from tuberculosis, lung cancer, hypertension, pneumonia, duodenal ulcer and suicide.

It concludes that one should become a farmer or a teacher.

Drew Pearson reports from his previous travels in Bucharest, Rumania, that at a state dinner behind the Iron Curtain had been an event which one wanted to attend once but not too often if the desire was to preserve one's waistline. It had been a dinner given by Premier Stoica of Rumania for Premier Gomulka of Poland. The limousines conveying the guests looked much like capitalistic cars driving up to the searchlight-illuminated White House, one difference being that across the Plaza from the Council of Ministers had stood the glowering statue of Stalin, while across from the White House was the statue of Lafayette, aristocratic friend of a new democracy still greatly revered as such. Inside the Council of Ministers, one walked up marble stairs across an expansive marble floor in the middle of which had stood Premier Stoica and the Rumanian Minister of Commerce, constituting the reception line, with no wives standing beside them as at a White House dinner. There had been plenty of wives, however, at the dinner.

The American Minister, Clifton Wharton, and his wife were seated with the diplomatic corps close to the head table and the rest had sat at long tables, running the entire length of the 300-foot hall, in which there were 660 guests seated. A catering firm, presumably Communist, had handled the dishes in courses with efficiency. The first course had been caviar, of which guests could help themselves. Mr. Pearson indicates that some years earlier in Siberia, he had to live on nothing other than bread and caviar for a week but still liked it and got off to a bad start by eating too much of it. He had not realized what was to come, despite a printed menu in front of him, because it was in Rumanian.

The next course had been an assortment of hors d'oeuvres, which he lists, followed by several kinds of fish, chicken and a corn pone called "mamaliga", then roast veal with peas, beans, onions and carrots. Each course had been served by a battery of waiters marching down the long line of tables, balancing a new stack of plates. It was all accompanied by a Rumanian gypsy orchestra in native costume, playing the plaintive music which had originated with the shepherds tending their flocks and now danced to in every Balkan village from Greece to the Carpathians. "It was weird and stirring music; though after a couple of hours you kind of wished for an interlude of Strauss, Gershwin, or Cole Porter. A flutist who had won a lot of prizes at the New York World's Fair was the highlight of the musical evening."

By that time, they had gotten around to the pastry, the parfait, and the toasts. There had already been a series of private toasts. "The Rumanian across the table obviously was brimming over with people-to-people friendship. Perhaps he had read some of my columns urging that the best way to win the peace is to get behind the Iron Curtain and get to know each other."

Marquis Childs, in Paris, indicates that the Fourth Republic in France, which had just ended, had stirred disturbing doubts about the democratic process and the capacity of people to govern themselves in freedom, as well as questions about who had won and lost during World War II.

In Italy, by contrast, on the losing side, there had been a calm election campaign which ended with parties on both the left and right in more or less the same position as before. After 20 years of Fascist corruption and misrule, Italy should have been the unstable country, but was now remarkably stable. Germany also had made a substantial recovery from the war. He points out that Italian filmmakers had produced striking films in the postwar era and Italian literature and art had commanded wide attention and respect, with its industrial design and manufacture having won a place in the markets of the world.

France, on the other hand, ostensibly on the winning side, was quite unstable both politically and economically.

When the military revolt had occurred in Algiers, triggering the downfall of the Fourth Republic and the ascendance to power of General De Gaulle, Mr. Childs had been in Italy observing the election campaign, which had been rather stale. But the vigor and vitality of the Italian people had made a deeper impression on him than the content of the campaign. Italians had to overcome great handicaps after their defeat in 1943. With no coal or iron and with very little petroleum, they had to pay for imports of basic raw materials. The pressure of the impoverished south had been only partly relieved by the start of land reform. To compensate in part, Italy had some remarkable industrial organizers who had pushed a large enterprise with boldness and imagination, one having been Enrico Mattei, who had operated through a Government corporation, discovering and opening up natural gas reserves and developing a chemical industry on that basis. Bucking the major international oil companies, he had pushed the exploration of Italy's potential petroleum resources and the Government corporation was now selling more than a fourth of all petroleum products. Accused of using extra-legal methods and under attack in the campaign, he had nevertheless won a wide following.

In contrast with France in the postwar era, Italy had not had the handicap of colonies or the heritage of a dream of empire. Mussolini had built up a small empire in Libya and Ethiopia, but all of that had evaporated when the Fascist dictator incurred ignominious defeat and was strung up by the resistance group which had finally captured him in 1945. The generals also had been swept away for the most part along with "the rubbish of the Fascist dictatorship." Italy, therefore, could begin anew, and while few political figures of the top rank emerged, there was still a hopeful start. He finds it remarkable not that Italy had about two million unemployed but that the figure had been held to that point, and that about 400,000 new workers had been absorbed each year.

But there was also grave concern about the political side of Italy. The major party, the Christian Democrats, had gained ten seats but was still short of a majority of the 596 seats in the new House, meaning that the Christian Democrats had to try to form a coalition with the splinter parties to the left of Center, suggesting the troubles that had plagued France as one coalition Cabinet after another had fallen in futility. At the same time, as in France, a hard-core of Communist strength equaled nearly a quarter of all of the seats in the Chamber, and allied with the Communists were the left-wing Socialists of Pietro Nenni, with another 84 seats, a gain of nine over their previous strength.

He finds that economic progress had been too slow such that Italy, a Catholic country, had nevertheless had a large Communist minority, with others blaming the system of proportional representation, permitting and even encouraging the growth of splinter parties. But the larger and more disturbing question was whether the party system corresponded in reality with the way in which both economic and political power was distributed in the society.

He asserts that the French had discovered to their sorrow that the party system was wholly unreal, while Italy, in the years ahead, might come to the same realization, and if the present drift was not halted, it might come, as it had to France, with the total failure of the system of representative government.

Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that he had always admired pianist Hazel Scott, wife of Representative Adam Clayton Powell of New York, about whom he had never been enthusiastic, as he finds that he used both his church and his race to further his political career. The NAACP had condemned him and the New York Times had written an editorial about him, titled "Dangerous and Stupid".

He finds that he had stirred up racial disorder to vent his spite against Tammany Hall in New York for refusing to support his candidacy for re-election to Congress. He thinks it bad taste for a minister to use his pulpit as a rostrum to declare war on Tammany Hall and to threaten to make the streets of Harlem unsafe for public officials. He had referred to the mistreatment in Peru and Venezuela of Vice-President Nixon and Mrs. Nixon in the same breath as an example of what he would not do, with the implication being that he would do something of the same.

The NAACP had accused him of using "extreme racialism", indicating that it could not condemn racism in others while using it themselves.

Apart from the bad taste of using his church as a political forum and injection of race and religious differences into politics, Mr. Powell had been "stupid enough" to make a crack to his faithful that his separation from Tammany was "marking the beginning of the end of boss control." In planning a new machine to challenge Tammany, he had said: "I'm going to ask all registered voters not to sign anything that doesn't have my name on it. We've got to teach the Negro voter how to stop lynching himself." Mr. Ruark suggests that he was not against boss control but wanted to be the boss.

He finds that not since Paul Robeson had begun plumping for the Communists had he seen a greater disservice rendered to black citizens in the country.

"As I said, Hazel Scott plays a sweet piano. Put papa in the closet, Hazel, and tickle those keys real loud. It'll take some noise to drown out the reaction the old man made when he put all his feet in his big fat mouth."

Speaking of mixing culture and politics, if the Republicans actually stoop to the lowest level in the history of this country regarding the arts and seek to rename the Kennedy Center for the Performing Arts after a convicted felon, a scoundrel and the worst, most repugnant so-called "president" in the history of this country, then massive protests should be called actively to block all future events at the Center until it is properly reverted back to its original name, named for a beloved President struck down in his prime, who stood for leadership toward a better country with equality and fairness to all and a world of peaceful coexistence, not the Trump vision of a divided America by race, political parties, ideologies and even choices in the arts, and a world coerced to comply with Trump's obsessive will, an obsession with himself.

Name some privately funded racetrack or wrestling arena for this creep all you want, but to dare this move will assure, finally, that the Republican Party, drunk with narrow majorities and a narrow popular vote victory in 2024, will be overwhelmingly rejected in the 2026 midterms. Do it if you dare, you stupid ultra-rightwing Republicans, if it really means that much to you for three and a half years to change the nameplate, before it will be reverted in 2029. Even to think of embarrassing the name of this country by placing a felon's name on any publicly owned building is virtual heresy to everything this country holds vital and sacred in its heritage. It is to make a complete joke of the arts. Why don't you rename the White House "Trump House No. 1" and the Capitol, "Trump's House of Worship of Trump" or officially rename the country, the "Disunited States of Trump"?

The Congress is entrusted with a duty under the Constitution to represent maturely all Americans, not just one relatively small wing of one party, a wing which represents nothing of the fundamental tenets of this country's heritage but rather the antithesis of those tenets. The present Republican narrow majorities are acting contrary to the will of the overwhelming mass of the people at this point in numerous ways, practically every way, and there will be a price to pay for that abuse of the trust.

A letter writer says that she believed the voters of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County had made a wise decision by supporting incumbent State Senator J. Spencer Bell in the primary, and feels certain that if there were a runoff with State Representative Jack Love, Mr. Bell would win.

A letter writer indicates that as the mother of an 11-year old boy, whose happiest moments were spent playing baseball in a vacant lot behind their home, owned by his best friend's family, she was writing for the first time to the newspaper to elicit reactions of other parents and non-parents to the fact that they had in their neighborhood three families who bitterly opposed their children playing baseball for the fact that the ball sometimes went onto their property, causing them fear that their flowers and yards would be bruised. She wonders which was more important, developing good, clean boys or beautiful lawns and flowers. A few days earlier, one of the neighbors had threatened to call the police to make the boys stop playing. She asks whether they would rather have the children steal and mutilate property while in their formative years and thus grow up to be hoodlums rather than good citizens. She says that her husband, who traveled all week, looked forward to the ballgames with the boys almost as much as she looked forward to having him home, and that by championing them, he had been subjected to insults, including being called un-Christian.

She poses, it would appear, too much of a black-and-white scenario, either that the boys would play ball or turn out to be hoodlums, suggestive, perhaps, of some unsteady parenting. Why not compromise and find the boys a place to play which would not intrude on the neighboring properties? If the field chosen were some distance away, too far to walk, then perhaps the parents could take turns driving the boys to the field and picking them up—so that they would not turn out to be hoodlums, God forbid.

A letter writer indicates that he had read that the Navy had been selling surplus B-25 cylinders for $3.50 each while the Air Force was buying the cylinders elsewhere for $350 each, a great waste of money. And then they had said there would be no tax cut. He indicates that most taxpayers did not mind paying taxes provided the money was needed and spent wisely, but that such a thing as the item he had pointed out was "downright disgusting".

Maybe it was a misprint. Stranger things have happened.

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