The Charlotte News
Saturday, May 24, 1958
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President had proposed this date to Soviet Premier Nikita Khrushchev that the U.S. and Russia name scientific experts to meet at Geneva within three weeks to discuss ways of policing a nuclear test suspension. The President proposed that Western experts be supplied from Britain and France, as well as possibly other countries, including the U.S., indicating that they ought be scientists qualified by knowledge "of how to detect nuclear tests." The proposal left the way open for Russia to supply experts from such countries as Poland and Czechoslovakia if it chose to do so, with the only condition suggested by the President having been that the experts be chosen for scientific and not political reasons. He suggested that the experts produce an initial progress report within 30 days after convening and to aim at a final report within 60 days, or as soon thereafter as possible. A final accord might be reached at a summit conference, and any progress in the scientific discussions might increase the likelihood that a summit conference would occur. The President's letter had been in reply to a note from Mr. Khrushchev in which he had stated that Russia was agreeable to the naming of experts to study ways of detecting possible violations of a nuclear test ban. The President also proposed that the U.N. and interested subsidiary groups, presumably the U.N. Disarmament Commission, be kept informed of the progress of the talks through Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold. Since the previous fall, Russia had been seeking to take the disarmament problem away from the U.N., unless it could change drastically the organization's system of disarmament negotiation. The President had followed in part the language used by Mr. Khrushchev in his letter of May 9. The message of the President had been delivered to the Foreign Office in Moscow via the U.S. Embassy.
In Middletown, N.J., it was reported that secret modification work on Nike-Ajax missiles had been halted at Army launching sites throughout the country, as Acting Secretary of the Army Hugh Washington announced the suspension of the work the previous day in the wake of an explosion in Middletown which had taken ten lives at a missile base. He said that similar modifications had been completed "on hundreds of other missiles in other areas without incident", the changes having been designed to improve performance. Meanwhile, experts probed the wreckage of the launching racks at the Nike base in Middletown, seeking a clue to the series of blasts which had taken place the prior Thursday. The modification was being made on one of the missiles when something had gone wrong and the missile had blown up, igniting explosions in seven other missiles. Jagged fragments had showered down on the nearby countryside, blowing out windows of homes miles away and killing six soldiers and four civilians at the base, injuring three others. The base had suffered nearly $500,000 worth of damage and five launching pads were disabled, leaving seven others still operable. The eight Nike-Ajax missiles, like those poised at other bases around New York City, carried TNT warheads. The Army had announced plans to equip all the bases later in the year with the Nike-Hercules missiles, capable of carrying atomic warheads. Army Brig. General Charles Duff, acting commanding general of the First Region of the Army Defense Command, said the previous day that the chances that such an atomic warhead would explode accidentally were "extremely remote"—exceedingly comforting. He made the statement as civilian demands had grown for an explanation of the tragedy on Thursday. Residents of Middletown, 25 miles south of New York City, had sought assurances that no such accident would again occur, the president of a local civic association calling the launching site "a scary thing to live with." The residents wanted to know how the accident had occurred and why. The modification to the missiles reportedly involved changing a trigger mechanism in it, with General Duff indicating that it would be done in protected areas in the future with only one missile at a time being exposed. He said that the Atomic Energy Commission had run tests on the atomic warheads and they had resisted severe impact, shock, fire and heat. Meanwhile, Army lawyers and engineers had arrived in Middletown to handle the damage claims submitted by civilians.
In Algiers, it was reported that French Deputy Jean Louis Vigier had arrived this state to establish the first direct contact between the insurgents in Algiers and the Government in Paris since the coups of May 13. M. Vigier was on what he described a personal mission, but was traveling with the agreement of new Premier Pierre Pflimlin. He had flown to Algiers aboard a commercial airliner, but the airport had been closed during his landing and he was whisked away in a military car without speaking to anyone at the airport. He was a friend of General Charles de Gaulle and the Premier, and was expected immediately to make contacts with the newly formed all-Algeria insurgent Government, which this date had ordered an increase in the integration of the Moslem and European communities of Algeria. Working under joint civil-military chairmanship, the Government had also planned a long series of demonstrations throughout Algeria in an effort to bring General De Gaulle to power in Paris. Known as the Committee of Public Safety for Algeria and the Sahara, the Government met in an elegant salon of the Moorish summer palace of former French governors. The committee of 72 members had approved a French-Arabic tract declaring that there were no longer ethnic communities in Algeria, but only "ten million Frenchmen", the tract to be distributed throughout the country. The Committee ordered an increase in opening government jobs to Algerians, most such offices having been presently held by French, a movement which had been launched with only limited success by the Paris governments of the past. The insurgents had also called for improvement in living conditions and salaries for the nine million Algerians. Since the May 13 coup in Algiers, there had been a bewildering display of sympathy between Algerians and Europeans, with the 3 1/2-year old Algerian Nationalist rebellion having faded into the background, with the hysterical byword being "we are all friends".
Also in Algiers, it was reported that two troop ships docked this date with the first loads of French soldiers to arrive in Algiers since the insurgent junta of May 13.
In Taipei, Formosa, the first anniversary of anti-American riots and the sacking of the U.S. Embassy had passed quietly this date, with no mention having been made of "Black Friday" in newspapers, and the public apparently having been oblivious to the anniversary.
In Cairo, it was reported by the Middle East News Agency this date that a rebel government had been set up in Lebanon and had begun broadcasting war communiqués from various areas.
The armed services, bowing to mounting demands for prompt action to cut the risk of air collisions, this date invoked emergency curbs on military jet flights below 20,000 feet. The offer by the services to curtail such lower-level flights had been announced at a White House press conference the previous night by retired Lt. General Elwood Quesada, chairman of the President's Air Coordinating Committee, and the curbs had gone into effect this date. The General had said that the action was temporary and that the restrictions would not impact military defense patrols or fighter scrambles in the event of an alert. He said that the aim was "to minimize the risks of air collision." The majority of commercial and civilian aircraft operated in altitudes below 20,000 feet, but the commercial flight ceiling was expected to be considerably higher when U.S. airlines placed jets into regular service within the ensuing six months. Under the plan announced by General Quesada, military jets operating below 20,000 feet along airways allotted to civilian aircraft had to fly by instrument rules under ground control from the Civil Aeronautics Administration, meaning that they could not operate under visual flight rules, blamed by some experts for the two recent collisions between military jets and civilian airliners, collisions which, during the previous month, had taken 61 lives. A White House statement had said that other steps being considered included creation of specially reserved air corridors "on key Federal airways in which instrument flying rules would be obligatory for all at all times." General Quesada announced the new measure after suggesting to Senate investigators that the number of civilian airways be reduced to provide more space for military flights. He told the Senate aviation subcommittee, investigating means of preventing air collisions, that because of airspace being earmarked for civilian flights "the military have nowhere to go in some areas."
In Alamogordo, N.M., a young Air
Force Captain, E. L. Beeding, 29, had withstood a G-force of 83 times
In Budapest, a top Russian scientist, Leonid Sedov, had proposed that leading rocket nations band together to launch a manned spaceship.
In San Francisco, evangelist Billy Graham's sermon would be telecast nationally again this night, as scheduled, despite funds for the telecast running behind. Mr. Graham's organization had added ten stations across Canada to those in the U.S. to bring the total to 160, the largest network audience ever to listen to an evangelistic telecast. The audience at the Cow Palace in San Francisco the previous night had heard Rev. Graham make a personal plea for funds to meet the budget for the crusade. Funds for the telecasts had come from viewers, while Cow Palace funds had been applied to the San Francisco crusade. Mr. Graham had scheduled another telecast the following week regarding faith, believing he would get the requested support from the thousands of viewers who wrote him, averaging between 35,000 and 40,000 letters per week from his television audience.
In Houston, Southern Baptists, meeting at their annual convention, had been advised in the last of their meetings to go make peace, a persistent chord throughout the series of policy-making actions, as the overall theme of the convention had been, "Go … Make Disciples". The convention sought interracial peace and reconciliation, and peaceful teamwork with other Baptist bodies, while seeking nine million followers to join in a crusade for world peace. Representative Brooks Hays of Arkansas, the convention lay president, stated that peace was the desperate need of the hour, indicating: "Baptists ought be just one of many Christian bodies who join in this effort. We've got to get down to business and say what is the Christian basis for world peace." Another church leader, the Rev. Dr. Theodore Adams of Richmond, Va., president of the Baptist World Alliance, stressed the same theme in a closing address, indicating: "There is something in our faith which overlaps the barriers of languages, race, nations and political systems. We must put it to work to bring peoples together."
In Lincoln, Neb., attorneys for
Charles Starkweather, who had the previous day been found guilty of
first-degree murder in the shooting death of 17-year old Robert
Jensen on January 27, and sentenced to die in the electric chair by
the jury of eight women and four men, stated that he would seek a new
trial in a motion to be filed soon and heard June 7. The defendant
had been unemotional and seemed to pay little attention during the
reading of the verdict the previous day, a decision which he had
expected, having offered to bet one of the defense psychiatrists who had
testified in the case a pack of cigarettes that he would "take
the battery charge". His father, Guy Starkweather, had quoted
the defendant as saying recently, "If I want to make my
atonement with God and be electrocuted, that's my business." One
of his two attorneys had stated, "I presume Charlie got what he
wanted." The jury, responsible for determining whether life
imprisonment or death would follow the guilty verdict, was reported
to have rejected the plea of not guilty by reason of insanity on
their first ballot, but reportedly had
required five subsequent ballots during their six and a half hours of deliberation to deliver unanimity on the penalty. The jury had heard
admissions from the defendant of the nine other January homicides, read into the record by the defense,
not the prosecution, in support of the insanity plea, claiming that
the defendant had been under the delusion that he had the right of
self-defense in each of the killings, thus did not know that the act
of killing was wrong, including in the shooting of Mr. Jensen six
times in the head. The ten killings had occurred
between January 21 and January 29, when the defendant and his
girlfriend had been caught in Douglas, Wyo., following shortly after
the defendant had gunned down a salesman sleeping in his car
alongside the road, with the object of taking his car. The January
rampage had begun with the killing of his girlfriend's stepfather,
mother and two-year old half-sister, on or around January 21. Charles
had testified that in each of the homicides he had committed, he had
acted in self-defense, variously claiming in his out-of-court
statements the prior February and March that his 14-year old
girlfriend, Caril Ann Fugate, who accompanied him during the January
rampage, had killed some of the female victims. The defendant stated
after the verdict that he did not think the jury had tried him for
the death of Mr. Jensen but rather "for the whole thing".
His father, a carpenter and general handyman, said, "The Lord
has strange ways of working his miracles to perform." His
mother, who had retreated for a bit to the judge's chambers after
becoming emotionally overcome following the verdict, had returned to
her husband's side, and expressed relief that the trial was over,
saying, "I kept my eyes glued on that door, and felt awfully
relieved when they finally came in to give the verdict." Review
of the case would be automatic to the State Supreme Court. Caril had
also been charged in the shooting death of Mr. Jensen, as the
testimony of Charles had accused her of holding a sawed-off shotgun on
him and his girlfriend, also murdered at the same time, 16-year old
Carol King, throughout the time after the pair had been picked up
hitchhiking on the side of the road by Mr. Jensen, until they reached
the location of an abandoned storm cellar where the killings took
place. Caril, however, was awaiting a determination by the State
Supreme Court as to whether she had to be tried as a juvenile or
could be tried, as charged, in adult court. That decision would be
handed down in early July in favor of allowing the adult charge to
proceed, and her trial would subsequently take place. Chuck, be it
known, was not quite right in his head
The United Press Association and International News Service this date announced the signing of an agreement combining the two news services into an agency to be known as United Press International.
In Ithaca, N.Y., it was reported that several hundred shouting Cornell University students early this date had thrown a smoke bomb and rocks at the home of the University president and spattered him with eggs.
In Washington, a taxi driver, 47, had been seriously wounded early this date during a gunfire exchange with two men who sought to hold him up.
In Los Angeles, it was reported that the FBI early this date had captured a man accused of threatening to dynamite a passenger train in a $500,000 extortion plot against the Southern Pacific Co.
In Winston-Salem, a 22-year old man of Yadkinville had been killed in the wee hours of the morning this date when his car had run off U.S. Highway 421 about five miles west of the city. (By sheer coincidence, on an evening in late spring, 1974, after we returned from seeing the film "Badlands" at the Janus Theater in Greensboro—a good place in those days to see movies, in smaller spaces and on smaller screens than in ordinary theaters and with far better sound systems and acoustics—, we traveled, but without incident, that very road in that vicinity, just afore the start of that fateful summer in which Mr. Nixon would finally accomplish the goal for which he had prepared his whole political life.)
In Honolulu, it was reported that a 23-year old man took a walk the previous day, being news because he had just been sentenced to five years in prison for producing a fake driver's license. He walked out of court quietly and disappeared.
In Louisville, a man with a gun
On the editorial page, "How Do You Get to Mr. Nixon's Goal?" indicates that the U.S. could benefit greatly, as suggested by the Vice-President, from cultivation of grassroots opinion in South American countries.
During its current tour, the New York Philharmonic was finding Latin Americans "warm and friendly", with its conductor, Leonard Bernstein, having been mobbed in Caracas just two days before Mr. Nixon had been stoned, spat upon and had his car windows broken by rocks. In Lima, a capacity crowd had cheered the "Star Spangled Banner" just a few days after the Vice-President had been stoned there. (The simple solution was that Mr. Nixon ought cease being stoned down south of the border.)
The success of American music abroad was an old story, but not enough to quiet that which had been aroused in the country by the reception given to Mr. Nixon, as it was possible for nationals of one country to love another nation's music and also hate its politics, just as Americans enjoyed Sergei Prokofiev's compositions without caring for the politics of Nikita Khrushchev.
The American image had been badly distorted abroad regarding social justice, racial harmony, democratic government, capitalism and peace, the distortions not only resulting from Communist propaganda and the envy of the underprivileged, but also from a lack of contact with Americans interested in communicating to foreigners the true image of the country.
Mr. Nixon had suggested that the U.S. would be more beloved abroad should diplomats forsake formal gatherings and go out among the people, a concept with which the editorial agrees, while finding it not so simple, as the question remained as to what the diplomats ought do once they were among the people. Would they be heard and believed, in preference to a Communist who had spread lies in the native tongue of the people between courses of a native meal?
It appeared that the State Department was not equipped with the skills or personnel to begin to accomplish the job recommended by Mr. Nixon, with the Department's deficiency in language skills and Congressional reluctance to remove that deficiency being nothing short of a scandal. The bipartisan practice of treating ambassadorial posts as political payoff to diplomatic novices, such as Ambassador Scott McLeod in Ireland, presented an anachronism.
It suggests that the real voice of America needed to be heard abroad, but that making that voice heard clearly and convincingly was more difficult than getting diplomats to forgo cocktail parties. It finds Mr. Nixon's statement to be a commendable goal but wonders what he or the President wanted to do to accomplish the steps required to reach it.
"A Tar Heel's 'Ounce of Prevention'" indicates that a former pharmacist from Chapel Hill, Representative Carl Durham, chairman of the Joint Congressional Committee on Atomic Energy, had suggested international negotiations to limit the amount of radioactive material emitted during the testing of nuclear weapons. He said, "Such agreement would be an important first step toward the ultimate cessation of tests and would serve the vital purpose of cutting down on the amount of radioactive contamination of the atmosphere."
It indicates that while his statement was not a definitive proposal of the Joint Committee, it did represent an attempt to find middle ground on which agreement could be reached in an area in which there were able and sincere scientists on both sides of the debate, discussing the long-range effects of radiation and fallout with unusual candor, though with disagreement regarding the extent of the danger. There was general agreement, however, that at least some danger existed, with geneticists agreeing that any amount of radiation posed a genetic risk and that the hazards would increase should nuclear weapons testing not be limited prudently. The decision to continue testing depended on many considerations, military, political, diplomatic and moral, and it was intertwined with the disarmament issue, which had been at a standstill for some time.
Mr. Durham believed that negotiation on the question could result in agreement short of a general disarmament agreement. It suggests that the issue had to be taken to the international conference table as the stakes were too high to leave it to chance or national selfishness. The U.S. ought at least offer to negotiate with the Soviets seriously on the topic, as to run the risk of threatening future generations would carry the present world-weariness to excessive lengths and might well constitute a crime against civilization.
"How Silly Can You Get, Congressman?" indicates that HUAC was never so silly as when it was engaged in silly business.
Cyrus Eaton, chairman of the board of the Chesapeake & Ohio Railway, had been critical of Government "snooping" during a television interview, aiming his jabs at the FBI, and thus had been subpoenaed before the Committee for questioning.
It finds that if it was un-American to criticize the activities of Government agencies, then there were more "traitors" among the people than HUAC chairman Francis Walter of Pennsylvania had time to grill.
It finds that it was about time that someone had criticized the FBI, for in a democracy, not even cops ought be canonized. HUAC had a bad habit of confusing treason and dissent, and it suggests that it ought break that habit and get back to matters which were pertinent to a legitimate Congressional function.
"Vital Statistics" indicates that State Representative Jack Love's campaign literature had stated, alternatively, that he was born in Concord on June 20, 1919, or in Charlotte, depending on which version one wanted to accept.
A piece from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, titled "There Are Giants in These Days", indicates that many years earlier, an American boxing champion had tried on a suit of armor supposedly worn by Richard Couer de Lion, and had found it too small. Since that time, Americans had continued to grow taller and broader, though there was nothing to show that the qualitative improvement had been commensurate. The tendency toward giantism had forced architects of a new symphony hall in New York to redraw their plans and reduce the seating capacity from 2,700 to 2,400 to accommodate longer-legged attendees.
It suggests that it was too early to fear that humans were getting too big for their britches and might find themselves outmoded as the dinosaurs, but nevertheless it finds it a disturbing trend if only because it might not have any limit, and so favors Eleanor Roosevelt's suggestion that its causes ought be investigated before infants would be dangling their mothers on their knees and fathers would look up, instead of down, while reminding their sons that money did not grow on trees.
It indicates that it should be evident that the expression "bigger and better" implied a fallacy, and suggests that perhaps it was time to cut down on cod liver oil, vitamins or whatever it was which was turning humans into a race of Paul Bunyans.
Drew Pearson, "en route behind the Iron Curtain", indicates that the U.S. was prepared to take drastic action should there be a worsening of the political crisis in France, as France was the heart of NATO for the defense of Europe and all supply lines, communications lines and pipelines ran across France. Thus, important changes in U.S. policy would be necessary should a hostile government take control.
That left three alternatives, following careful consideration by U.S. diplomats in Paris and by the Joint Chiefs, approved by the National Security Council, the first being that the U.S. could move its entire atomic stockpile from France on a moment's notice to previously prepared bases in Spain or West Germany; that in case of civil war in France, the U.S. could pull all of its military forces out and relocate them in North Africa; and the third contingency being that if the Communists took over, the U.S. could intervene militarily, though only as a last resort and in cooperation with French moderate political leaders. Those alternatives might never be implemented, but in periods of emergency, military plans had to be studied and those had been approved by the highest authorities in Washington.
Mr. Pearson indicates that just six months earlier, he had driven up a winding road in the Lebanese mountains from the Mediterranean to call on President Camille Chamoun, presently facing a civil war. He had found the President frank and charming. He governed a precarious division of Moslems and Christians as a Maronite Catholic, it having been tacitly agreed that the President would be of that faith, and that the Prime Minister would be a Moslem and the Foreign Minister, a Greek orthodox, and so on. He had asked President Chamoun the question which Secretary of State Dulles had been asking himself for a long time, whether the U.S. could trust Egyptian Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic, to which the President had stated, "Not for 24 hours." Mr. Pearson suggests that since that time, President Chamoun had reason to echo the correctness of the statement. He had also stated that the greatest mistake by the U.S. had been not to let the Israeli Army continue in the Suez Crisis of October-November, 1956 for another fortnight. President Chamoun, now faced with revolt by agents of Premier Nasser, had reason to realize more than ever the effects of U.S. vacillation in the Middle East, where the explosions, as in South America, had eroded rather than erupting suddenly. American prestige in the region had eroded because the U.S. had no policy there, having shifted with the changing minds of those in Washington, as shrewd Arab leaders were aware that the U.S. could not make up its mind, causing them to act like children before a vacillating schoolteacher.
Joseph Alsop, in Paris, indicates that it was practically inevitable that General Charles de Gaulle would return to power, that the National Assembly was not usually a miraculous body and that it would take a miracle to avoid it. Thus, the issue was how he would come to power, whether by unconstitutional or anti-constitutional means, with fairly lurid consequences, or by better means. He finds the conclusions to flow logically from present circumstances, despite a calm surface situation in Paris and Premier Pierre Pflimlin commanding a solid majority in the Chamber of Deputies.
But the surface was relatively meaningless against the facts that the Government had no longer any real authority in Algeria, with no visible way to re-establish that authority except through General De Gaulle. In the days since the French Army in Algeria had effectively proclaimed a second French government in Algiers on May 9, the key event in Paris had been the resignation of the moderate French chief of staff, General Paul Ely, ostensibly resigning because the new Minister of Defense, Pierre de Chevigne, had abruptly arrested a couple of members of the General Staff without notifying General Ely. It had been, however, only the last straw for the General, as he stated he did not agree with the Government on much larger issues.
Three other senior officers were offered his post and they had given the same answer as General Ely. Eventually, General Henri Lorillot, an intimate collaborator of General Ely, agreed to take the post with full approval of the latter, only because the armed forces could not be left without a leader. That situation had been intended to imply virtual solidarity of the French Army in Europe with the Army in Algeria. The Army wanted to be able to solve the Algerian problem without further delay. The apparently enthusiastic response of the Muslim population in Algeria to the Committee of Public Safety there had convinced the Army that a solution was feasible.
But General Raoul Salan had stated in a recent address in Algiers that only General De Gaulle could effect the solution. Thus, there appeared no other method to restore the French Government's authority in Algiers than through General De Gaulle taking over power, thus able to combine the French Army in Europe with that in Algeria. The General could effect a solution which would precipitate claims of treason if coming from the Chamber of Deputies. The civilian politicians would therefore have to offer to General De Gaulle power for a limited term to seek the solution in Algeria and transact constitutional reform. It was not clear whether the General would accept such an offer, but if he refused it, he would lose much of his present support.
The Left did not want such a result, with the Communists threatening a general strike. The parliamentarians were looking for another coalition which would overcome the crisis of two separate governments in Paris and Algiers.
Perhaps, Mr. Alsop suggests, a miracle would occur to avert the inevitable, but he finds it more likely that the situation would drag on to the point of rupture between Paris and Algiers, and that then there could real trouble in France.
Note to the Magaville potheads intent on some kind of miraculous staying power of Trumpville beyond another three and a half years, or, for all intents and purposes of any power beyond the limits normally to be imposed by a more than obeisantly genuflecting Congress, about another 16 months, until the midterm elections, which will decisively toss His Highness on his broken crown: This situation in France of 1958 is obviously what these clowns want for the U.S. at present, not understanding at all U.S., let alone world, history, and the inevitable consequences for certain types of actions inimical to American democracy and the Constitution.
How else explain the deliberate chaos being created in the country constantly for the past ten years by the Magaville morons? with, of course, blame being placed always, via the usual propaganda media, Fox and the rest of the worthless agents of Trumpism, on former Democratic Administrations for all of it, with the Hominid idiots now leading the cheering squad from within, claiming they have the power to detain people for identification checks without any reasonable suspicion that such persons are engaged in ongoing criminal misconduct—despite decades of Supreme Court precedent to the contrary, these community-college educated morons not understanding the first thing about the law, which they insist in their punch-drunk tirades they are upholding, a "rule of law" which they have obviously dreamed up in their wild, punch-drunk heads over too much wine or beer or something during their interchange in the blogospheres and then echoed before their cheering Fascist supporters of the martial mien. The masked goons of Herr Doktor Goebbels and the Halloween costumer must be able to distinguish a scenario as occurred in this case, for instance, where it was held that there was no detention or seizure within the meaning of the Fourth Amendment because a person being asked for identification was free simply to decline the request and "go about their way" unimpeded or to honor the request and produce identification, as they wished. Elijo no responder, Sr. Que te jodan a ti y al caballo con el que llegaste, Sr.
Get the hell out of this country if you don't like the Constitution. Move to Latin America where the governments in some countries will no doubt let you handle things as you are attempting to do here, without quarter or interference from "radical leftist judges" who, according to the leading contumely costumer, are "idiots" when they tell her to cease and desist in her unconstitutional conduct. In those dictator-led countries, whose praises the Hominids and this Administration sing regularly and in front of whose outrageous concentration camps they pose in costume, an analogue of which they have now attempted to establish in the Florida Everglades, with deliberate indifference obviously to the care of the prisoners to be housed therein, there are no protests, as the population who would protest are throttled and either killed or thrown into the lockups where they are never heard from again, just as it was in Nazi Germany—just as the Hominids are attempting here, with any protesters of such treatment to be branded "Democrat Party leftist-radical Communists" and, ultimately, to be treated similarly.
For every one of your mindless, nauseatingly ironic "USA-MA-GA" chants, we counter, "Go to hell, dumbbell Hominids, go to hell", and take your punch-drunk anti-American talk with you.
As Antonio said, "What's past
Doris Fleeson indicates that both Republicans and Democrats were pleased with the outcomes in the Pennsylvania and Ohio primaries the previous Tuesday, especially given the possibility of controversial nominees, none of whom had been nominated. The size of the vote cast indicated that Democrats were still doing well in Pennsylvania, less so in Maryland. In Pennsylvania, Representative Hugh Scott, the only Republican in the Philadelphia delegation, had accumulated the most votes of anyone in that city's precincts as well as across the state in his bid to be the Republican nominee for the Senate, carrying all 67 counties.
On the Democratic side, Pittsburgh Mayor David Lawrence had won the nomination in the gubernatorial race and Governor George Leader had won the nomination in the Senate race, losing only one county and receiving 85 percent of the total Democratic vote in the state. The only county which he lost had been that of Lt. Governor Roy Furman, who had run against Mayor Lawrence. Mr. Furman was threatening to bolt the party but it would not be a real menace even if he did, and Mr. Lawrence was an old hand at harmonizing party rivalries.
Given the Democratic trend and the fact that so many Democratic votes had been cast despite few contests, the Democrats appeared to have the edge. Yet experts in the state regarded Mr. Scott's showing as outstanding, with his experience and campaigning abilities likely to give Governor Leader trouble in the fall. Mr. Scott was an energetic, outspoken liberal, as was Mr. Leader, whose principal problem was that he had not been able to fulfill the high promise he had shown when he unexpectedly had won the governorship four years earlier.
All Democrats had been disappointed that Harold Stassen had made such a poor showing in his race for the Republican gubernatorial nomination, but felt sure that Mr. Lawrence could provide trouble for Arthur McGonigle, the Republican nominee, a pretzel manufacturer from Reading. But they would have preferred to run against Mr. Stassen for his opposition to Vice-President Nixon. Now, Mr. Stassen had lost his forum, though not his ambition. Ms. Fleeson indicates that the current joke was that 46 states remained in jeopardy since Mr. Stassen had been Governor of Minnesota three times and apparently did not appeal to the people of Pennsylvania.
In Maryland, despite a heavy edge in registration for Democrats, they had been losing for years to Republican candidates of no distinction or creative energy, but had managed to muster at last some party unity. The State Comptroller, Millard Tawes, had won the gubernatorial nomination and Baltimore Mayor D'Alessandro had won the Senate primary. The latter would face incumbent Senator Glenn Beall, and Mr. Tawes would face Representative James Devereaux, a World War II Marine hero. Senator Beall had long experience and was not an extremist, and Democrats would have to run against his party and the non-action by the Administration regarding the economic recession. The Baltimore Sun editorially had credited Mr. Tawes for the "successful marriage of the machine factions in the city and county" and stated that more might be heard from him nationally.
Another Democratic dividend was the defeat of an old party trouble-maker, George Mahoney, who had managed to keep others from nominations but in five attempts had won nothing. He had issued a prompt and friendly concession, which was something new.
A letter from the president of the Charlotte chapter of the American War Mothers thanks the people of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County for their generosity during their annual carnation sale between May 8 and 10, the proceeds from which had been used entirely for disabled veterans and their families.
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