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The Charlotte News
Monday, May 19, 1958
THREE EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Paris that General Charles de Gaulle, at a press conference this date, had repudiated the role of dictator, but said that he remained ready to try to lead France out of chaos. The wartime hero had described himself as "a man belonging to nobody but belonging to all", saying: "Have I ever attacked the fundamental liberties of the Republic? No. I restored them. Would you have me at 67 start a career as a dictator?" He had made it clear that he believed the present situation, with party enmities in Paris and the Army nearly in revolt in Algeria, was hopeless, indicating that the parties had betrayed France. After his statement, he had taken questions for 30 minutes, limiting the questions to those concerning French institutions and relationships with Algeria. In referring to the previous four years in North Africa, he said that the present situation could lead to an extremely grave national crisis, but could also "be the start of a kind of resurrection," that in the present state of confusion, the party regime could not and would not solve the enormous problems of France, its association with the peoples of Africa and within the communities living in Algeria. He ascribed the rioting in Algeria and the emotional fever there to the failure of the regime in Paris, that the population of Algeria was looking elsewhere, outside the parliamentary combination, for a way to end its troubles. Under those conditions, he said, the Army, which had been able to sense that feeling, had prevented disorder, seeing the "mediocrity" which prevailed. He said that he was a man alone, with no party, no organization, one who for six years had engaged in no political action and for three years had made no declaration, belonging to no one and yet belonging to all. He then said that he was going to return to his village and remain at the disposition of the country. As he departed, shouts were heard outside the hotel where the press conference had been held, proclaiming, "De Gaulle to power". He had spoken to a room packed with an audience of nearly 700. As he spoke, the first signs of a Communist-called order to stop work were being observed in Paris, as some subway lines had halted and many buses had returned to their garages, with police on the alert at every nerve center of the city.
In Beirut, Lebanon, two bombs had exploded in a crowded vegetable market this date, with many persons having been killed and wounded. Security forces had moved swiftly into the area and arrested about 150 persons. The vegetable dealers had defied in opposition a general strike order and opened for business. For ten days, housewives had been unable to purchase fresh vegetables, fresh meats or other foods in the face of rioting, bombing, sniping and a general strike called by foes of the country's pro-Western regime. For the previous three days, however, Beirut had been comparatively quiet, in contrast to the northern Lebanese city of Tripoli, and some merchants had decided to defy the opposition and seek to recoup some of their losses by opening. The vegetable market had been the first to open and was bustling with activity when the bombs had exploded. Within minutes, it was deserted, except for security forces and ambulance crews. Few other businesses had opened. In Tripoli, the Government again held control following a weekend of bitter fighting. At least 60 persons had been reported as killed in the bloodiest fight of Lebanon's internal strife. Government forces had finally stormed through the streets of Tripoli to end the fighting. Another reported factor was an order by a top opposition leader for his forces to cease fighting because casualties were growing. President Camille Chamoun charged Egyptian Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser of the United Arab Republic, consisting of Egypt and Syria, with inciting Lebanon's Moslems to revolt. The Moslems wanted the Government to align its policy with that of Premier Nasser. They also feared that President Chamoun, a Christian, would have the Constitution amended to permit his re-election to another six-year term. Tripoli had been the chief center of resistance to the Government. Rioting had first broken out there ten days earlier and the U.S. Information Service library had been sacked.
In Jakarta, Indonesia, the chief of the Army had ordered a general mobilization of Indonesian males this date, indicating that the situation in the nation was tense.
In Stuttgart, West Germany, Socialist leader Erich Ollenhauer had accused Chancellor Konrad Adenauer this date of leading West Germany down a dangerous road to "new militarist and nationalist adventures" by agreeing to accept atomic weapons.
Union officials had asked this date the Senate Labor subcommittee to repeal key provisions of the Taft-Hartley Act, but management witnesses had urged that the law be strengthened.
A railway labor spokesman accused the railroads this date of putting up a phony poor mouth in seeking Federal Government aid.
The American Municipal Association this date urged Congress to convert urban renewal into a major crash program to counter the recession.
The President planned to go to Gettysburg the following day to vote in the Pennsylvania primary, and then travel to New York for a major speech the following night on the nation's economy.
At Cape Canaveral, Fla., the Jupiter intermediate-range missile apparently was the first ballistic weapon to solve the challenge of re-entry to the earth's atmosphere, the Army spokesman at the missile test center having agreed that there had been a successful re-entry after an almost perfect launch of the Jupiter shortly after midnight the previous day. Some 4.5 hours after the launch, the nose cone, the first full-sized warhead ever mounted on a Jupiter IRBM, had been retrieved from the Atlantic by frogmen and the crew of a Navy auxiliary submarine rescue ship. The precious nose cone was taken to Redstone Arsenal in Huntsville, Ala., where Army scientists would study its instruments to learn the secrets of re-entry to the earth's atmosphere without the object burning up from the intense friction. It had been the first time that a full-scale ballistic missile nose cone had been recovered intact, with the only prior recovery having been the previous August 8, when a four-foot nose cone had been retrieved from the sea. Most details of the missile's latest performance were classified, but it had been reported unofficially that the missile was fired over a range of just over 1,600 miles. After its liftoff, stations along the South Atlantic test range had helped to pinpoint its location through signals relayed by telemetry equipment in the missile's nose cone. The firing had been so accurate that the Army and Navy observers aboard ships as far away as ten miles from the impact area had traced the nose cone's course as it made its re-entry.
In Frankfurt, West Germany, it was reported that 18 U.S. Air Force Globemaster transports this date had arrived at various bases in Germany and France for possible use in the Middle East. The Globemasters had been ordered to West Germany by the U.S. Government on Saturday, possibly to evacuate Americans from Lebanon or to ferry arms to that nation. The exact whereabouts of the three-deckered C-124's was an Air Force secret. At least five of them had landed at a Frankfurt airport the previous night, and then departed during the morning for other bases in Europe. An Air Force spokesman said that there had not yet been orders for them to fly to Lebanon, that they would remain in Europe awaiting further orders. Several of the planes which had passed through Frankfurt had reportedly gone on to a base near Charlemont, France, a spokesman indicating that they could not be kept in Frankfurt because of the "parking problem". The Frankfurt base also had on alert six of the 12 Globemasters which were regularly stationed there. When the U.S. had sent arms to Jordan and Tunisia the previous year, that airbase had been used as a loading point.
In Vatican City, 70-year old Catholic Archbishop of Chicago Samuel Stritch, whose right arm had been amputated three weeks earlier, had suffered a grave stroke this date. He had previously been recovering well from the amputation, made necessary by a blood clot in the arm. The previous day, he had celebrated Mass for the first time since the operation. A medical bulletin said that his prognosis was reserved for the present. He had been spending part of each day at Chicago House, the residence headquarters for priests and students from Chicago studying in Rome.
In Paris, it was reported that Dr. Robert Oppenheimer, the U.S. atomic scientist, had departed this date for Israel after a month of lecturing at the University of Paris.
At Point of the Mountain, Ut., a
21-year old man who was facing a death sentence by hanging on June 7,
said to a reporter: "I want to die, man. I'm fed up with it
all." He had been convicted of killing a grocery clerk, 50, in a
$50 hold-up in Salt Lake City in August, 1956. He had also been
accused of killing a bystander in the store at the time, but was
tried only regarding the murder of the clerk. He had refused to appeal
for clemency, indicating that he did not want life imprisonment, that
his parents had sought to have his sentence commuted to life. "They
think you can be rehabilitated in prison … but rehabilitation
comes from within." Despite his occasional lapse into "bop
talk", his conversation had shown evidence of the reading he had
accomplished during his 16 months on death row, including medical
journals, psychiatric texts and legal briefs for his case. He said
that he guessed he was "just a rebel". He was the oldest of
five children raised as a Mormon, indicating that he had turned away
from the church and quit school in the 11th grade, that after 18
months in the Air Force, he had gone AWOL, committed a robbery in
Colorado, was given an undesirable discharge while serving nine
months in a reformatory. He said he had been out five weeks on parole
when he had shot the two people in the grocery store. His rebellion
extended into prison, where after letting his hair and beard grow for
13 months, he had recently shaved his head and face bald to irritate
prison officials who had ordered his hair trimmed. His execution
would be Utah's first hanging in 46 years. He had been given the
choice of hanging or firing squad, and had chosen hanging "because
of the publicity … the novelty … to put the state to
more inconvenience." He was spending his final days listening to
radio, music, reading books and scanning newspaper clippings about
his case, which he kept appended to the wall of his cell. When asked
whether he was scared, he said: "Not particularly. When you live
with the thought of dying so long, you get used to it. I may get
shook up at the last minute, but I don't think so." When asked
whether his religious upbringing provided solace at present, he said:
"There is too much hate in me to accept religion. If I were
going on a religious kick, I'd have done it long before now."
When asked why he had turned to crime, he said: "I'm lazy. Three
psychiatrists said I don't feel normal emotions but they say I'm
legally sane. I knew it was wrong to kill … but I don't feel
any remorse. I can't say I have any beef about my environment or
parents or anything." When asked again why he had turned to
killing, he had grinned, thrown up his hands and shrugged, "Man,
I don't know…" It is not known, of course, whether he had
served as an anti-society role model for Gary Gilmore
In this scenario
In Greensboro, N.C., the Rev. James Cole of Marion, S.C., self-proclaimed Grand Wizard of the North Carolina Knights of the Ku Klux Klan, said that he would announce his candidacy this date as a write-in candidate for governor of South Carolina. He was in Greensboro for an "evangelistic" speaking engagement at two Baptist churches, telling a Greensboro reporter that he would wage an active campaign to receive write-in votes in the race. He said that his platform would consist of only two issues, the race issue and the Communist Party—obviously ready to declare himself a black Communist to establish a large tent for all of his followers to join hands in inspirational uplift. His appearances around the state had been few since he had been convicted the previous March in Robeson County for inciting to riot among Lumbee Indians the prior January 18, in which his Klan rally near Maxton had been broken up by the Lumbees, chasing the Klan members away with guns and sticks. He had been sentenced to serve between 18 and 24 months in Central Prison in Raleigh, and was presently free on a $3,000 bond pending appeal to the State Supreme Court, the case not being scheduled for hearing until December.
In Gastonia, N.C., a Boy Scout executive and his wife, a schoolteacher, had been rescued from their burning home during the morning this date after they had collapsed at the front door. Both were in serious condition in the hospital. The woman, still incoherent, said that she had been smoking when she and her husband had gone to bed the previous night, and that she had awakened to a fire in the bedroom. She grabbed a pillow and tried to beat out the flames, but her clothing had caught fire. The man then awakened and attempted to extinguish the fire, but his clothing had also caught fire. A block away, neighbors had heard screams and one had run to the house and with two other men, had knocked down the door, finding the couple unconscious at the threshold. The rescuers dragged them outside and carried them across the street.
In Santa Barbara, Calif., actor Ronald Colman, 67, had died this date 24 hours after being hospitalized with a lung infection.
In New York, singer Alan Dale had received numerous cuts on his hands and forearms after falling down stairs and crashing into a glass showcase in a nightclub affray early this date. The 29-year old singer had nearly a dozen stitches at a hospital and was then released. Had he been a comedian, one could have said that he had left the audience, in stitches.
In Hagerstown, Md., police had used tennis rackets to swat down and dispatch a band of bats which had invaded a nursing home, explaining that the tennis rackets could not be felt coming toward the bats.
On the editorial page, "Help Is Needed in the 'Hinterlands'" indicates that the Charlotte Symphony Orchestra was in need of an angel, as it was suffering monetarily. In modern America, the chore of patronizing the arts had increasingly fallen to the economic nobility and a few generous foundations. Aside from a brief attempt during the New Deal years of the Depression, the Government had refused to subsidize the arts.
Charlotte had no Rockefellers, Fords or Guggenheims, nor even a tobacco tycoon, as was the case in Winston-Salem. But it did have a sizable roster of moderately wealthy families who had been unusually generous in their support of worthy civic causes. Many of those families had given previously to the Symphony, and those gifts had generally been enormous. It had been the hope of Symphony officials to establish a "broad base" of support for fine music in Charlotte, representing a worthy ideal, but needing adjustment to the realities, as the Symphony was teetering between life and death.
It indicates that it presented a unique opportunity for a well-endowed angel to give the Symphony new life, that with resources available from such families to finance a season of symphonic music, there could be a breathing spell afforded in which to build the "broad base" for future support. It indicates that a community which could contemplate bringing the Metropolitan Opera to town at great expense could afford to build its own rich musical tradition in Charlotte, such places being referred to in New York as "the hinterlands".
It was not opposed to importing fine musical talent, but finds that it was also important to develop a great musical heritage at home, and reiterates the challenge for an angel to undertake the needed financial gift.
"A Strong Voice for the Moderates" quotes Florida Governor LeRoy Collins, regarding his talk with the President during unsuccessful negotiations to have Federal troops removed from Little Rock, Ark., shortly after their arrival the previous September: "I said that, in my opinion, the greatest tragedy of Little Rock was that this display of raw force was destroying the middle ground on which people of good will could meet and find ways of progress out of racial discord. Little Rock was causing people to move from the middle to the extremes, or, worse, into holes where they would see, say and do nothing…"
It finds it a matter of record that Governor Collins had not been driven into a hole or to either extreme of the racial struggle, that instead he seemed to have increased his efforts to provide a voice for what retired Superior Court Judge Fred Helms in Charlotte had called the great mute mass of Southern moderates.
An article in the current issue of Look Magazine, titled "How It Looks from the South", by the Governor, had been noteworthy for having been written by a Southerner and at the request of the magazine. It finds that his candid and realistic comments offered a foil for the cant and rant of extremists whose solutions were not for problems as they existed, but as they were imagined. The Governor had said: "I have seen candidates for tax collector … make segregation in public schools their chief campaign pledge. For the incompetent or corrupt, the racial issue affords a convenient smoke screen to obscure their own shortcomings…" He had also said: "… To listen to some of the reformers talk, all the Negro needs in the South is to break down the lines of segregation. Nothing could be more ridiculous. The Negro's most pressing needs are better health, education, moral and housing standards. He needs these desperately in order to have an equal chance to develop his talents and better command the respect and admiration of his fellow citizens…"
He had also said that he had been called a moderate, that he had sought to avoid being an "immoderate", that one of his critics had said that on the racial issue, he was playing the middle against both ends, indicating that the critic had been right and that he was convinced that unless the middle ground were reinforced, it would become a no man's land across which the extremists would fight.
He had also said that there were times when words were deeds, and that in the quest for right, there were times when wisdom had to restrain the pace of unfettered justice until it could catch up and walk hand-in-hand with it. He had also said that the failure to resolve a major crisis through compromise had led to Civil War in 1861, the most tragic event in the country's history. He believed that the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education was present to stay and that the country had to find a just, sound and legal way to resolve the crisis.
Governor Collins, it finds, was wise enough to know that there were no pat solutions to the multifaceted problems posed for the South and the nation by Brown, but he had some ideas which would challenge anyone sincerely interested in solutions, and an attitude which encouraged the development of ideas toward finding solutions for the nation's greatest social problem.
"'Is He Is or Is He Ain't Our Baby?'" indicates that Max Freedman, Washington correspondent for the Manchester Guardian, had stated on April 17: "Nothing is more impressive than [Vice-President Nixon's] sympathy for Britain and France expressing itself in the desire to make the alliance a still stronger shield to protect the threatened freedoms of mankind."
On May 1, in the same publication, Alistair Cooke, the chief U.S. correspondent for the British newspaper, had stated: "… Nixon, who leaped on the writhing lion at Suez to applaud the American vote in the General Assembly as a sign that the United States was at last free from the domination of Britain and France."
He had withdrawn his hand double-quickly from the lion earlier.
A piece from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, titled "Sadness and Gladness", indicates that those who liked to follow soap operas might mourn the passing of Elaine Sterne Carrington, who had originated the concept.
More bad jokes had been made about soap operas than had ever been made about the Model T Ford, and yet the soap opera had been as impressive as a sociological innovation as had motion pictures, and might prove to be more enduring. The never-ending tales of the travails and tribulations of nice, good people, who all had an amazing talent for getting into wildly assorted troubles and then out of them again, were supposed to come to a dead-end with the introduction of television. But video had simply given a wider scope to those tales of sadness, shot through with gladness.
In 1932, a friend had dared Mrs. Carrington, an amateur writer, to put a dramatic series on radio. NBC had placed stock in the idea and the result was the first soap opera, sponsored by a chewing gum manufacturer, which after a few test titles, eventually became "Pepper Young's Family". In 1939, Mrs. Carrington had started a second series, "When a Girl Marries", and in 1944, a third, "Rosemary".
The three soap operas required about 38,000 words per week in scripting, not to mention Mrs. Carrington's additional short stories. It finds it enough to have amazed even such prolific writers as Charles Dickens. But Mrs. Carrington was in tune with the gadget age. She rested on her bed and talked into her dictating machine to write her scripts. It indicates that the higher critics might say that Mrs. Carrington had none of the impact of Mr. Dickens, but it questions whether they really believed that for all the years they had been on the air, the soap operas had been going in one ear and out the other.
Drew Pearson provides his fourth dispatch from Rome covering the upcoming Italian elections, indicating that the people had been voting in Italy for 2,600 years, starting when Tarquinius the Etruscan had arrived in Rome 600 years before Christ and had begun electioneering to have himself made King. It had survived the Caesars, Mussolini, Charles Poletti and Clare Boothe Luce, who had been the former U.S. Ambassador. In the coming election, Italians would have to survive a battle between so many splinter parties that "the uninitiated who tries to slide down the cellar door of Italian politics is likely to get his backside badly perforated."
The Italian voting system leaned so far backward to give a break to the smaller parties that the big parties, the Christian Democrats and the Communists, had to win about 800,000 more votes each than in 1953 merely to hold their present strength in Parliament. Every group and shade of public opinion was represented and everyone was required to vote. The penalty for not voting was to have the unpatriotic words, "He did not vote", marked on documents which might be required from the Government in the future.
There was a confusing array of 15 political parties which would confront the voter the following Sunday, all represented by symbols, the Cross for the Christian Democrats, the hammer and sickle for the Communists, ivy for the Republicans, lions for the Monarchists. Some of those parties were led by ardent champions of the U.S., such as Randolfo Paceiardi, former Minister of Defense and head of the Republicans, who had worked for the International Ladies Garment Workers in New York while exiled during the time of Mussolini. Giovanni Malagodi, who had been born in the U.S., was a banker and businessman who led the Liberal Party and who had made more speeches than any other candidate. Giuseppe Saragat, head of the Social Democrats, was another friend of the U.S. Those independent parties might hold the balance of power after the returns were counted on May 25. But basically the election boiled down to a struggle between the Christian Democrats, who had the support of the Vatican and was strongly pro-U.S., and the Communists, who were anti-church and anti-U.S.
He finds that the amazing thing about the election to an outsider was the manner in which those two major parties, diametrically opposed on almost every issue, were peacefully campaigning against each other without incident or too much rancor, having a live-and-let-live tolerance only to be found perhaps in the Italian people.
In front of the Church of St. Mary Major was flaunted a large cloth banner which read, "Vote Communist". Behind the church was another banner with the same slogan. Both featured the hammer and sickle, and were affixed to two power poles by special permission, with the right to remain where church-goers could see them as they entered and left the church.
In one public area, a huge Communist banner flaunting the hammer and sickle had been placed, and beside it was the banner of the Christian Democrats, featuring the Cross. Both were attractively painted and expensive, and no one tore either down. One Italian official had explained: "When 30 percent of the people are Communists you have to get along with them. After all, they are Italians."
Joseph Alsop, in Chicago, indicates that the President appeared to be losing his greatest asset, his famous "father image", which almost everyone liked and could trust, but was now beginning to fade badly. That was the conclusion he had reached after two days of intensive doorbell-ringing in industrial neighborhoods of the Chicago suburbs, in Harvey, Ill., and Gary, Ind. All the streets had a sameness, inhabited by the same sort of people, industrial workers in the more skilled and highly paid groups and prosperous mechanics and construction workers, with some railroaders, small businessmen and retired people.
Pollster Lou Harris had chosen the areas, and Mr. Alsop had joined him in the doorbell-ringing because they were the sort of places where the President had made heavy inroads among the normally Democratic voters in both 1952 and 1956. Of the 65 persons who had been polled, 33 had voted for the President in 1956, while only 21 had voted for his Democratic challenger, Adlai Stevenson.
But now, about one in five did not have the vaguest idea as to who they would vote for in the midterm Congressional elections, while among the rest, some 28 were at least leaning heavily toward the Democrats, while only 20 were leaning toward the Republicans or definitely planning to vote for a Republican. That was a switch exceeding the expected drop in vote for the party in power during an off-year election. But the apparent voting switch did not appear so deeply significant to Mr. Alsop, especially because so few people had really begun to think hard about their votes.
He finds it significant, however, that there was a drastic change in the tone and character of the response to the previously magical Eisenhower name. Earlier, anywhere one sampled, the name of Mr. Eisenhower had always evoked spontaneous expressions of affection and admiration from the vast majority of those questioned, including a substantial majority of voters who intended to vote for Democrats. The latter group was a bit ashamed, but would always say, "Ike's a good man, but" because the Democrats were the poor people's party, or because they had always been Democrats, or something else of that sort, they were still intending therefore to vote Democratic. The people who had made up their minds to vote for the President, on the other hand, had been generally proud of their decision, almost always boasting of the President's admirable qualities.
One of their standard questions had been to rate the job which the President had done. Those who had given him the "excellent" and the "poor" ratings at either extreme had been tiny groups. Those who rated his job "pretty good" had slightly outnumbered those who said it was "only fair", explaining other polls which alleged continuing national satisfaction with the President's performance in office.
Mr. Alsop found, however, that job ratings were much less significant than the way they were given, as those who had given him a "pretty good" or above rating were almost invariably defensive, with the old response of "Ike's a good man" hardly ever being heard. Instead, they said such things as "He's doing the best he can, I guess," or, if a partisan Republican, that any shortcomings he had were really the fault of the Democrats. A good many of those rating him "pretty good" had also returned to the Democrats.
Among the approximately 45 percent who had not given him even a "pretty good" rating, there was a novel note of criticism and contempt. One railroad worker had said, "Why, it's not like having a President at all." Several others had made cynical mention of the enormous powers which White House chief of staff Sherman Adams possessed, described by about half a dozen as "the real President" or as "the man who does the real work."
Among those who had begun to think
about the next President, an actual majority were thinking favorably
of Senator John F. Kennedy
Walter Lippmann indicates that now that Vice-President Nixon and his wife were back home, following all of the official reports and apologies received and accepted from South America for his treatment there, the immediate question was how it had happened that the Nixons had been exposed to those outrages. He finds it manifest that the whole South American tour had been misconceived, that it had been planned by those who did not know what was the state of mind in the cities which the Vice-President had been scheduled to visit. What had occurred should not have been allowed to happen and those who were responsible for the management of U.S. relations with South America had to answer to the charge of gross incompetence.
He finds it essential that the charge be investigated either by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee or by a panel of specially qualified private citizens. There had to be a correction of the causes which had led officials into the fiasco, which he dubs a diplomatic Pearl Harbor. Unless that were done, there was no chance of profiting from the lessons of the bitter experience. It had to be known why planners of the trip had been so ignorant about so many countries and what it was appropriate for the Vice-President to do or not when traveling abroad. He suggests that before the U.S. could do anything to improve its position in Latin America, it had to deal with those who had made such a mess of its position.
He finds it probably a coincidence that simultaneously, there were crises in Lebanon and Algeria, and that in each of those places there had been violent manifestations against the U.S. In South America, the hostility which had been shown was directed primarily at U.S. acts of omission and commission, while in Lebanon and Algeria, the U.S. was only entangled in the quarrels of others.
There were grounds in the case of Lebanon of suspecting that there were Syrians and Egyptians who were intervening in a bitter internal struggle which centered on the re-election of President Camille Chamoun. There had been reports that as many as 500 had infiltrated into Lebanon, and the violence they were perpetrating had a strong resemblance to the raids against Israel, which had presently been suspended.
It appeared clear that the Eisenhower Doctrine, which had promised U.S. aid to any country in the Middle East which sought it to resist Communist aggression, did not apply in those instances. The Lebanese case was for the U.N. to handle and might require a special session of the General Assembly. Algeria was even more important, a crisis which might lead either to catastrophe or the beginning of recovery. Until the present, there had never been a government in France which had been strong enough to win the Algerian war or strong enough to negotiate a settlement of that war. The centrist parties in France, lying between the Communists on the left and the semi-Fascists on the right, had been paralyzed by a powerful minority composed of the French settlers in Algeria, the vested interests in France which did business there, and portions of the French Army.
In the present crisis, the adventurous and extremist wing of that minority had seized power in Algeria and were attempting to impose their Algerian policy on the French Government. Mr. Lippmann finds it hard to see how that issue could be compromised, as only a short time earlier, a Tunisian town had been bombed and the French Government had not dared to disavow the act. At that time, the defiance of the French Government was concealed, but now the defiance was open and avowed.
He concludes that the issue now was the sovereignty of the French Republic.
A letter from P. C. Burkholder, formerly an unsuccessful candidate for Congress on more than one occasion, running as both a Republican and a Democrat at different times, indicates that State Senator J. Spencer Bell's letter to the newspaper of April 29, regarding his committee's recommendations on reorganization of the state's judiciary, had indicated that the office of the judge was not a true political office and that judges thus ought be appointed instead of elected by the people. Mr. Burkholder wonders whether, if the judges were appointed by the Governor, it did not put them in a political vise where they would be more responsible to the Governor than to the people. He finds that Mr. Bell appeared to think that voters were not qualified to elect judges, but he suggests that in counties where judges were elected, they had always been top-notch with a proven record far better known to the voters of the county than by the Governor. He suggests that if the people of any given county were not qualified to vote for their own judge, then they should also not be qualified to vote for the President. He favors allowing each county to elect its own judges and for the judges to serve where they were elected, not across judicial districts, as was the present practice, still the case in North Carolina.
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