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The Charlotte News
Saturday, April 19, 1958
TWO EDITORIALS
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Site Ed. Note: The front page
reports that U.S. scientists were on the threshold of being able to
take a remote control look at any spot on the globe, according to the
Navy's research head, Rear Admiral John Hayward, who had testified
the previous day at a hearing before the special House Space
Committee. He also
stated that it soon might be possible to use the moon
as a reconnaissance satellite. He refused to provide details other
than to say that both possibilities resulted from breakthroughs in
electronics development achieved during the previous six months at
the Naval Research Laboratories, stating to the press after the
hearing that if he said anything further, they would shoot him.
Representative James Fulton of Pennsylvania had asked the Admiral
whether the U.S., based on current research developments, had it
within its power soon to monitor the whole world, including countries
behind the Iron Curtain, to which the Admiral replied in the
affirmative. Mr. Fulton had also asked whether the U.S. had the
capability through electronic means soon to use the moon as a
reconnaissance satellite so that it did not have to wait for
production of satellites to orbit or a moon shot or a landing on the
moon, to which the Admiral also replied in the affirmative. He said
that breakthroughs would permit monitoring of the world by either
sight or sound, but did not elaborate. Another witness before the
Committee, Rear Admiral Hyman Rickover, the Navy's nuclear power
head, counseled against large crash programs for space
exploration, stating that instead Congress ought keep its feet on the
ground in appropriating money for space projects, commenting that the
entire defense establishment was too big and costly already. The Navy
reported spectacular results in the testing of its air-to-surface
Bullpup missile, indicating that a carrier pilot had destroyed a
four-inch square target two miles away on his first shot with the
1,300 mph missile. The shot had been made by Lt. Wayne Smith of Fort
Dodge, Ia., the prior February during severe cold weather tests in
the North Atlantic. The Air Force, meanwhile, identified the
locations of the third and fourth bases
At the U.N. in New York, Associated Press correspondent William Oatis, formerly held captive as a spy by the Communist Government of Czechoslovakia between 1951 and 1953, reports that the Security Council this date prepared for debate on the Soviet charges that U.S. bombers were courting global warfare by flights across the polar regions to Soviet territory, a charge denied by the U.S. The Council would meet Monday to study "urgent measures" to prevent flights of U.S. bombers armed with nuclear weapons toward the Soviet borders. U.N. observers predicted that the charges probably would end with rejection, as had other similar Communist charges. U.N. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., Council president for the month, called the meeting at the request of Soviet U.N. Ambassador Arkady Sobolev. Soviet Foreign Minister Andrei Gromyko had first announced the charges at a Moscow news conference the previous day, indicating that his Government knew that U.S. planes armed with nuclear bombs had flown over polar regions toward the Soviet Union, citing a United Press story from Offutt Air Force Base of April 7, describing U.S. Strategic Air Command procedures in dealing with suspected radar targets. He said that nuclear war could result from the "smallest error of an American technician". White House press secretary James Hagerty had labeled the statements of Mr. Gromyko untrue and the State Department had denied the charge that the U.S. was "conducting provocative flights over the polar regions or in the vicinity of the U.S.S.R." The Department said that SAC was engaged only in practice to keep up its deterrent power and would attack only on the orders of the President. It did not, however, dispute that U.S. bombers on training exercises sometimes flew toward the Soviet Union, but said that the safeguards of the Air Force to prevent an unordered attack were foolproof—failsafe. (These charges would presage the shooting down over the Soviet Union of U-2 pilot Francis Gary Powers May 1, 1960, and the capture of his plane replete with photographic reconnaissance equipment, also shooting down in the process the planned multilateral summit conference which had been scheduled to start May 16 in Paris.)
In Havana, Cuban troops repelled a rebel ambush this date near the town of Baire, 50 miles northeast of Santiago, with 13 rebels reported to have been killed.
In Hong Kong, it was reported that British naval patrols were cruising west of the crown colony this date following reports that five Communist Chinese gunboats had seized at least one fishing boat from it.
In Jakarta, Indonesia, Government troops advanced on the Sumatran rebels' capital this date with hopes of taking it ahead of their original schedule, spurred on by the easy capture of Padang.
In Aden, British troop reinforcements had landed in the Red Sea protectorate this date in response to new reports of trouble along the border with Yemen, which had been receiving Russian arms.
In Belgrade, Yugoslavia's Communist parliament had elected President Tito to a third term this date. He promised to carry on his policy of independence for the country and renewed his proposal to bring neutral countries into a summit conference of the major powers.
In Warsaw, more Army units had been rushed to the flood front in east and northeast Poland where the waters of the rivers Bug and Narew were still rising.
In New York, it was reported that former President Hoover, 84, had his gall bladder removed this date in an operation at the Columbia-Presbyterian Medical Center, and that his condition was satisfactory. The former President had suffered several gall bladder attacks in the past, and had entered the Medical Center on Thursday for what at first had been announced as only medical tests. A hospital spokesman said it was not known how long the former President would have to remain in the hospital. His last reported illness requiring hospitalization had been a cold occurring in 1953, and he had been hospitalized with a gall bladder attack in 1950.
In Springfield, Vt., the 20-year old daughter of a U.S. Attorney, who had vanished from the Smith College campus for 17 months before voluntarily returning home recently to quiet concerns of her parents, said this date that she had voluntarily broken off her romance with the parole violator with whom she had absconded in November, 1956, because she could not continue living "a life of false pretenses". She told newsmen that she intended to stay at home until she made plans for the future, which did not "involve any other individual at the present time." The 21-year old restaurant counterman for whom she left school, had been transported from Boston to Northampton, Mass., the previous day to face a charge of unlawfully obtaining an automobile by trick or fraudulent representation, based on his having rented a car before the pair had disappeared, that car having been found later in a Boston parking garage. He would be arraigned on Monday. A letter left for the young man by the young woman had stated that she was sure they could settle the situation quietly, referring to him as "love", that she would be in touch with him and loved him "very, very much". Boston police quoted the young man as saying that he loved the young woman and wanted to marry her, that they had not married though they had lived at three addresses in Boston as a married couple. A letter found among his possessions which had been signed with love by the young woman, had asked Santa Claus to bring "365 days of health and happiness for my sweet, long-suffering, hard-working husband." He had been paroled from the Colorado State Reformatory in 1955 after serving a sentence for passing a bad check, and in the fall of 1956, had obtained a job in a coffee shop across the street from the Smith campus in Northampton, where he and the young woman had met. Colorado authorities said that he had been listed as a parole violator since his disappearance. Her father simply said that she had been "a teenage girl being foolish and wanting to run away." He said he had not asked her a lot of questions but wanted to give her time to discuss it with him in her own way. During her 17-month absence, he had no idea of her whereabouts and had not received any correspondence from her. She gave no reason to the press for her sudden decision to return. Since her disappearance, the Associated Press had published frequent stories concerning her absence and her photo had been transmitted along the wires on its national network several times. The prior Thursday, the Boston American had published a story and picture telling of the romance. We have just one word for the couple, just one word, provided they are listening...
In Middletown, Conn., four young children had died Friday night in a tenement apartment fire, ranging in age from one month to four years old.
In Pemberton, N.J., the body of a 21-year old man had been found on the roof of a home this date, some eight hours after his car had crashed into a tree in the yard. His car had left the road the previous night, rolled over several times and landed tail up against a tree. Police said that his body had been tossed to the top of the 18-foot roof of the home. Another victim in the accident, a 26-year old man, had been found unconscious beside the car at the time of the wreck. Police had been unable to question him about the accident and thus had not learned at the time that there was another person in the car. He had been taken to the hospital in serious condition. An 11-year old boy, a next-door neighbor, had gone out during the morning to fly a kite and had seen the body on the roof. Police stated that apparently the door had flown open as the car flipped over and the man had been thrown through the branches of trees about 30 feet up, landing near the peak of the roof and rolling down the side opposite the accident, about 45 feet from the scene.
In Charlotte, Leon Olive, 33, an attorney in Charlotte, announced this date that he would be a candidate for the State House in the May Democratic primary. He had lived in North Carolina since 1951, coming from his native Alabama after accepting in that year a scholarship to attend the Duke University Law School. He was the retiring president of the Jaycees and would face six opponents in the contest for the county's four House seats.
Also in Charlotte, 18 would-be officeholders had waited until the 11th hour during the morning to file notice of their candidacies in the May primaries, making a total of 91 candidates seeking jobs. Jack Love was among those filing during the morning, filing for the State Senate race, competing against incumbent J. Spencer Bell and James Vogler. The numerous other candidates are listed along with the offices they would be seeking.
Also in Charlotte, the Life Saving and First Aid Crew was presented by the Charlotte Exchange Club with a gift this date of a brand new Plymouth station wagon to be used as an ambulance. Bill Scott, president of the Club, presented the gift, with the vehicle being worth between $3,500 and $4,000 fully equipped. Members of the Club would sell copies of the May 20 issue of The News at advanced prices to raise money to equip the vehicle and buy other equipment vitally needed by the volunteer unit. Mr. Scott said that the Club had already received calls from many businesses and individuals saying that they would purchase one of the copies, having already been promised about $100. He said that they would make the vehicle a "first-class thing" and that they needed everyone's help to do it. Hopefully, it is not haunted. If they arrive to pick you up off the road in a Plymouth, you might wonder whether you had taken the wrong road, not the one paved with gold. But, that, after all, might be the right road in the end. It is all a matter of perspective.
On the editorial page, "Exploring the Mind of the South", an editorial book review of The South: A Documentary History, by Ina Woestemeyer Van Noppen of Appalachian State Teachers College, a book published by D. Van Nostrand Co., Inc., and selling for $6.75, begins by indicating that novelist James Baldwin—not mentioned in the book—had written that all change implied the break-up of the world as one had always known it and the loss of all which had given a person an identity and safety.
It suggests that many Southerners, haunted by fitful memories, stood on the future's brink at present with a genuine sense of precariousness, knowing in their hearts that there was no turning back, while at the same time feeling cold and uncomfortable at the inception of a new era, lacking any feeling of rejuvenation and wondering if they were not merely beginning again a cycle which had already ended in broken images.
No region of the country had a more colorful history, but neither had any history been subjected to such shameless tampering by latter-day counterfeiters and myth-makers, with many Southerners unable to distinguish between fact and fiction, portrait and caricature, history and hyperbole. Their faith had not been bolstered by the "pseudo-historic twaddle" being retailed by contemporary commentators with an ax to grind. The inevitable result was enigmatic insecurity, "however boldly it may be rhapsodized into pride and defiance."
It finds that the book being reviewed provided a rare opportunity, capturing in its pages at least part of the heritage and history of the South and doing so almost entirely with the words and emotions of the people who had lived its triumphs and tragedies. It indicates that it was the South as it actually had been, reconstructed with painstaking care from the diaries, letters, fiction, travel books, newspapers and magazines. It set forth the customs, thoughts and manners of Southerners and of non-Southerners who had come to the South to examine it, with the story tied together by explanatory notes of the author, a professor of history.
It finds that the result was not entirely satisfactory, as great sectors of Southern thought were left unexplored, but it was "not too terrible", as it would take many volumes of the type to cover all of the ground and examine all of the nuances of the subject.
The publishers emphasized that it was the first book devoted to a documentary study of the South, and it congratulates the author for her diligence and enterprise in collecting so much fascinating source material, much of it new to the eyes of contemporary students of Southern history.
Her story began with the Spanish explorers in 1528 and ended with a hopeful look at the New South of 1956. It finds that its major strength lay in its careful examination of the antebellum period, the Cotton Kingdom, the Civil War and Reconstruction.
Some of the passages were unforgettable, such as the indignant description of the death of a black slave on a Georgia plantation, chronicled by actress Fanny Kemble, who had gone to the plantation to live as the wife of Senator Pierce Butler: "On the plantation where I lived the Infirmary was a large room, the walls of which were simply mud and laths; the floor, the soil itself, damp with perpetual drippings from holes in the roof; and the open space which served for a window was protected only by a broken shutter, which, in order to exclude the cold, was drawn so near as almost to exclude the light at the same time. Upon this earthen floor, with nothing but its hard damp surface beneath him, no covering but a tattered shirt and trousers, and a few sticks under his head for a pillow, lay an old man of upward of 70, dying … and so, like a worn-out hound, with no creature to comfort or relieve his last agony, with neither Christian solace nor human succor near him, with neither wife, nor child, nor even friendly fellow-being to lift his head from the knotty sticks on which he had rested it, or drive away the insects that buzzed around his lips and nostrils like those of a fallen beast, died this poor old slave, whose life had been exhausted in unrequited labor, the fruits of which had gone to pamper the pride and feed the luxury of those who cared neither for his life nor his death…"
It finds also impressive the "fine, cold, blue flame" of Lt. General Wade Hampton's fury as expressed in a letter written in the field in February, 1865 to Maj. General William T. Sherman of the Union Army, who had complained to Confederate General Hampton that the Confederates were "murdering" his foraging parties in South Carolina after capture, indicating that he had "ordered a similar number of prisoners in our hands to be disposed of in like manner." General Hampton had accused General Sherman of disgracing the profession of arms by allowing "the thieves whom you designate as your foragers" to put the torch to private dwellings, vowing that Union house-burners would be shot on sight, and assuring General Sherman that "for every soldier of mine 'murdered' by you, I shall execute at once two of yours."
It finds that the mind of the New South was scrutinized with less skill and selective care than had been that of the Old South, indicating that the book was short on examples of the new awakening of Southern liberalism, "surely one of the region's most interesting social and political developments of the last half-century." It finds it difficult to understand how the influences of W. J. Cash, Hodding Carter of the Greenville (Miss.) Delta Democrat-Times, Ralph McGill of the Atlanta Constitution and Virginius Dabney of the Richmond Times-Dispatch, and others of real importance had been underrated or completely omitted—there having been absolutely no mention, for instance, of Mr. Cash, formerly of The News, or his seminal work from 1941, from which the piece takes its title.
The late Howard Odum of the UNC sociology department was represented not by anything from his monumental study, Southern Regions, of 1936, but from his less consequential Rainbow Round My Shoulder, a tale of a wandering black man.
It finds it also a shame that the chapter on the literature of the New South could not have been more representative of the 20th Century literary renaissance, during which a large share of the country's best fiction had been produced in the South. William Faulkner was represented by an excerpt from one of his lesser efforts, Absalom, Absalom!, as was Ellen Glasgow of Richmond, (though one might quibble with the reviewer regarding the inclusion of an excerpt from Barren Ground, considered to be one of her better novels, which Cash had called "the first real novel, as opposed to romances, that the South had brought forth; certainly the first wholly genuine picture of the people who make up and always have made up the body of the South"), with nothing set forth from Eudora Welty, Tennessee Williams, Thomas Wolfe, Paul Green, Erskine Caldwell, Katherine Anne Porter, Carson McCullers or Richard Wright.
It finds also that the book drew perhaps too much on North Carolina sources, and yet there was little to indicate the tremendous influence of UNC in the development of the modern South.
It determines, however, those to be minor reservations for a book which ought be judged primarily by what it offered rather than what it did not, indicating that what it did offer was very fine. It also suggests, however, that it deserved a better introduction than that of Francis Butler Simkins, in which White Supremacy appeared "unaccountably to be bracketed with hot biscuits as an agreeable hallmark of Dixie's charm." (Professor Simkins, who says in his Introduction, "Hot biscuits bind the Southern province together with an authority almost as intimate as White Supremcy," was a proponent of the maintenance of segregation. While much of what he says is merely a frank assessment of the region historically and as he saw it in 1958, there is the occasional hint of dark fatalism, that for the South to integrate would inexorably mean a return to the type of miscegenation which had occurred on the plantation, not allowing any room for the passage of a hundred years and the increase in educational standards in the meantime on both sides of the color line—which were merged informally far more in the work place and in domestic help in middle-class homes prior to desegregation of the public schools and public facilities generally by the mid to late 1960's, even if inevitably in passively subjugated relations prior to that later time, than he appears to understand or assume, moving from actual or at least functional illiteracy in the antebellum days to the proliferation by the 1920's of genuine scholarship on a fairly widespread basis, as much so as in other regions of the country, tending instead to relegate, quite condescendingly, Southerners to biscuits and gravy diets and also, as a staple with it, to a steady diet of "White Supremacy", which he seems to regard as an inescapable result of the complex of being Southern, more a function of his generation's false assumptions from having come of age in a strictly segregated society than any long-enduring reality through time. Historically, he appeared to be of the school of "happy-happy land", as Cash ruefully called the false perception by some apologists of slavery on the plantation, happy slave, happy master, existing only in Cloud-Cuckoo Land, with the next stop being the pointy caps to enforce it all with whip, pistol and rope, as necessary, in that order to address obstinacy of continued disobedience to the established order.)
The editorial book review is too tactful in 1958 to point out that the choice of Introduction may explain in great degree why the author, apparently embraced of a more traditionalist view of the South, did not treat of the liberal, progressive new writers from the region to any significant extent, apparently finding them distasteful to her staid scholarship. The book never made much of a splash, insofar as it is recorded, and long ago, probably by around 1959, disappeared from Southern bookshelves, having had little, if any, significant impact. Perhaps, the library from which she was consigned to work in Boone was simply not up to the task at the time, though she acknowledges use of UNC's Wilson Library and its Southern Historical Collection to which, she says, she had free access, but only obviously via a four to five hour journey in those times by car from Boone to Chapel Hill, before Interstates 40 and 85 were completed and U.S. 421 was widened to ameliorate the hazards and reduce the time for the journey. (In saying that, we are not unmindful that Cash began his 11-year work on The Mind of the South from the back of the tiny post office run by his Aunt Bertha in Boiling Springs, N.C., the unsung building being still extant nearly a hundred years on from 1929, and, later, from Shelby, before finishing the last three years of the writing of it in Charlotte. The two books, to be fair, do not compare, as the one under review was merely a compendium of selected resources interspersed by occasional comments of the author.)
She did treat of the vaunted Mary Chestnut, upon whom we have commented earlier, whose diary was made famous anew by the Ken Burns Civil War documentary of 1990, and who had achieved a fair measure of fame long before that, but whose unfortunate editorialization on the times in which she lived was also of the more traditionalist mold, unlike Ms. Kemble, whose journal should be read long before one wastes a lot of time with Ms. Chestnut's fantasies born of magnolias, moony-eyed blossoms and four-columned, wind-blown shotgun houses expanded at each side to form a "main-sion" fit for the whole growing family—the largest sustaining full example of which, we note, recently burned to the ground in Louisiana, oddly enough when there is an occupant in the White House whose most ardent followers would wish to take America back to those times of darkness and decay, so that he can lord over all of us as his slaves for his Florida Xanadu.
As Margaret Mitchell once commented to Cash in Atlanta in March, 1941, she had to look high and low throughout Georgia to find one example which formed in her mind "Tara", which was then turned into a fictionalized version of that fictionalized version by Selznick Studios on a back lot in Hollywood, an unfortunate representation which has endured in the minds of moviegoers far longer than the actual Old South ever endured, and never endured in that framework, save, perhaps, within a few still surviving examples along the Gulf Coast between Mobile and New Orleans, those not blown away by Hurricane Katrina in 2005, certainly, however, not around Atlanta, with only a smattering of such supposed palaces having appeared here and there around Charleston and Savannah, virtually none in North Carolina, save one or two, and again only a handful, notably Monticello and Mount Vernon, in Virginia. The rest were little more than tobacco farms and cotton patches of varying sizes, mostly middling to small.
The Old South, in short, largely is a Hollywood concoction of modern times, built off an occasional actual model, not the thing of reality as it existed in numbers in the unrelenting heat and humidity of Deep South summers, all without the relief of air conditioning or even ice tea, from which the mostly absentee plantation owners took their leave to the north, some even as far north as Boston, leaving their landholdings in the hands of overseers. One has to dig and read, and visit some of those places in the heat of summer fully to appreciate the conditions under which it all existed in fact. It was not the romanticized story book which is so often depicted.
Ms. Chestnut was, unfortunately, out of her mind, sick in her ferment.
Unless one is wedded to a ridiculous fantasy which never existed, reading the journals compiled in the Journeys of Frederick Law Olmsted, from 1853 through 1857, would provide a more objective view of the region during the antebellum era, in the decade before the outbreak of the Civil War, in combination with Impending Crisis of the South by Hinton Helper of North Carolina, published in 1857, and serving as a practical Republican manual during the election of 1860. Mrs. Van Noppen does regard both.
A piece from the Manchester Guardian, titled "Bolting and Battles", indicates that using a national flair for probing into whys and wherefores of the ordinary, an American physical culturalist had maintained that everyone ate much too fast, with the rate of consumption having doubled during the previous 50 years, producing eventual chronic indigestion and general gumming up of the works.
The habit of eating fast and carelessly was supposed to have paralyzed Napoleon on two of the most critical occasions of his life, the battles of Borodino and Leipzig, which he might have converted into decisive and influential victories by pushing his advantages, except that on each occasion, he had suffered from indigestion. On the third day of Dresden, the German novelist Hoffman, who had been present in the town, asserted that the Emperor would have done much more than he did but for the effects of a shoulder of mutton stuffed with onions and eaten at speed.
It is kind of like the wayward
copper in the drama presented by Mr. Hitchcock the prior Sunday, who
also fell victim to a shoulder of mutton, albeit completely uncooked
Drew Pearson indicates that events which five years earlier would have been considered unbelievable had taken place in Moscow and New York during the week, illustrating the new look in U.S.-Soviet relations. In New York, a large crowd had filled the Metropolitan Opera House, as 1,500 persons waited in the street outside to cheer the Moiseyev Ballet, which had received multiple curtain calls. The Soviet flag had hung beside the American flag and tickets had sold for $15 each and yet were unobtainable, the Opera House having been sold out for three weeks.
Simultaneously, in Moscow, pianist Van Cliburn, from Texas, had received roaring ovations from a Russian crowd, as thousands stormed the concert hall to hear him. He was the son of an oil company official, playing his way into the hearts of the Russian people, receiving top honors in the International Tchaikovsky Piano contest.
Simultaneously, in Washington, Secretary of State Dulles had charged that Russia had "debauched" and "prostituted" diplomatic machinery for propaganda purposes. He referred to the notes from former Premier Nikolai Bulganin and Nikita Khrushchev demanding a summit meeting, causing U.S.-Russian relations to reach a new low as relations on a cultural level had reached a new high. The Secretary might be so close to his own old-fashioned type of diplomacy that he did not realize that the new modern diplomacy of people-to-people friendship was winning victories and preventing war. For people who had cheered Mr. Cliburn or seen him on television or heard him praised in the Russian press, would not easily decide to fight the U.S.
Northerners usually associated Mississippi with cotton, black people, the late Senator Theodore Bilbo, and cigar-chewing Senator James Eastland. But Northerners were unaware that Mississippi had developed one of the outstanding governors in the South, J. P. Coleman, presently staging a vigorous battle to prevent the White Citizens Councils from becoming official propaganda agents of Mississippi cities and counties. The Mississippi Legislature had been discussing plans to raise around $200,000 and turn it over to the Citizens Councils for propaganda to combat integration, making those Councils an official arm of the State. Governor Coleman, battling the Legislature against such a measure, had warned that they were repeating, step-by-step, the same performance which had destroyed them once earlier. He pointed out that the job of running the state had to be in the hands of officials elected by the people and subject to their recall, not private groups not answerable to the people or required to account to the Government for money spent.
The Governor feared that the Councils would first become official propaganda agencies of the state and then be given the law enforcement power so that a state government was put in the hands of a few unelected persons. He had lost the first round, with the lower chamber of the Legislature having passed the White Citizens Council bill and the Senate having voted it out of committee for full debate early the following week.
White House economists watched for the time when unemployment insurance money would run out with a worried feeling in the pit of their stomachs. The veteran who had bought a house on a meager down payment could coast along for two months before there was a foreclosure on his mortgage. The worker who had bought an automobile was usually getting a credit extension from the dealer. But the time limit could not be extended forever and when the foreclosures began to pile up on veterans' mortgages and on automobile installment plans, plus refrigerators, televisions, stoves, etc., bought on the installment plan, the economic advisers expected trouble.
Marquis Childs indicates that the official reluctance in Washington to agree to a summit conference had been well promulgated, with persuasive arguments made against another meeting of the heads of state, who, it was believed, in a few days, could never resolve the basic differences between the two halves of the divided world.
The fears of Secretary of State Dulles had been often expressed, that such a conference would create the illusion of peace, with the threat of aggression left as much as ever, potentially leading to relaxation in the West and a break-up of the NATO alliance, while the Soviets remained heavily arm behind a barrier of total security.
The question was how the inevitable summit conference looked to the neutral nations and those countries close to the Soviet orbit but not actually in it. Such a viewpoint not only represented governments but at least some public feeling in Poland, Yugoslavia, India and other Asian and Middle Eastern countries. It was central to that view that Premier Nikita Khrushchev actually wanted peace. He had to deal with a type of public opinion in his country represented by the 40 million or so Russians who had some degree of education and were moving up in the Soviet system, wanting peace with security. Mr. Khrushchev also, however, had to deal with the fact that his position was not nearly so strong as that of the late Joseph Stalin. Those whom Mr. Khrushchev had forced from power, V. M. Molotov, Georgi Malenkov and others, were still alive and had their following inside Russia.
From the point of view of the neutral nations, if those men were to return to power, they would resume the aggressive Stalinist approach, pushing so hard and taking such chances as to create a far greater danger than existed at present. Thus, the West had no alternative except to try to come to terms with Mr. Khrushchev on the basis of the world as it currently existed.
To refuse to do so or attend a summit with the purpose of proving that no agreement was possible was to risk nuclear annihilation on both sides, and court the overthrow of Premier Khrushchev and the return of the "adventurers", who believed in the inevitability of armed conflict between communism and capitalism. The neutralist wondered why there should be such fear of peaceful competition, thinking that it must be that one side or the other believed they could not win that competition, that after ten years of peace, there would be great changes within the Soviet Union, which, while not happening all at once and seeming to occur grudgingly, would inevitably bring higher living standards for those who had been educated and now held jobs in science and technology, the change which Mr. Khrushchev wanted to effectuate.
Mr. Childs indicates that however misguided that view might seem from the perspective of the West, it was widely held. Partly, the motivation was fear of a nuclear war which could be triggered by an accident, a fear on which Mr. Khrushchev had skillfully played. Another part was the motivation for peace and an end of the cold war tensions said to prevail among many Russians who wanted a better life, a view which also had attraction in Socialist-pacifist Britain, in West Germany and, to a lesser extent, in France. European opinion was shifting and if an election were held at present in Britain, a government would almost certainly come to power prepared to arrive quickly at terms with the Soviets, either with or without the U.S.
Thus the imminent threat was that U.S. allies would make their own separate peace with Russia after a series of governmental changes not too hard to forecast. Even in France, where there was greater resistance to the neutralist view, Soviet representatives were whispering that Algeria actually belonged to France and a government in Paris based on that assumption could get along with the Soviets and not have to put up with "American meddling".
The facts of world opinion, and particularly the opinion in Western nations allied with the U.S., could not be ignored, no matter how attractive the theory against negotiation with the Russians. Secretary Dulles had lately shown signs of adjusting the American position to those facts, but the pace of change in relation to the rapidly growing pressures seemed painfully slow.
Doris Fleeson indicates that the President had not accepted Vice-President Nixon's political judgment about the recession, though it was a judgment with which many Government economists, past and present, agreed. The Vice-President would be in South America as the White House and Congress considered a tax cut and other proposed recession cures. The President had knocked down suggestions that he ought to give the Vice-President a position productive of real executive experience. As difficult as it was to imagine, Mr. Nixon had never spent a day in an executive office. He was very unhappy about those developments, but could only bide his time. The facts dealt a heavy blow, however, to the legend that he was at the heart of the governmental machine, mastering its every detail and wielding real power.
With the problems in the economy, in the back of every Republican officeholders thoughts had to be the years of the Depression under former President Hoover.
The Vice-President had his own immediate future in mind, thus to a degree disassociating himself with the positions of the President, though knowing, if nominated for the presidency in 1960, that he would have to run on the Eisenhower record, just as Adlai Stevenson had to do in 1952 on the record of former President Truman. She remarks that it might have hurt Mr. Stevenson that he had embraced that record only grudgingly.
It gave rise to the question of why the President, given those facts, did not give greater weight to Mr. Nixon as a politician. Repeatedly, the President had praised the Vice-President's capabilities and had never questioned his techniques. Often, the President had seemed to abdicate the role of leader of his party to the Vice-President, who liked it and devoted tireless energy and skill to it.
She posits that the answer seemed to be that the President looked on the recession merely as a business problem and had turned to businessmen for the answers. Congress understood that the most effective voice at the White House on that issue was that of former Treasury Secretary George Humphrey. The President's Council of Economic Advisers supported a tax cut, as did its former chairman, Arthur Burns, in whom the President had once placed great faith.
One politician determined to handle the recession with due regard for its cutting edge everywhere was former President Truman, tempted to spar with some of his old enemies in Congress, the conservative Republicans of the House Ways & Means Committee, but had resisted that temptation. Instead, he had read a sober document, written with the help of what he had called "my smartest friends", and had refused to stray far afield from it, wanting the stories on his testimony to deal with his proposals, not his politics, and he had arranged it that way.
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, wagers a short beer that by the following September, the interest in the moon and space talk would wane, and that the feverish preoccupation with the recession would join the moon in its decline, replaced in barroom conversation by someone such as Willie Mays.
He says that he was sick to death of the outer space talk when the nation could not even run inner space in an orderly manner. "We talk about shooting people to the moon, at a cost of two billion dollars, and the airlines haven't yet been able to solve the problem of getting baggage on and off the non-jet ships which are still earthbound." He says he did not understand most of what the "outer space boys" were talking about, such as apogees and perigees, and the other new SNAFU talk, that acronym once having meant "Situation Normal, All Fouled Up".
He says he did not understand why the trains did not run on time or why New York and Washington were brought to a standstill by a little rain or snow, why young turkeys tilted their beaks to heaven and drowned when it rained, when one was depending on them for a Thanksgiving dinner. One could not get from the East Side of New York to the West Side at theater time in less than a light-year. "Orbit me no orbits, dog-encumbered or not. Ask any quail shooter, such as Mr. Bernie Baruch, where you can get a good half-trained pointer these days."
He says that the society could not handle a bunch of young thugs who prevented decent people from walking the streets and decent kids from being educated, could not handle traffic or hoodlums or overseas aid or sick Presidents or the common cold. "All this space-cadet stuff is about to bore the drawers off me."
He says there was at least one physicist, Cal Tech president Lee DuBridge, who had said the same thing a while earlier, including the point that there was no sense in launching weapons from the moon, 240,000 miles from earth, when you could do it right away with equal vehemence on a target only 5,000 miles away in the first place. He had said that it would take five days to get a nuclear warhead back to earth from the moon and in that time frame, a war might be over.
He thinks before taking off into space, something ought be done about the weather, unreasonable snow, continuing droughts, floods, and other conditions which kept the great thinkers from getting from home to office.
He indicates that a new language was being developed around outer space, with which people occupied themselves at present, and in the meantime, nobody spoke basic English anymore. He wonders what happened to the good five-cent cigar or the balanced budget. "The music goes round and round, oh ho ho ho, and it comes out nowhere."
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