The Charlotte News
Thursday, March 6, 1958
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Cape Canaveral, Fla., that moonwatch teams were gearing themselves up this date for a search of the skies for the Army's newly launched and mysteriously missing Explorer II satellite, with the conviction growing that the six-inch metal cylinder, 80 inches long and weighing about 32 pounds, had never achieved orbit. There were persistent reports that signals from the Jupiter-C launch rocket had convinced some Army missile experts, within the first hour after launch the prior afternoon, that the final stage of the four-stage vehicle had failed to fire. Officials of the Army Ballistic Missile Agency and of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, which had built the high-speed upper stages, were unavailable for comment. Dr. Wernher von Braun, the German-born head of the Army space program, had left for Huntsville, Ala., before reporters could question him about the launch. Experts said that failure of the final stage to fire on cue would have meant that the satellite, even though it was at orbital altitude of 200 or more miles, would have achieved a velocity of only about 3 miles per second, requiring 5 miles per second to maintain orbit. That could have caused the satellite to tumble into the South Atlantic or into Africa or the Indian Ocean. The cylinder would have traveled less than halfway around the world before tumbling through the atmosphere. In Washington the previous night, Dr. Richard Porter, chairman of the earth satellite panel of the U.S. National Committee for the International Geophysical Year, told the press that there was "some indication that the satellite is not functioning normally." He said that there were indications from the Minitrack radio tracking station at Cape Canaveral and at one other point that the fourth stage was not functioning. He said that there was other information that it probably had functioned and that the difficulty was more probably in the radio transmission equipment. At Pasadena, Dr. William Pickering, head of the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, said that there was every indication that the satellite was not functioning properly and that there was a probability that it was not in orbit. He said that it would probably be several days before interpretation of the technical data could be done sufficiently to determine what had happened. In Cambridge, Mass., the Smithsonian Astrophysical Observatory said that it was alerting moonwatch teams to be on the lookout for the satellite even though it had not been determined yet whether it was in orbit.
Soviet Premier Nikolai Bulganin had sent a new message to the President this date on problems with arranging a summit conference.
In Jakarta, Indonesia, U.S. Ambassador Howard Jones declared this date that the U.S. had "no intention whatsoever of intervention in the internal affairs of Indonesia."
In Tunis, Tunisian President Habib Bourguiba threatened this date to break diplomatic relations with Egypt regarding an alleged Cairo-based plot to assassinate him.
Before the Senate Select Committee investigating misconduct of unions and management, the counsel for Kohler Co. had appeared this date and testified that he had been cursed in a hearing room by the secretary-treasurer of the UAW, setting off a round of heated shouting. At one point, Senator John McClellan of Arkansas, the chairman of the Committee, threatened UAW attorney Joseph Rauh with expulsion from the hearing room, telling all concerned that he would seek contempt of Congress against anyone who threatened the witness, Lyman Conger, or other witnesses. Mr. Rao told the Committee that the exchange between Mr. Conger and the secretary-treasurer of UAW, Emil Mazey, had occurred in the hearing room the previous night and that Mr. Conger had told Mr. Mazey that he "had spies following Mr. Mazey." Mr. Conger had told the Committee the previous day that Kohler had hired private detectives "to get information about violence" which had marked the 47-month UAW strike against the Wisconsin plumbing fixtures firm, a strike being investigated by the Committee. Mr. Conger said this date that shortly after the hearing had recessed late the previous day, Mr. Mazey had approached him in a threatening manner and unloosed against him "such foul language I would not repeat it here unless instructed by the Committee to do so." He said that it did not intimidate him but that such things could intimidate others if subjected to it. Senator Patrick McNamara of Michigan said in advance of this date's session that there should be a vigorous inquiry to determine whether it was legal for Kohler to hire detectives to check on UAW pickets.
In Osan, Korea, Communist batteries had shot down an American Sabre jet near the Korean truce line this date and the pilot reportedly had parachuted "just over the Communist side of the line". The first brief Air Force announcement on the jet fighter had not said whether the pilot, who had bailed out, had hit the ground safely. A second F-86 accompanying the downed Sabre jet had returned to its base. The pilot reported that he had seen the lead aircraft get hit and crash, and then momentarily saw a parachute with the first pilot floating toward the ground just over the border. Meanwhile, the North Koreans had released two American pilots and 24 others from a South Korean airliner hijacked 18 days earlier. The 26 returnees, who also included a West German businessman, his wife and 22 South Koreans, had been turned over at Panmunjom at truce headquarters after allied representatives had given the Communist receipts for them. One of the Korean passengers confirmed that the plane had been seized by Communist agents, one armed with a .45-caliber pistol and another with a rifle. The passenger, a major, said that he and another Korean were hurt during the struggle on the plane.
In Fort Lee, Va., it was reported that a new 55 million dollar air directions center might be built in the Carolinas soon, according to briefing officers the previous night. Officials had said that they were not certain of the plans, making the statements to North Carolina writers who had flown there as guests of the Air Force to see the new Semi-Automatic Grand Environment directions center. The center for the Carolinas would be similar. Both centers would be part of a 30-center nationwide network guarding the nation against sneak attacks by an enemy. Officers of the North American Continental Air Defense Command at Colorado Springs, Colo., who had charge of SAGE, were not immediately available to comment on whether a site for the Carolinas center had been chosen.
In Montréal, it was reported that a boycott of classes began at five of Québec's six universities this date to support demands for more provincial aid to higher education, with about 20,000 students being affected.
In Honolulu, it was reported that Hawaii's heaviest recorded rainfall had drenched the city with 17.59 inches of rain in 27 hours through early this date, with the downpour continuing.
In Belleville, Ill., an engineer was killed and two other members of the train crew injured early this date when 17 cars of a Southern Railroad freight train had jumped the track near Scott Air Force Base.
In New York, testimony in court had indicated that five youngsters and two colleagues had turned to the excitement provided by juvenile gang membership on the streets of New York, resulting in a murder in a park of a 15-year old boy who was crippled by polio. The boys admitted to their participation in the murder. Two were white, two were black and two were Puerto Rican, with one having come from the Dominican Republic. Their statements had been read in court by two assistant district attorneys with cold, unemotional voices, after the statements had been taken shortly after their apprehension. The accounts related how the boy had been beaten, kicked, slashed and stabbed with fists, knives, chains, sticks, and heavy-buckled belts. The victim was on crutches and unable to defend himself. He had just happened along as one gang was seeking vengeance against another. One 16-year old boy was quoted as saying that he was not willing to take part in the fight but would fight if he had to and had no other choice but to go. A 15-year old boy said that he "had to go there to fight", saying that he was told to do so and so went. A 17-year old boy said that he was "drafted" to go and fight. An 18-year old related that once into the fight, he had slung a heavy-bladed knife at the young victim "to show the others that I was doing something." Another 17-year old boy added an extra touch to his account, saying that after the attack, he had gone home, watched television and then had gone to bed. The gang leader was 17. He had not said what caused him to lead the fight, indicating that he was "groggy" from drinking wine.
In Hightstown, N.J., State police had arrested three young sailors in a stolen automobile early this date and identified them as escapees from the disciplinary barracks at the Norfolk, Va., Naval Station. They were accompanied by a 16-year old girl, and police quoted the youths as saying that they had kidnaped the owner of the car near Kinston, N.C., and left him bound and gagged in the woods. Two pistols had been found in the car. All four of the youths were sent to the county jail at Trenton, pending further investigation, charged with possession of a stolen automobile and having concealed weapons in their possession.
Bill Hughes of The News reports from Sanford, regarding the murder trial of Frank Wetzel, accused of murdering Highway Patrolman J. T. Brown the prior November 5, already having been convicted of murdering Highway Patrolman Wister Reece at a separate location on the same night, that a surprise witness had testified this date that he saw the shooting of Patrolman Brown from a distance of between 300 and 400 yards. The man, from New Hampshire, said, however, that he was unable to identify the killer. He said that he was driving from Southern Pines toward Sanford on November 5 when a "black shiny car", of a late model, passed him, followed a few moments later by a Highway Patrol car, moments after which he had seen "a flash" from the shot which had killed the officer. He said that a car was parked on the side of the road in front of the Highway Patrol car, and then "left rapidly" moments before he had passed the scene. He said that he saw the Patrolman lying on the pavement and heard him cry for help, as the officer was propped on one elbow waving the other hand. He described helping the officer to the seat of his car where the officer was able to broadcast a description of the other vehicle. Another witness during the morning, from Pennsylvania, testified that a .44-caliber Magnum revolver had been stolen from his store the night of November 3. The State alleged that the pistol had been used to kill the Patrolman.
John Kilgo of The News reports that police had been using an airplane this date to search wooded areas south of Monroe for a pair of gunmen who had robbed and abducted a Charlotte used car salesman. Their bloodhounds had been "fagged out" and three officers had been injured in an auto accident while looking for the bandits after they reportedly headed into a wooded area late the previous night subsequent to a State Trooper having run down the stolen 1953 Mercury which they had been driving. Police cars had the area surrounded to make sure that the men did not leave the wooded area without being seen, and an airplane was circling over the woods trying to locate them. They had been seen the previous night in a honeysuckle thicket, and had fired five times at the bloodhound which had tracked them to the location, but did not shoot at the officers because they were not close enough. They were described as "desperate men". The officers had lost their trail in the wee hours of the morning, when they had only one bloodhound tracking them, which had "just pooped out", having fallen over and could not run another step. The two men had forced the used car salesman into the car after they had robbed him of his wallet the previous night, then stopped to purchase gasoline, after which they took him to a new housing development 11 miles north of Charlotte and tied him to a vacant house post, gagged him and drove away. He freed himself after about 15 minutes and called police. After their car was forced to a stop by the State Trooper, they fled into the woods, and in their hurry, had left behind a pistol in the car with nine rounds of ammunition in it, being processed by Charlotte police.
Donald MacDonald of The News indicates that Carolinas Carrousel directors had broken the tradition of Thanksgiving Day parades in Charlotte by unanimously this date setting the 1958 parade for Saturday, November 22. The Carrousel celebration would also last for an entire week rather than the usual two-day observance. Festivities would begin on Friday, November 21, and continue until Thanksgiving Day on November 27. The parade would be held on Saturday as only one feature of the week-long series of events. Program details would be worked out later.
On the editorial page, "Consolidated Tax Office Needed Now" urges the merger of the tax offices of the City of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County, a proposal for which had been around since 1949, following a study by the Institute of Government in Chapel Hill, finding that assuming the taxation burden maintained the same relative position, consolidation would lead to reduction by 8 to 10 percent in the overall expense of the office of collector of revenue plus a substantial reduction in the overall expense of legal assistance, and that taxpayers owning property within the corporate limits of Charlotte would be able to pay and adjust their bills more simply and conveniently than at the present time. In addition, it found that while it was doubtful that consolidation would produce any improvement in the collection of taxes as long as money was as free as it was at that time, there was some reason to believe that a consolidated agency might function more efficiently than separate agencies in a period of depression.
It finds the points as valid as they had been in 1949, with the last one even more timely. Even if complete consolidation was not presently achieved, it asserts that it was likely the advantages of consolidation would far outweigh the possible disadvantages, promoting greater efficiency, economy and convenience. It concludes that the City Council and County Commission should waste no time in protecting the status quo.
"FCC Probe: Senators Should Help Dig" indicates that certain Senators had now to decide whether the House Investigations subcommittee looking into the FCC would produce any lasting benefit. Senators Estes Kefauver of Tennessee and Spessard Holland and George Smathers of Florida were accused of attempting to coerce the FCC to vote for an applicant for a Miami television channel, eventually awarded to a subsidiary of National Airlines. The accusation came from a witness, G. T. Baker, president of National, who was being interrogated about the actions of his firm in the award process.
Thus it makes room for the fact that Mr. Baker's allegation might be, as Senators Smathers and Holland alleged, the act of a "desperate man", but, if so, it ventures that it should be proved by voluntary testimony on the part of the Senators. Invoking their immunity to being called as witnesses before the House would produce suspicion that the investigation was one-sided.
As it stood, the House investigation had neither failed nor succeeded, with the ouster of FCC commissioner Richard Mack, while being desirable, having been like shooting fish in a barrel. Whether dishonest or not, he had been incredibly naïve and ought never have been permitted to take the office. It brought up the involvement of the Senate as a whole in the conduct of the regulatory commissions, as the Senate had a role in approving or disapproving Presidential appointees to those agencies, an obligation rather than a privilege. It thus had to share to an extent the responsibility of seeing to it that approved appointees were responsible and ethical.
There was no assurance that Mr. Mack's replacement would be worthy, and there was no public knowledge of the various sources of pressure brought to bear on the regulatory agencies. It suggests that the basis for any genuine remedy had to be a general knowledge of the conditions which prevailed in the agencies and that the part, if any, which individual Senators had played in the case which had led to the resignation of Mr. Mack was essential to that knowledge, as was any pressure placed on the matter by the White House.
It concludes that voluntary appearance before the subcommittee by the Senators could dispose of the "desperate" charge and also pose a test of the Administration's desire to rectify the regulatory agencies.
It suggests that the subcommittee would be delighted to hear from White House chief of staff Sherman Adams regarding intimations that he had been intervening in deliberations of the Civil Aeronautics Board.
"Worth of Jonquils Is Hard To Reckon" indicates that inflation had hit the jonquil market hard, as it had paid 35 cents for a bunch of them recently, a dime more than the previous year.
It finds robins to be rather loony, some always lurking about, looking for handouts and willing, in exchange, to proclaim spring in mid-January, which was why it prized jonquils more than robins. The vendor of the flower did not appear until he had definite signs of spring in the air and when he did, one knew it was safe to remove one's overcoat lining and obtain a supply of charcoal for the grill.
But it questions why the price hike had occurred if the vendor did not know how eagerly it awaited his arrival. If a hard winter had increased demand for jonquils, the multiplying of the bulbs must have increased the supply, a riddle to which it had no answer. But, it concludes, there was something the vendor did not know, that in the current spring, it could have been taken for more than a dime to obtain in hand and take home a bunch of yellow jonquils.
A piece from the Miami Herald, titled "Anyway, It's Proof Cows Like Waltzes", indicates that those who did not like rock 'n' roll music now appeared to have the cows on their side, as the bovines preferred more soothing fare, according to tests conducted in the Midwest.
One Missouri farmer had played waltzes by Strauss and similar pieces for his herd for a month and milk production had increased by 227 pounds. Another farmer in Illinois had played rock 'n' roll and jazz for his herd of an equal size, the rock 'n' roll causing the cows to become jittery with no consequent increase in milk production.
When each farmer stopped the music for eight milkings, the cows who heard jazz showed no change, but those who had heard Strauss produced 40 pounds less milk.
It ventures that there must be a corny conclusion which could be milked from the experiment, but suggests that the adherents of each type of music should better supply it, as the cows had spoken.
Drew Pearson indicates that disagreement continued among the President's economic advisers regarding the best way to end the "depression", a word which the President had used for the first time the previous week. One group believed that a tax cut and wage controls would end the economic downturn, and the President sided with them, inclining to the theory of former President Hoover, which the latter had expressed during the previous two weeks, that there was nothing wrong with the economy which public confidence could not cure. A chins-up fireside chat might attempt to restore that confidence.
But other advisers were more worried, believing it would take pump-priming, a further drastic cut in the Federal Reserve requirements, and a sizable boost in consumer purchasing power before there was improvement in business. They favored a real reclamation program for the West and a speed-up in the slow-moving Federal highway program, plus a bolder easing of credit. What worried them was that consumers had bought so heavily on the installment plan that buying power was at a low ebb. Automobile production was at a discouraging low and until purchasing power was restored, White House advisers warned that there would be no improvement in business.
He indicates that there was little written about the heroic efforts of Navy scientists to overcome the setbacks in the Navy's Vanguard satellite program. An interesting feature was that budget officers, anxious to keep down overtime pay, had provided rigid instructions that scientists all work no more than eight hours per day and 40 hours per week. But those orders had been secretly ignored, resulting from the fact that Navy scientists did not want them to get into a wrangle with budget officers and so worked overtime without collecting for it. The Budget Bureau frowned on overtime for fear that Government employees would come along later and seek to collect for it, and so the scientists had maintained their overtime work to themselves.
Republican Congressmen A. I. Miller and Phil Weaver of Nebraska knew the odds were against them when they walked into the President's office recently to sound out the President on whether he would oust Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson. When they left, the odds had not changed and they remained solidly opposed to resignation by Mr. Benson, at least at the request of the President. They had not immediately spread their cards on the table, instead talking about "economic unrest" among Midwestern farmers, which they contended was bound to get worse if Mr. Benson's order lowering dairy support prices was allowed to go into effect on April 1. They also told the President that there were other political considerations, indicating that the party, according to every poll and recent election results, was in real trouble in farm areas. They said that the reason they had come to see him was to request respectfully that something be done about Mr. Benson, lest the party lose more prestige with the farm voters should he remain in office until the November election.
Marquis Childs, in Albany, N.Y., indicates, correctly, that the gubernatorial contest the following fall in New York would likely be between incumbent Governor Averell Harriman and Republican Nelson Rockefeller, one of five grandsons of John D. Rockefeller. The latter had become more deeply involved in public life than any of his brothers and if the professional politicians who ran the Republican Party gave him even grudging encouragement, it would be likely that he would enter the race.
The Harriman fortune had been built on railroads, whereas the Rockefeller fortune came from oil. In the recent Fortune Magazine appraisal of American wealth, each man had been listed with a net worth of 100 million dollars, albeit only a guess, as no balance sheets were available and with that kind of wealth, even the individual might not be aware of the exact figure. Mr. Childs suggests that it could only happen in New York where the concentration of wealth was so great and with a tradition of disinterested public service which in the past had helped to induce persons such as Charles Evans Hughes and FDR to contest with the professional politicians.
There were no doubts regarding the run by Governor Harriman, eager to win re-election by a large majority to give him a stronger grip on the Democratic organization in New York, which would make him a figure to be reckoned with in the Democratic presidential contest in 1960. Although he would be 67 shortly after the election in November, he still placed himself in the national picture, as demonstrated by a visit by Mr. Childs with him in his office. In 1952, before he had run for elective office, and again in 1956, after he had been Governor for two years, Mr. Harriman was seeking the presidential nomination. He had a sure political touch and a shrewd, determined drive which would be remarkable in a person who had spent his life seeking elective office, an extraordinary transformation from the talented and wealthy amateur holding a series of important appointive offices to the professional now occupying the Governor's chair.
One reason the politicians who ran the Democratic Party in New York had given Mr. Harriman, the amateur, an opportunity in 1954 to run for governor was because the chances seemed so slim with Governor Thomas Dewey retiring to go into private law practice after having built up a supposedly strong Republican organization. Mr. Dewey had pressured Senator Irving Ives, a successful vote-getter with some labor support, to take the Republican nomination. The professionals had laughed when Mr. Harriman entered the race, but he had waged a hard campaign, spending freely of his energy and money, juxtaposed to numerous blunders by the Republicans, leading to an 11,000-vote victory for Mr. Harriman out of 5 million votes cast.
Mr. Rockefeller was in a similar situation at present. He had served with distinction in a series of appointive jobs under Presidents Roosevelt, Truman and Eisenhower. But to wield influence in the party and the nation as an Eisenhower Republican, he believed that he had to demonstrate his ability in practical politics. He would get his chance only if the Republican professionals thought that the tide was running against them, for if it ran the other way, they would pick one of their own, such as former RNC chairman Leonard Hall, who also wanted to run.
A private poll had shown recently that Mr. Rockefeller could come closer than any other Republican to defeating Governor Harriman. Thus, in a state where a party convention picked the candidates, Mr. Rockefeller, having the backing of former Governor Dewey, might get the nod. And with the Harriman precedent, he might be able to come from behind to do what the professionals thought was impossible. Mr. Childs concludes that potentially, with one well-known name out of great wealth battling another well-known name, it would be the most interesting race in the country in the fall.
Doris Fleeson indicates that Republicans had demanded equal television time to answer former President Truman's "pistol-whipping" of them, and they had received it. But they did not have a hatchet man of equal prestige and vigor, the hope that the President might fill the bill having not materialized as he was not available to the party in such a role. Former Governor Dewey had been approached but he was candid and realistic, saying: "You don't want me. I'm the one Truman defeated, remember?"
Vice-President Nixon, who had proved himself in that role, and White House chief of staff Sherman Adams, whose talent had been unveiled the previous month in Minneapolis, had then talked it over and decided to defer to each other in a conversation reflecting their personal dilemmas. Both were party men, but Mr. Nixon needed independent votes to be elected to the presidency in 1960 and realized that the independents were not attracted to his skill with a partisan hatchet. For Mr. Adams to do so was bad White House relations with the Democratic Congress.
RNC chairman Meade Alcorn was compelled to settle for a paper barrage against the Democrats and a dinner scheduled for May 6 for Republican members of the Senate and House, to be addressed by the President, who would use the free television time allotted them. The frustrations of Republican politicians who wanted a Truman-type champion of their own soon manifested themselves. The chairman of the Senate Republican Campaign Committee, Andrew Schoeppel, stated in a television interview that it would hurt some Republicans to support the President's program and hinted that the President could help some candidates but would only hurt others by supporting them.
She indicates that the foregoing was one of many bits of evidence which in the sixth year of the Eisenhower Presidency, with a hard-fought Congressional campaign ahead, indicated that the President and his party had failed to close ranks in a meaningful and constructive way.
The historical evolution of the President as the leader of his party and champion was distasteful to Mr. Eisenhower. He would not play and apparently nobody could take his place. The fact that he won anyway, while other Republicans did not, added to the trauma besetting party leaders. Grinning and bearing it seemed to be beyond most of them and the economic recession only added to their problems. The Nixon faction of the party, with Mr. Dewey acting as a type of one-man braintrust, was doing what it could. For example, Attorney General William Rogers, an intimate of Mr. Nixon and former associate of Mr. Dewey, had agreed not to select Congressmen for the Federal bench and so open the way for more problematic special elections. Certain House members who wanted to retire to lifetime tenure on the Federal bench were not thereby placed in the mood to help the Eisenhower program.
She concludes that such were the realities of politics, as a condition, not a theory.
A letter writer from Cheraw, S.C., indicates that middle-aged people, most of whom had families to support, were being denied employment because of their age by most industries, despite their remaining competent and experienced and being more steady, productive and dependable than younger people. He suggests giving the older people a job so that they could earn a decent living.
A letter from J. R. Cherry, Jr., dissents from the editorial opinion that the bill sponsored by Senator William Jenner of Indiana was "irresponsible … disturbing radicalism" and incompatible with genuine conservatism. The bill, designed to curb the Supreme Court's "insatiable lust for power" was, he opines, compatible with the intent and wording of Article III, Clause 2 of Section 2 of the Constitution, which states: "[In all cases where original jurisdiction is not granted]...the Supreme Court shall have appellate jurisdiction both as to Law and Fact, with such exceptions, and under such regulations as the Congress shall make." He finds it to be a classic example of the checks and balances in the Constitution and validated the bill offered by Senator Jenner, suggesting that if the bill was radical then so was the Constitution. He thinks the bill was needed as a defensive measure "to shove the Supreme Court back into its proper sphere of operation and thus restore the constitutional plan." He believes it to be true conservatism and suggests that if the editors wanted to prejudice their readers against the bill, they had to reason more cogently than the expression of mere superficial charges that it was "irresponsible" and "radical".
Here then is another idiotic windmill with which Trump and his fellow fascist oligarchs could seek to joust and waste Americans' time, as it would take 60 Senators to change the law. Instead, they seem intent on simply thumbing their noses at the Federal Courts, knowing full well that the new Justice Department, dedicated to the proposition that all Trumpers, and no one else, are created equal, will do nothing to enforce contempt citations, will continue to deport people without due process. But when citizens are left with no realistic recourse in any branch...
A letter writer from Rock Hill, S.C., indicates that it was doubtful whether Syria's removal from the international scene would be a great loss to Western delegations of the U.N., as Syria's record in 1957 had shown a unique and hostile position toward the West. A recent report made public by the "Chronicle of U.N. Activities" showed that Syria had voted with the U.S. 15 times, against the U.S. 35 times, and had abstained 23 times, the most anti-U.S. record of any Arab state. Saudi Arabia, supposed to be an ally of the U.S., was further from the U.S. than Egypt. By comparison, Israel had voted with the U.S. 57 times, against it four times and abstained 14 times.
A letter writer from Salisbury indicates that a robust redbird was one of the most marvelous sights in nature. It was alert for cats and flies just in time to make the cat swear that it would catch the bird or his mate before they brought up a new family.
A letter writer from Rockingham indicates that he did not like the talk of hard times, making people conservative, meaning that they would keep their money for themselves. He says that some did not have jobs and were living nevertheless reasonably well by picking up work in the cities. "But the man or woman who talks hard times is hurting our pickup jobs and our local businessmen."
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