The Charlotte News

Monday, March 24, 1958

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the Senate Select Committee investigating misconduct by unions and management had reported that "some ten million dollars in union funds have been either stolen, embezzled or misused" during the previous 15 years by officials of five labor unions, listing the Teamsters, the Bakery Workers, the United Textile Workers, the Operating Engineers, and the Allied Industrial Workers unions. The report was signed by seven members of the bipartisan Committee, with an eighth member, Senator Patrick McNamara of Michigan, having issued a strong dissent, calling the monetary figures "phony" and assailing what he termed "antilabor bias" by the majority findings. He said, "The colorful language in some of the findings in these chapters are more related to the old Police Gazette than to a supposedly objective congressional report." The majority report had said that its findings were not intended as a "wholesale indictment" of either labor unions or employers, but that they were a "danger signal" to the others in those fields, the vast majority of whom, it said, were undoubtedly honest. The second section of the two-part report would be filed toward the end of the week. The report urged Congress to consider legislation in five areas, regulation and control of pension, health and welfare funds of the unions, regulation and control of union funds generally, ensuring of union democracy, curbing activities of middlemen in labor-management disputes, and allowing states to take over where the NLRB declined to assume jurisdiction. Secretary of Labor James Mitchell said in a statement that the Committee's recommendations had followed generally the proposals of the President made to Congress three months earlier, expressing the hope that the Senate Committee findings would prod Congress to act quickly. The majority charged that former president of the Teamsters, Dave Beck, "had taken, rather than borrowed, $370,000" of the union's funds which he called loans. It accused businesses, both large and small, of profiting from "sweetheart" labor contracts with substandard terms of little or no benefit to the employees covered.

Pressure for a quick tax cut had built up this date with new calls from Republicans and Democrats in Congress for it. But Vice-President Nixon said that the President was withholding any decision on additional anti-recession measures, such as tax cuts or increased public works spending, until the economic statistics for March were available. Official figures on unemployment, production and other economic factors were being compiled at present, but would not be available in final form until sometime in April. The Vice-President said that there were some signs of improvement but that "we can't make any final judgment until the figures for March are all in, and we are not prepared to say at this time what March is going to show." He indicated that the Administration was concerned that ill-timed tax reduction or increased Federal spending might be inflationary. He said that if a tax cut were necessary, he would favor a broadly based reduction aimed at creating jobs, with the cuts encouraging investment as well as increased purchasing power of consumers. He said he was against any action which would only raise personal income tax exemptions. Boosting those exemptions had been advocated by several Senators. There were also proposals for cutting corporate income taxes and excise taxes. Some members of Congress had urged increased spending on public works and slum clearance, as well as Federal aid for emergency school construction. Outside the Government, the Committee for Economic Development had suggested a temporary 20 percent cut in all personal income taxes, provided the economy during the current month and the next month was below that of February. The Committee, a privately supported research organization, said that such a cut, possibly starting around the middle of the year and lasting for nine months, would pump about 7.5 billion dollars into the economy. The organization also recommended short-term public works and accelerated Federal spending. Walter Reuther, president of the UAW and vice-president of the AFL-CIO, reiterated his proposal that income tax withholding be temporarily suspended. He also proposed extending unemployment benefits and speeding up public works projects. In a television interview, he called for fast action and said that the recession was going to become worse unless those steps were taken. Mixed with the demands for quick tax cuts were warnings to proceed slowly, along with expressions of opposition. Senator Styles Bridges of New Hampshire said that he did not want "to step into a tax cut which would mean a big deficit."

The House this date postponed until the following day consideration of a 668 million dollar bill to raise the pay of servicemen.

Ludwig Erhard, economics minister of West Germany, was scheduled to meet this date in Washington with the President for discussion of political and economic problems.

In Havana, El Presidente Fulgencio Batista announced this date that he was willing to consider granting general amnesty before elections on November 3 to help re-establish peace on the island of Cuba.

In Jakarta, Indonesia, word from North Sumatra this date said that Prapat, one of the last reported rebel holdings in the area, was firmly in Government hands.

In Athens, Greece, a small Greek coastal vessel this date was reported missing and presumably lost with ten crewmen and ten passengers aboard.

In Brest, France, it was reported that all seven crew members of a small French fishing boat were feared dead this date after the craft had sunk off the French Atlantic coast.

In Houston, it was reported that an American tanker and a Norwegian freighter had collided at the five-mile pass in the Houston ship channel early this date, the two ships having been grounded on a sandbar by the impact of the crash, blocking the channel for three hours.

In Woodward, Okla., two young brothers, ages 12 and 10, held for the fatal shooting of a grocer the previous day, had lost some of their toughness this date when the sheriff had questioned them during the morning, indicating for the first time that they had "a little regret" over the shooting. The county attorney said that he was preparing charges of juvenile delinquency against the brothers and indicated it would be up to the court to determine if they were old enough to realize their acts and thus be charged as adults. They had also wounded an employee of the store, in critical condition, and had wounded a customer, who had only suffered a flesh wound. The sheriff said that the boys still could not give a reason for the shootings, having admitted that they went into the store to rob it after Sunday school "and the shooting took place within a minute." The sheriff said that the younger of the two was sick to his stomach for awhile after being jailed. He had tears in his eyes when he was questioned by the sheriff and said that he wished it had not happened, dropping his initial tough act. After the shooting, the sheriff had cornered that brother in an abandoned cotton gin with two loaded guns, walked in and captured him. The sheriff said that he must have been out of his mind to have done it, but that somebody might have been shot if the boy had not been captured, indicating also he did not know if he could have shot the boy and thought that he would rather have been killed, himself. The parents of the boys were out of town the previous day, in Liberal, Kans., where the father was working on a plumbing job. Sometime after the boys had left Sunday school, according to the sheriff, they had broken into a store and stolen four .22-caliber pistols, later entering the market and asking the proprietor, working on a rifle, whether it was a real gun. When he said that it was, the younger boy said that he also had a real gun, drew the pistol and started to fire. The brothers had then shot out store lights and windows and fled, the younger of the two running to the old cotton gin, about six blocks away, and police then moved in on that building. He had shouted to the officers, "I'll shoot the first one I can see." Teargas shells were lobbed into the building and the officers then entered. It does not indicate how the older of the two brothers was apprehended.

In Rock Hill, S.C., a man died of suffocation early this date from a burning bed in his apartment.

In Charlotte, Superior Court Judge Zeb Nettles this date reversed himself and permitted three Klansmen convicted of felony charges to post bonds, two having bonds set at $2,000 and the third, at $4,000. They had been convicted by a jury the prior Thursday in connection with the attempted bombing of the Woodland Elementary School for black students. The judge had sentenced two of the defendants to between two and five years imprisonment for conspiracy to bomb the school, and sentenced the third to between five and ten years for attempted bombing of the school, plus a suspended sentence on the conspiracy charge. The judge originally said he would not allow bonds pending appeal but the three defense counsel had questioned his right to deny bond and cited North Carolina statutes permitting them. Their appeals would not be heard before the following September, as the North Carolina Supreme Court was in recess until that time. (There was no intermediate Court of Appeal in the state at the time.)

Ann Sawyer of The News reports of a Latvian-born resident of Charlotte who had been "saved" by an act of Congress, now awaiting the President's signature on the bill to permit him to remain in the U.S. The bill had moved his name from the bottom to the top of an immigration list. In 1945, he had begun his journey to the U.S. via Lithuania, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Germany, Austria and Argentina, making it to Wooster College in Wooster, O., on a student visa in 1951. After studying architecture for five years and working for the Encyclopedia Britannica during the last of those years, he was transferred to Charlotte in 1956, where his company had opened an office. About a year earlier, he had almost been deported, until his attorney had gone before immigration officials in Norfolk and gotten the deportation delayed because the act in his behalf was still pending in Congress. The bill permitting him to stay had been introduced by Senator Sam J. Ervin during the current session. It stated basically that when an immigrant had unusual promise, special consideration was given to his status. If he were to be returned to Latvia, he would certainly be put to death. His father had worked in the underground for four years against the Russians before they had gained control of the country after the war. On Friday, he had received a telegram from Senator Ervin addressed to his attorney, which said that the House had passed the bill on his behalf and that it was now at the White House for the President's signature.

In Memphis, Tenn., Elvis Presley, sleepy-eyed from an all-night open house at his suburban mansion, had reached draft board headquarters half an hour early this date to begin a two-year hitch in the Army. He was filled with cheerful wisecracks as he mounted a quick but fruitless campaign to attract recruits from among the newsmen gathered. He was accompanied by his parents and carried a pigskin shaving kit case. His normally swept back duck tail haircut with long sideburns "bristled in a modified crew". Fifteen police officers had been detailed to the downtown building where the draft board was located, but the crowd on hand was small, presumably for the early hour and the fact that there was a steady drizzle. Mr. Presley and 11 other inductees answered roll call, a routine complicated by the crowd of reporters and newspaper, newsreel and television photographers. The other inductees watched, blinked at the camera flashes and stood quietly lined against the wall. Mr. Presley would be donning a uniform the following day unless there were an unexpected hitch. As a $78 per month private, he would be forced to take a large salary cut. As indicated, unfortunately, he will never emerge from the Army alive. Only his body-double will eventually be discharged, as clearly to be shown by the types of movies in which he will appear after the Army. The discerning listener will also note that the number and quality of his hit records will dramatically decrease. Obviously, he was killed in that jeep accident somewhere outside West Berlin, one spring day in 1959.

Norman Vincent Peale provides Chapter 1 of his Jesus of Nazareth, presenting a youthful Galilean named Joshua, fictional son of the Apostle Andrew, living at the time of Christ and telling of his first-hand impressions of him.

The sports page reports from Louisville that the University of Kentucky had defeated Seattle University on Saturday night for the NCAA national championship in basketball, 84 to 72, giving coach Adolph Rupp his fourth championship team. It would be his last championship, though the Wildcats would reach the national finals once more, for a sixth time, in 1966, losing in an upset to Texas Western. He would retire in 1972 with a record number of victories, 876, against 190 losses, a record which would stand until broken by UNC coach Dean Smith in 1997, retiring with 879 victories and 254 losses. Coach Rupp had begun coaching at Kentucky in 1932.

On the editorial page, "Shall We Build Schools or Post Offices?" indicates that the Administration apparently had neglected to make any notation at all of the horrors of the classroom shortage of 1957. While it had been viewed with alarm a year earlier, it had not disappeared and had even grown much worse.

The recession provided fresh incentive for action. The Administration was putting forth new anti-recession measures to provide employment and both houses of Congress had already passed a housing-finance bill designed to stimulate construction of 200,000 new units, thereby furnishing employment to about 500,000 individuals during the current year. Hearings had begun in the Senate on a bill to set up a two billion dollar Federal loan fund to states and localities for public works projects. A speed-up had been requested by the White House on another two billion dollars worth of local projects which would receive Federal aid. Acceleration of the Federal road-building program had also been ordered, and construction of a large number of new post offices was being planned.

It suggests that if the Federal Government could provide more funding for post offices, highways and public housing to fight the recession, then it could do something on an emergent basis regarding the shortage of classrooms. The need had been well documented by the President a year earlier and was now even greater.

It urges that employment could be provided in the depressed construction industry to stimulate the economy while also building new classrooms. It assures that it was not proposing a new program of Federal aid for school construction for the purpose of Federal control of education, but rather an emergency program designed to stimulate state and local efforts to bring their educational systems up to decent standards. It asserts the firm belief in the American tradition that states and localities primarily had the responsibility for construction and operation of the public schools. But the crisis in education was so severe that nothing less than an emergency program would work, consisting of Federal grants to the states for school construction.

Instead, the Administration had offered an aid to education program in the current year which was only an aid to science programs to bolster the nation's defense capacity. Even as a means of increasing the number of young scientists, it was considered too little and too late. It suggests that the Administration had apparently forgotten that the whole of education was in need of assistance.

While it would be good to have new post offices, it suggests that it was more important to have a lot of new schoolhouses.

"The States Must Exercise Their Rights" tells of a Federal court suit brought by Mayor William Hartsfield of Atlanta under the Civil Rights Act of 1957, asking a Federal court to use the statute as a means to void Georgia's county-unit voting system on the basis that it was discriminatory against urban residents in Georgia, regardless of color.

The piece indicates that without doubt, it was discriminatory as one vote in rural Cherokee County carried as much weight in primaries as did 155 votes in Fulton County surrounding Atlanta. Whether the courts would intervene was not yet known, as the Supreme Court had refused to do so three times previously, indicating that it lacked jurisdiction.

Whether or not the Act gave jurisdiction to Federal courts in such matters, the case served as a symbol of the way in which states' rights were undermined within the states. Mayor Hartsfield was in Federal court because he had no hope in the rural-dominated Georgia Legislature to cancel or modify the system by which rural control was perpetuated in the face of population shifts to the urban areas. Governor Marvin Griffin of Georgia had accused Mayor Hartsfield of being "a traitor to our Georgia way of life". The Mayor was seeking satisfaction for his constituents wherever he could find it.

The piece indicates that North Carolina's failure to maintain proportional representation in the General Assembly involved nothing so far-reaching and complicated as the Georgia county-unit system, but the State Constitution required that the Assembly seats be reapportioned to reflect population changes after each Federal decennial census, with the Assembly nevertheless refusing to obey the Constitution. It suggests that the problem of proportional representation appeared in most of the states in varying ways.

In urging the states to end discrimination against urban voters, the President's Commission on Inter-governmental Relations had stated in 1955: "Reapportionment should not be thought of solely in terms of a conflict of interests between urban and rural areas. In the long run, the interests of all in an equitable system of representation that will strengthen state government is far more important than any temporary advantage to an area enjoying over-representation."

It finds it sound advice which would be sounder if the trend toward centralization continued. It urges that it would be better, however, for the states to exercise their rights and eliminate at least one of the factors in that trend.

"Life in America" quotes from the New York Post: "In Michigan, a 15-year-old girl was arrested for pulling a gun on another teen-ager in an argument over which one was entitled to permanent possession of a fan magazine article about Elvis Presley."

A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled "No Waste for Wisdom", indicates that the comedians' general excuse for their otherwise inexplicable presence in a given situation, that they were "just waiting for a streetcar", would nevertheless not justify wasting time while waiting.

It indicates that few would ever be left in a spot less conducive to the pursuit of their callings than the Chinese philosopher who, because of his friend's lack of punctuality, found himself waiting near a butcher shop, whereupon he watched the butcher at work and saw that the butcher was also wise, as before starting to cut into a piece of meat, he would place the knife carefully where it would not run against a bone, and so without waste of time or energy or meat, neatly carved what he might have merely hacked off. The philosopher decided it was the way a philosopher ought approach thought or any problem or task. When his friend arrived and apologized for causing the philosopher to waste time, the philosopher simply said that he was by no means wasting time and told his friend what he had observed and let the story carry its moral.

Aesop, the piece observes, would also draw another moral, that even a butcher, if he was a wise one, could help to make a philosopher wiser.

Drew Pearson indicates that for the first time in many years, 76-year old House Speaker Sam Rayburn the previous week had appeared as a witness before a Congressional committee, doing so for his old friend, former President Truman. Testifying with him was former Speaker Joseph Martin of Massachusetts, a Republican. The two agreed that former Presidents ought to receive pensions as with other employees of corporations and members of Congress, urging the House Civil Service Committee, headed by Representative Thomas Murray of Tennessee, to approve the pension bill sponsored by Democratic House leader John McCormack. The bill would provide former Presidents Hoover and Truman a pension of $25,000 per year, plus free mailing privileges, office space in a Federal building and an allowance of about $70,000 to hire stenographers, the same as that paid to a Senator from one of the least populous states. In addition, the widow of a former President would receive a pension of $10,000 per year after the death of the former President.

Representative Hugh Gross of Iowa disagreed with the bill, saying that anyone who had been President ought not have trouble making a living and that the bill only meant that more money would have to come from the Treasury. Mr. Rayburn reminded Mr. Gross that the only thing which Mr. Truman owned upon his retirement was his home in Independence, and that even FDR had no independent means until the death of his mother. Representative August Johansen of Michigan agreed with Mr. Gross, as did Representatives Ed Robeson of Virginia and Jim Davis of Georgia. Mr. Rayburn argued strongly for the former Presidents, pointing out that the legislation had been passed by the Senate a year earlier and had remained languishing in the House for two years, saying that it was the "dignity of the office" which was involved, that the country should not force former Presidents to do all types of mean things in order to make a living.

Joseph and Stewart Alsop indicate that the Cabinet had responded gloomily impassively the previous week when the unencouraging preliminary figures for March employment and business activity had been set before it, raising a question as to whether, if eventually the final figures for March would be bad, the Administration would be committed to a business-stimulating tax cut.

The President, just a few weeks earlier, had promised the country an upturn in the economy in March and other members of the Administration had repeatedly explained that the March figures would be decisive in determining whether a tax cut would follow. All of the indicators now suggested that the March outcome would be disappointing. New applications for unemployment relief had dropped fractionally, suggesting that there might be a modest increase in the number employed, which the White House staff would immediately claim as justification for the President's incautious forecast of a better economy ahead. But although the total number of employed might increase, the figures already available appeared to point to the crucial unemployment total remaining about even or possibly set to increase. As family incomes were cut by cuts in work hours, increasing numbers of housewives and young people were looking for jobs to feed their families. And thus, overall, the economy appeared to be doing no better in March than in February, and some said that the economic curve was still pointing downward in a month where there was normal seasonal increase.

They indicate that unanimity among economists was never to be found, but that there were not many Government economists who had not already provided an unfavorable verdict on March, outside those directly attached to the President's staff. The White House experts and some in the Treasury Department continued to argue that the economy of March could only be judged when all of the statistics were finally available by around mid-April.

The Alsops suggest that perhaps Dr. Gabriel Hauge was correct in wanting to wait for the March statistics. The White House strategy was now to do that, and even Vice-President Nixon, who had been for an immediate tax cut only two weeks earlier, had now adopted the wait-and-see attitude. The odds, however, were that by mid-April, the final statistics on March would give the Administration no choice except to take the promised action of cutting taxes or openly declaring that tax-cutting was not such a good remedy after all.

They thus return to the original question of whether, if it would occur eventually, why not do so right away. Part of the answer, they posit, was that a large tax cut was a very big step, especially given the worsening foreign and defense situations which might produce heavy future demands on the economy. For that reason alone, the key person on the President's advisory team, Secretary of the Treasury Robert Anderson, took the view of Dr. Hauge, wanting to wait until all of the evidence was in. There was also a single line of thought within the Administration, probably stronger in the Federal Reserve Board than elsewhere, that price inflation was a great fear, present throughout the Eisenhower term. The third part of the answer was that the President, himself, wanted to wait, with there being a strong hint of influence from his business friends, many of whom took a laissez-faire approach reminiscent of the Administration of Herbert Hoover. And the President generally favored immobility to motion, as shown by his reaction to the launch of the Sputnik satellites the prior fall. The President thus remained the strongest defender of doing nothing at present to cut taxes, despite it appearing almost certain that a tax cut would have to occur later.

Marquis Childs indicates that as the Democrats increasingly believed they had a strong chance to recapture the presidency in 1960, there was increasing chatter among them as to who their nominee would be. The Republicans, almost without exception, had come to agree that their nominee would be Vice-President Nixon. Of the eight or ten eligible persons on most lists among Democrats, almost everyone encountered some objection related to the party's internal conflicts, with one exception being Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, a reason that his name was being mentioned with increasing frequency as the potential nominee.

It had been reported from Independence, Mo., that former President Truman was passing the word that Senator Symington would be the compromise candidate in the end. Speaking at a Democratic dinner in St. Louis the prior November, the former President had said that greater things were in store for the Senator after his re-election to the Senate, taken as hint of where Mr. Truman's intentions were, seen as having expanded in his private conversations.

In his nearly six years in the Senate, Senator Symington had established a voting record with which no liberal Democrat could quarrel. The Americans for Democratic Action gave him a perfect score for 1957 and nearly perfect for 1955 and 1956. Yet with his genial Ivy League manner and his "old family" background, the Senator was not considered a "shouting liberal", being thus more acceptable to the South than any other person from the North. The labor wing of the party would also have to take his voting record at face value. As the first Secretary of the Air Force under President Truman, he had fought hard for strategic bombers to provide a massive deterrent. When he could not take the drastic economy imposed by Secretary of Defense Louis Johnson, he had resigned that post. As chairman of a Senate subcommittee, he had conducted a searching inquiry into America's air power in 1956 and had written a strong report that drew a Republican dissent.

He also looked like a president and was the right age, soon to turn 57. While he had a serious operation for hypertension years earlier, his blood pressure was said to be that of a much younger man and he gave every outward appearance of vigor.

Thus, he was an attractive candidate and yet the question which skeptics were posing when his name came up was whether it was an authentic candidacy or merely the sum of the negatives and the positives adding up to a total guaranteed to offend almost no one.

The Senator had been careful not to climb out on limbs and was saying nothing or at least repeating the safest of all lines by indicating that he just wanted to be a good Senator. He was receiving many invitations to speak in every part of the country and there were reports that his strength was developing in Illinois, Iowa, Indiana and other Midwestern states. He was declining those invitations with the plea that he must remain in Washington to be a good Senator.

With his re-election the following November assured, he was working to maintain the Democratic majority in the Senate. He could afford to wait before committing to any run for the nomination and it was a happy situation for him, able to say nothing and keep his head down, a formula which had previously worked for Adlai Stevenson.

A letter writer says that the newspaper series of articles on the court system confirmed his prediction that the Bell Committee had been organized not to reform the courts but to whitewash the bar. After setting out to tackle "unqualified judges and abuse of power by the bar", it had wound up only attacking the justice of the peace system. Chester Davis of the Winston-Salem Journal, the writer finds, had made a better report nearly a year earlier without any expense to the public. He finds that the Bell Committee had wasted public resources, that when there was enough public demand for reform in the administration of justice, they would get it, but at present there was not. He finds the root of the problem to be abuse of power by the bar, that genuine reform would be accomplished only by the lay public and that the place to start was with the bar rather than the justices of the peace.

A letter writer indicates that traffic in Charlotte operated on the basis that half of it moved and the other half had to wait for the mile-long trains to pass, with a 200-car train tying up the entire westside for more than an hour. He indicates that the question of a westside bypass for long trains had been before City Hall and the State Highway Department and at last report, the Department planned to go before the planning board of the City. That board had seen successful bypasses in operation elsewhere, and so he wonders what the problem was. He urges more pressure from City Hall.

A letter writer from Salisbury indicates that Livingstone College needed good library books to inspire its students and he urges readers to collect a package of books and mail them to the college prepaid.

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