The Charlotte News
Thursday, February 13, 1958
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that fired counsel of a House investigating subcommittee, Bernard Schwartz, testifying as a witness before the committee, had declared this date that it was "common knowledge" that money had been passed to obtain the grant of a television channel in Miami to a subsidiary of National Airlines. He did not immediately name the FCC commissioner he contended had received the payment, but the name of Richard Mack had entered an exchange between the witness and the chairman of the committee, Representative Oren Harris of Arkansas. Dr. Schwartz also took aim at the committee, indicating that a majority of its members had taken no action to obtain financial records of a commissioner so as to establish "essential facts" in the case, despite his having requested subpoenas for four individuals and having submitted a memorandum in justification of the request, believing that Mr. Harris and other members had known about it. Mr. Harris said that he had agreed to issue subpoenas for the four individuals, but not for Mr. Mack. He said that he and Representative Morgan Moulder of Missouri, formerly the subcommittee chairman who had since resigned the post while maintaining his position as a member of the subcommittee, had agreed not to issue subpoenas for all of the FCC commissioners but to invite them first by letter to appear before the committee. Dr. Schwartz had agreed that it was a correct statement of what had transpired.
Senate Democrats were drafting a ten-point anti-recession program which party leaders planned to give a speedy start through Congress. The program was being put together by individual committees under the guidance of the Democratic Policy Committee headed by Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, and would represent the party's answer to demands that Congress act before the business slump got worse. Senator Johnson was understood to have told his colleagues that while he was opposed to a "gloom and doom" attitude, he thought that immediate steps had to be taken to combat unemployment, which presently had reached 4.5 million. He had asked committees operating under Senators J. William Fulbright of Arkansas, John Sparkman of Alabama, Clinton Anderson of New Mexico, Lister Hill of Alabama, Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, and Albert Gore of Tennessee to produce quickly legislative proposals to cover a wide field of Government activity to bolster the economy. As Senator Johnson viewed the program, it would have a comprehensive housing bill aimed at getting limping industry going at full speed, legislation to permit Federal Reserve banks to make loans to small businesses which certified that they could not obtain credit through ordinary channels, passage of a post office construction bill, authorization to put extra shifts of workers on public works projects for which Congress had provided the money, construction of military housing in areas with soft spots of unemployment, and other such stimulative actions.
In London, the British Government announced this date that it was delivering hydrogen bombs to its Air Force.
In Tunis, President Habib Bourguiba said this date that he would personally lead the Tunisian people in a guerrilla war if necessary to get French troops off of Tunisian soil.
In Jakarta, Indonesian Air Force planes this date dropped leaflets on rebellious central Sumatra, calling for "understanding" of Government policies.
The Associated Press reports that snow swirled by chilly winds had given a freakish gleam to the Deep South this date as subfreezing temperatures pervaded. In Florida, 3 inches of snow had fallen at Tallahassee, 2 inches at Panama City on the Gulf of Mexico, and an inch at nearby Pensacola. Miami shivered as it braced itself for temperatures expected to fall almost to freezing. In New Orleans, Mardi Gras was being celebrated with the tossing of snowballs after the heaviest snow in the city in 59 years had fallen the previous day, with 2 inches recorded at an airport 12 miles from the city, while a heavier fall had been reported in western Louisiana. Snow had fallen on the beaches at Biloxi and Gulfport, Miss., while Mobile on Alabama's coast had more than an inch in 7 1/2 hours. Fort Morgan at the mouth of Mobile Bay had recorded 4 inches on Wednesday. Students had left classrooms in dormitories at Florida State University in Tallahassee and staged snowball fights, joined by townspeople who built snowmen on their front lawns. The editor of the Daily Highlander at Lake Wales, Fla., started a drive to send food and clothing to Seminole Indians hit hard by the inclement weather.
In New York, it was reported that a 15-year old boy had confessed to the slaying on the prior Tuesday of a seven-year old girl by luring her with a promise of a dime and a lollipop to a rooftop of the building where both lived and then throwing her 13 stories to her death, stating that he did not know why he had done it. His working mother of eight other children had asked newsmen whether they could explain why her son had done such a thing, as she did not know. The two families lived within a flight of stairs of one another but they did not have contact. The mother's thoughts, however, were with the victim's parents, as well as being concerned about her son. She said that she would like to help pay the funeral expenses of the little girl and could borrow the money to do so, saying that the other family had eight children and only the husband worked, that they were poor, while she and her family were only "medium poor". The mother of the little girl said that she and her husband would refuse any such offer, indicating that it was their daughter and they wanted to have the funeral for her themselves. Relatives and friends had gathered in their apartment to console the parents. Meanwhile, the father of the boy being held on a homicide charge had just arrived home from court where he stood beside his son as the magistrate ordered the boy committed to Bellevue Hospital for observation, the judge warning that if it was determined that he knew the nature of the crime, he would "burn in the electric chair." As the parents sat in their six-room, $75 per month apartment in a Bronx housing development, they searched their souls for what led their son to commit such a crime, the mother indicating that the little girl had been "a sweet, wonderful, innocent child" and that their son had never shown any particular interest in her, having no reason to dislike her. The son was known in the neighborhood as "the professor" because of his bookish ways, according to the mother, but could not seem to concentrate in school. She said that he did not have any bad companions for she did not allow him to, suggesting that she might have kept too tight a rein on him but had found that children allowed to run loose in the streets seemed to end up stabbing each other and she did not want that to happen to her son. She said that a month earlier, he had taken $150 from her household money and run away to Florida. The father commented that his son had been an avid reader but that in present times, anyone who could pronounce four letters was regarded as brilliant. "They built up that idea in his mind, until he began to feel he was brilliant everywhere except at home." The father's take-home pay as a night hotel clerk was $68 per week and his wife was employed as a keypunch machine operator at $75 per week. The mother said that she had tried to foresee things but could not have foreseen such an act as her son had committed. "My boy did nothing that a thousand other mischievous boys haven't done who turned out to be fine men." A little while earlier, a detective had said that the son, when asked why he played hooky, had replied: "When there are eight children in the house and both your mother and your father are working, somebody has to take care of the kids." Police said that previously, the boy had come to them to confess crimes which were only in his imagination. He had been expelled from school for truancy and failed in three subjects, prompting school authorities to suggest that he be taken to a psychiatrist as he had also been destructive in school. The judge who committed him to Bellevue said: "The teachers should have brought the boy's action to the attention of the proper authorities. The whole wretched matter could possibly have been avoided."
But then, New York City school
authorities had brought to the attention of truant officers
Near Man, W.Va., it was reported that rescue workers had early this date freed the crushed bodies of five miners from their tomb of slate deep in a coal mine at nearby Lundale. A slab from the roof, weighing about 560 tons, had fallen on them with only a split second of warning the previous evening. A sixth man had been rescued 5 1/2 hours after the collapse, after having his leg pinned beneath the slab. He was reported in good condition in a hospital with a fractured pelvis. A seventh man had escaped virtually unharmed, having only been knocked down and bruised, saved by the mechanical coal loader on which he and the other six men had been making repairs, the loader, though crushed, having left enough crawl space for him to escape. The mine employed about 200 workers. Rescue teams had used huge hydraulic jacks to lift the fallen slab, heavier than the normal cargo of ten coal cars. Outside, a small crowd had huddled in and near the mine office in the valley.
Near Lynchburg, Va., 11 cars of a Southern Railway coal train had left the main line tracks in nearby Campbell County early this date, with one railroad official estimating damage at more than $20,000.
In Atlanta, a restaurant operator opened fire with a pistol at two holdup men the previous night, one having surrendered immediately and the other having been picked up a short time later. (It was not that restaurateur who was robbed, though if the two men were going to rob someone, just deserts would have been rewarded had they picked that one for, if nothing else, deceptive advertising placed in the want-ads section.)
John Borchert of The News tells of an alienation of affections lawsuit in which a Maryland woman was seeking $200,000 in damages from a Charlotte woman, scheduled for the following day in U.S. District Court. The plaintiff, a former Atlanta resident who now resided in Gaithersburg, Md., was suing the widow of a Charlotte man. The case had been brought in Federal court pursuant to diversity jurisdiction, because the plaintiff and defendant resided in different states. The plaintiff claimed that a divorce action on the part of her husband had been prompted, directed and financed by the defendant, indicating that she and her husband had been residing in Atlanta when on September 28, 1955, her husband had instituted an action for divorce. The defendant replied that she had first met the plaintiff's husband in the spring of 1954 at a dinner with friends and had seen him occasionally thereafter, having dinner about once a month at a Charlotte supper club. She denied the allegations that she had paid for the dinners, had given the man a diamond ring or financed trips to Florida or other places with him. She admitted going with him and "a lady friend" to Florida to attend the Orange Bowl game, but denied traveling with him outside the U.S. or ever having an affair with him. She admitted that he was a guest in her home on two occasions in May, 1957 while convalescing from operations at a Charlotte hospital, but said that her mother, granddaughter and an adult female friend were in her home at all times during his convalescence. The plaintiff was seeking $150,000 in actual damages and $50,000 in punitive damages, plus costs. Most states, incidentally, have done away with the common law action for alienation of affections, because of the obvious complications in proof and the potential for deliberately setting up such lawsuits by married couples for the purpose of financial gain from the unsuspecting dupe. Similarly, the crime of "criminal conversation", on the books in some states, has been abolished. That crime was when one person talked the head off the other.
Julian Scheer of The News indicates that the head of the State ABC system was ready to level a shattering blow at the drinking habits of thousands of North Carolinians by his interpretation of state law. W. S. Hunt, Jr., recently appointed to head the Alcoholic Beverage Control Board, had told the newspaper that drinking intoxicating liquors in private clubs appeared to be illegal. He said that his office would next move to enforce the law, although it could take months to get around to it. The previous day, he had started a quiet and friendly crackdown on places which had beer licenses and where liquor was also being consumed. He said that he would raid the old locker system, whereby patrons of a club owned lockers therein where they could keep under lock and key that which they wished to drink, and the bartenders would use the individual's personal bottle and serve a set-up of ice and/or mix. Mr. Hunt said that a restaurant with a beer license could not give a customer a glass and ice, knowing that the customer would pour his own drink, covered under the state's beer laws. But a restaurant without a beer license could serve a set-up as long as the customer did not "publicly display" the bottle or flask. Interpretations in the past of what was a public display and what was not had generally agreed that a public display was when one poured the drink above the table rather than beneath it. But what if the horseman in black comes storming into the club and orders everyone to keep their hands where he could see them, while advising, on penalty of death, all of the patrons not to gamble or drink any more wine, especially the fat acting commandant of the Cuartel? What does the law say about that?
In Seaford, N.Y., an expert electrician and his wife this date indicated being baffled for ten days about bouncing bottles capsizing or blowing their tops, holding liquids of all kinds, ranging from perfume to washing bleach, to holy water, in all parts of their six-room ranch house. Suggestions regarding the probable cause of the phenomenon had come into the family, with a test scheduled for the home this date. The wife said that a man from the Long Island Lighting Co. was coming with some kind of testing machine to check all of the wiring. She was not scared about the bursting bottles because there had to be a reason for everything. But she said she did not even want to know what the reason was, just wanted to get it over with. We hope they figure that one out soon, as it could have international implications, should all bottles start suddenly bursting. Could be them Martians again, upset about the three orbiting satellites, getting ever closer to invading their empyrean.
Emery Wister, on page 13A, answers
the philosophical question on everyone's mind: whether Miss Kitty
would ever marry Marshal Dillon. Well, given her occupation, we
recommend not doing so without the proper shots and plenty of
penicillin on hand over at Doc Adams's office. The fundamental
questions are, should it happen, whether Chester would be best man and
could he remain sober long enough to do so. "Gunsmoke" was
not set in Dodge City by accident. (Unfortunately, as it turns out, no such piece exists, at least not on the microfilm, 13A being 1B, which carries its own love messages for 1958's Valentine's Day. Two lovebirds, one in a '57 Chevy and the other in a '55 Buick, became entangled on Wilkinson Boulevard and nearly met their fate together in their torrid romance. Maybe the reference to "13A" was a deliberate mistake, as with one of those roadside billboards
Which leads to another philosophical
question for present times in 2025, that being why Republicans insist
on calling the fictional "Department of Government Efficiency"
"DOGE", with a long "o"
On the editorial page, "Parties Are Made in the Precincts" indicates that rival groups and individuals in the community were seeking control of grassroots organizations of both political parties, with the activity having begun behind the scenes, activity particularly energetic among Democrats, although Democratic precinct meetings would not be held until possibly early May.
Certain of the Democratic old guard would not be caught napping again, as the unpleasant memories of the county's 1956 precinct contests were still vivid.
Nor was there lethargy in the county's Republican hierarchy, where, for the first time in years, strategists saw an opportunity to take several local elections.
But the early activity was not designed so much to advance party causes as personal causes, with only an organizational job being performed. The issues would be decided in the precinct meetings.
It concludes that persons of both parties in the county had a job to do during the year, that voting was not enough, that participation in the management of their respective party also was required, to become interested caretakers of the party's destiny and respectability, meaning that they ought be present when the chairman convened the precinct meeting to order in 1958.
"Don't Fret—It's Just a Recession" indicates that the President's touching faith in the ability of the economy to respond to treatment would be easier to share if any new treatment was discernible, but it was not. The previous day's dose of rosy White House optimism had been merely accompanied by a list of the same old policies which had been so spectacularly unsuccessful in halting the economic "downturn".
It finds that the Government had a wide range of options as continuing inflationary pressures occurred with business activity down and prices still rising. The business downturn was really just beginning and the factors affecting it were easily maneuverable, with adjustments to be made before the recession picked up momentum and a real economic tragedy would occur.
Instead, the President had made it clear that the Administration would rock along with the same remedies which had failed to produce the kind of results the President and the nation wanted so desperately. The public was being advised to have patience, and so it hopes that the newly unemployed and bankrupt would have the good sense to enjoy the fine qualities of patience as a virtue.
"Who's This Pest with Common Sense?" indicates that there were some honks of derision in Charlotte when New York Mayor Robert Wagner had issued his appeal to Detroit for shorter, slimmer automobiles. It finds that generally the citizenry wanted the longer, lower, wider cars, being supplied in plenty by Detroit.
But Detroit and the buying public had to be dimly aware that increased width and length in American cars had produced nightmarish problems on the streets and highways. During the previous decade, the average parking lot had lost 15 percent of its usable space while prewar garages had lost 40 percent. In some communities, parking meters installed a few years earlier at intervals of 20 feet were no longer adequate for handling passenger cars. Traffic jams and congestion had become a major headache.
But it appeared that only Mayor Wagner and Max Lerner were concerned. Mr. Lerner had said recently: "The situation, both with respect to obsolescence and to fashion, is much as with women's clothes. Like the clothes, the automobile must set off the personality of the owner and must not take too long to wear out and be replaced. Given the conditions of city traffic and bumper-to-bumper auto roads on weekends, the swollen fenders—vulnerable to the slightest dent and abrasion—make no sense in design: They make sense only in obsolescence and show. Similarly, the size and unnecessary extra engine power of the American car are intended to nourish the feeling of magnitude rather than to serve ordinary users. These are all phases of a civilization which has a margin for waste and which has come to regard the luxurious as the necessary."
It suggests that if automobiles could be likened to women's clothing, the solution would be simple, with fenders slenderized in Detroit just as skirts were lowered in Paris, at the command of the fashion designers. But it did not work that way, for in the world of fashion design, women followed the directives of the designers, whereas in automobile design, that which the consumer wanted was obtained. And consumers wanted magnitude, not common sense.
A piece from the Christian Science Monitor, titled "Tripping a Mighty Fantastic", indicates that Britons went about their gaiety with as much determination as their muster in the face of a Napoleon or a Hitler, but managed somehow to have the world go on thinking of them as a staid, somewhat grim and duty-bound people.
Thus, whenever news leaked out that 5 million people went dancing every week in Britain, it was like learning that one's favorite dowager aunt regularly won the annual bicycle race around France. British radio provided frequent old-timers' programs in which all of the old regimental two-steps, schottisches, primrose waltzes placed in perspective the present jive music. More than a million people per week took dancing lessons in Britain, it had been reported, and television dance clubs brightened the nights.
In pre-nuclear times, a quarter of the population of Vienna could be found waltzing on any carefree night during the week, but Vienna was only one city in a large empire. But a tenth of a nation in 1958 "whirling like neutrons in an atomic embrace" had an unearthly quality about it which made one wonder. "But, then, Britain has all this and Harwell, too."
Drew Pearson indicates that Senator Lyndon Johnson, one of the few persons who could get the President on the telephone when he wished, had been urging the President to make a more constructive effort in exerting leadership toward peace. The Senator had watched the arms race from the inside and fully appreciated the civilization-wrecking impact of modern war, believing the U.S. ought get out of the grip of Dulles diplomacy and make some new, more positive moves.
The Administration's constant refrain of "let's have a preparatory conference" might have the sound of diplomacy, but Senator Johnson recognized the truth of what most of the diplomats advised, that it did not sit well with the rest of the world, wanting action, not long preparation. The Senator had thus urged the President to take the initiative with a spectacular speech before the U.N., asking for agreement on peaceful control of outer space. Simultaneously, the State Department had come up with a similar idea, wanting the President to make a dramatic appeal at the U.N. that the arms race be ended, with the place to stop it being outer space before competition would begin there. The President, tired and recently ill with a cold, had not been enthusiastic, however, regarding that idea.
The Army's recently launched Explorer satellite had been a tragic defeat for the RNC, as it had gone to great expense to prepare television films featuring Republican Congressmen boasting over the achievements of the Navy satellite, to be launched by the Vanguard rocket. Now, the Army had launched its satellite while the Navy had yet to be successful. Republicans feared that their films were thus dead.
The Air Force hoped to counteract the Army's big publicity break by sending the first U.S. rocket to the moon. Air Force scientists predicted that they could reach the moon as early as the current spring, if they could get the go-ahead.
Secretary of Defense Neil McElroy was so disgusted over the second Vanguard failure that for a time he had suggested to the President that the whole Vanguard program be scrapped. He had ordered research into the feasibility of a fantastic invisible ray which would destroy enemy targets at great distances with the speed of light. (Do not impart that to the nut from Georgia in the current Congress, or she will go digging into the family history of Mr. McElroy, convinced that he must have Jewish ancestry, demanding a full-scale Congressional investigation of the matter at once.)
On the subject of the current Republican House, have you noticed that while they were all over the Biden Administration from the moment they got the reins of power by a narrow margin in 2023, they don't want now to invest any time at all in investigating anything having to do with a Trump Administration? obviously apace at becoming the most corrupt Administration in the country's history, even topping the first Trump Administration, and that after only 3 1/2 weeks in office. This guy, this time, apparently thinks he can avoid court orders and do as he damn pleases, because he is blessed with immunity for acts undertaken within the core executive powers, at least immunity from criminal prosecution, though obviously not from impeachment, should, as inevitably will happen, the Democrats obtain control of the House in 2027. Of course, the nut in the White House believes, with good reason from previous experience on two occasions, that no more than a handful of Republicans in the Senate will join any effort to impeach him, no matter what he does, being spineless, toadying sycophants to His Highness, the man who has successfully hijacked not only the Republican Party, but our democracy, by carefully and orchestratedly appealing to the lowest common denominator among us, those who are not too swift when it comes to understanding how government works or politics, or U.S. history, just knowing that they don't like it, preferring to believe that their way is the only way to proceed and that negotiation of any sort with the opposition is a sign of weakness, unless, of course, the opposition happens to be a foreign power such as Russia or China, and then negotiation is quite all right, not a sign of weakness but rather skillful diplomatic maneuvering, while also insulting and putting at arm's length the nation's traditional allies, forcing Europe now to consider fending for itself without counting any longer on the help of the U.S. as long as controlled by "America First" Trumpies. It is as if we have retreated to 1939, only this time with Charles Lindbergh in the White House, if not to Germany in 1933.
Doris Fleeson discusses campaign financing, indicating that Texas RNC committeeman H. R. Porter was in a position to collect $100,000 to reward Republican members of Congress who would vote in favor of the bill to deregulate natural gas. The RNC and the White House had reacted swiftly, with RNC chairman Meade Alcorn issuing a statement saying that the RNC would not accept any of the Porter money. White House press secretary James Hagerty had said that the President knew of the statement and approved it.
It appeared that Mr. Porter had struck a damaging blow to the project he had hoped to help. House Speaker Sam Rayburn was preparing to bring the natural gas bill, which he favored, to a vote, and now every Republican who had planned to vote for it, whatever the reasons might have been, had been placed on the spot. It placed Mr. Porter in the same position as the oil lobbyist who, two years earlier, had attracted similar publicity with an offer to contribute to the campaign fund of Senator Francis Case of South Dakota, who then blew the whistle, prompting the Senate to go through the motions of investigating itself, eventually leading the President to veto the natural gas bill when it finally did pass both chambers. He had expressly done so on the basis of the methods used to obtain passage. Ms. Fleeson indicates that the current situation showed how little things had changed.
The oil and gas interests, who were the most favored taxpayers in a high tax era with their 27.5 percent depletion allowance, had ample funding to put into political campaigns for the midterm elections and were obviously ready and willing to do so. The present focus was on the Republicans because of Mr. Porter's high position within the party, but the issue cut across both parties. All politicians from oil and gas-producing states were subject to the same pressure, including Speaker Rayburn and Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, both of whom had held the line on the oil depletion tax and found a place on each respective chamber's calendar for the gas bill.
She indicates that Mr. Porter had called attention to an "appreciation dinner" given by Senator Johnson in Texas recently, and the Senator was as sensitive as the President to the implications of oil and gas money in politics and of mention of his close ties with that business.
Many propositions had been made to Congress in an effort to solve the problem of campaign contributions which would be free from any taint from any special interest group, but Congress had been cool to them, seemingly preferring an occasional scandal to any remedy.
Mr. Porter appeared confident that his $100,000 would eventually find recipients and he had offered contributors five alternatives, either make out checks to him, to the Texas Republican Finance Committee, the RNC, the Republican Senate Campaign Committee or the Republican House Campaign Committee. A day afterward, only the RNC had declined.
Robert C. Ruark, in London, finds only a couple of seaside towns in England, Margate and Ramsgate, beginning to moan about losing Americans, at least according to the London Express, which had said that the two towns might become more peaceful but a lot less prosperous with the U.S. Air Force leaving for fresher fields. Most of the 500 civilian workers at Manston would lose their jobs as a result of the departure of 2,500 Americans. The tradesmen, city councils and employment officials of the area believed that the exodus would cost the town $600 per month. The hotels, bars and seafront cafés were quite upset.
But not so long earlier, they had been quite upset about the presence of the Americans, for the planes making too much noise, the airmen getting drunk and stealing the girls from the local inhabitants, driving up prices with their free-spending and high salaries, chewing gum and talking too loudly.
He remarks that it also occurred in the U.S. when heavy concentrations of military men overstressed the facilities of small towns, despite the fact that the small tradesmen in town got rich.
There was a movie called "The Tigers Roar" which was a fictionalized account of the same problem, a film made by two friends of Mr. Ruark, Jack Davies and Euan Lloyd, starring Trevor Howard and Glenn Ford. Made primarily by the British, it could be one of the most anti-British movies of all time and had the cooperation of the Air Force.
There had been quite a lot of criticism raised when it became known that atom bomb carrying planes were flying over Britain, despite it having been shown that the bombs would not explode unless they were purposely armed.
He suggests that the British had always had a blind spot, even concerning their own troops, such that a sow assumed more importance than the Blitz. Yet, they would engage in enormous self-sacrifice to present a solid front to the enemy.
He suggests that there might come a day when the good people of places such as Margate and Ramsgate would miss the Yank plane in the air, and not only for the money which they brought local businesses. They had once griped about the noise made by the RAF also, but when Hitler had sent his Luftwaffe over, the RAF flier suddenly became very popular as one of very few who took on a great many of the enemy and saved the island from a man with a much smaller mustache than that sported by the typical RAF pilot.
A letter writer from Gastonia responds to a letter writer who had written in regarding the state's "right to work" law, questioning whether it really applied to North Carolina workers. He thinks that the writer should have gone deeper into the subject, as many textile workers in Gaston County were not actually unemployed because some employers had closed down their mills for a week of unpaid Christmas vacation and reopened on the basis of three or four days per week since. That simple expedient made it impossible for the underemployed to draw any partial unemployment pay. There were hundreds of others, especially those on third shifts, who had been laid off completely. Thus he thinks that the inquiry into the right to work should be expanded to whether or not there was a right to work a full work week. He indicates that Governor Luther Hodges and the business organizations in the state had praised the value of the "right to work" law and he hopes that the previous letter writer was wrong about it not providing any protection.
A letter writer, the station manager for Eastern Air Lines, responds to the February 6 editorial, "'Big Little Airport' Needs Enlarging", finding the facts set forth to have been correct. In a recent air traffic service survey, it had been pointed out that the air traffic delay at the Charlotte Airport was one of the worst in the country, caused by many factors, one of the principal ones being inadequate airport facilities. Delays naturally had a drastic effect on the people of the area and also on the future expansion of the airlines servicing Charlotte, as there were many times during the day when air traffic had nearly reached the saturation point.
A letter writer says that she was asked recently whether anyone could really live a completely clean life during the present "tormented times", indicating that the answer was that they could if they wanted to and put their trust in Jesus. It did not mean that they were without sin, as no one was perfect, but that if people were sincere and purposeful, staying close to Jesus, they could lead clean lives.
Framed Edition
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