The Charlotte News

Wednesday, July 16, 1947

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that military sources reported from Greece that Greek Army planes were hammering 2,500 trapped guerrillas on the slopes of Mount Gamila, north of Ioannina, the capital of the province of Epirus, as three Government brigades, comprised of 4,500 men, closed in for a showdown battle. The fighting took place near the Albanian border. The U.N. Balkans Subcommittee was convinced that the guerrilla offensive originated in Albania. Intelligence reports had disclosed that there were six guerrilla centers, three each in Yugoslavia and Albania, from which new attacks might be launched. The prospective offensive out of Yugoslavia threatened Florina.

"Govenment officials", unclear as to whether American, British, or Greek, believed that it might become necessary for the U.S. Government mission in Greece to sanction an increase in the Greek Army from 120,000 to 300,000, which would take a substantial chunk of the 300 million dollars in U.S. aid allocated for Greece.

At the U.N., delegates were said to be considering setting up a Greek border watch external to the U.N., should the Soviets block the Balkans Subcommittee recommendation for same with a veto in the Security Council. The watch committee would have no power but could gather information. The U.S. or Britain might also bring the Balkans complaint, which accused Yugoslavia, Albania, and Bulgaria of aiding the guerrillas in northern Greece, before the General Assembly should the veto take place. Or, they might bring a new complaint before the Security Council, pursuant to Chapter VII of the Charter.

Secretary of State Marshall, testifying before a House Judiciary subcommittee, urged that the Congress adopt legislation to admit 400,000 displaced persons from Europe during a four-year period. Secretary of War Robert Patterson and Secretary of Commerce Averell Harriman both joined in urging the legislation.

Secretary Patterson denied reports that he intended to resign when the merger of the Army and Navy would take effect. Speculation was that Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal would become the new Secretary of Common Defense. Speculation proved correct on both counts.

The State Department announced that it was proposing an eleven-nation conference, to begin August 19, to formulate a Japanese peace treaty, to be held in either Washington or San Francisco. No veto power would be allowed under the plan, as at the European peace treaty conferences. The invited nations included Britain, China, and Russia, as well as the other members of the Far Eastern Commission established in 1945 to supervise occupation of Japan. Soviet Foreign Commissar V. M. Molotov was said to oppose the non-veto plan, but was considering the proposal.

Secretary Marshall stated that the U.S. would sell to Turkey ten merchant ships as a first step in the new aid program recently authorized by Congress, for 100 million dollars worth of aid. Payment for six of the vessels, for both cargo and passengers, would be remitted in cash, without costing the U.S. any money. The other four vessels were described as war surplus.

Former OPA administrator Leon Henderson told the Joint Committee on the Economic Report that price hikes had outrun wage boosts, threatening a price collapse such as followed World War I. Senator Robert Taft rejoined that he saw no such threat on the horizon.

Cotton futures on the New Orleans Exchange were $1.35 to $2.80 per bale higher than at the previous close, having reached as high as $3.65 to $4.75 per bale higher. On the New York market, prices rose from $3.20 to $5.25 per bale higher.

In Honolulu, the ILWU strike in the pineapple industry ended after six days, with agreement to renew negotiations.

In Hastings, Neb., 100 guests showed up for a wedding ceremony, only to be told by the minister that the bride and groom had been married earlier, that the groom could be rushed to the hospital for an appendectomy.

It could have been worse.

A Charlotte architect and his wife returned from a vacation to find their home having been entered, apparently by youngsters who had left hand prints on the walls and generally ransacked the place. Nothing was missing.

In Ahoskie, N.C., a 23-year old black war veteran of Hertford County was being awarded a new Cadillac by the Kiwanis International Club of the town, after his winning ticket in a lottery for the car had been initially denied on the basis that he was not white. The white winner had already received a Cadillac.

The Club acted in response to complaints over its first action, including a threat from Senator Carl Hatch of New Mexico that he would denounce the Club on the floor of the Senate.

The Club president stated that the members were of the "highest integrity"—as long as "integrity" did not imply integration. He also stated that Club policy frowned on all forms of games of chance to raise money, including lotteries. Apparently, they had made exception, but he did not explain, from within the framework of his carefully segregated integrity.

Whether one car was white and the other, black, or blue and red, with green and yellow stripes down the middle, purple or pink pipes running along the side, was not stated.

What price segregation?

They could have saved some money and simply had the black man and white man share the car during alternating months.

There were also no accommodations for black people at the festival dance held the previous month to benefit the Club's underprivileged children's fund. Whether any of the funds were provided to black children was not indicated. Perhaps they could buy little white and black Cadillacs and provide them to each underprivileged child according to color.

Princess Elizabeth and her fiance, Lt. Philip Mountbatten, danced until 3:00 a.m. in Edinburgh, Scotland, at a benefit for the National Association of Girls' Clubs.

In Santa Monica, Calif., Walter Donaldson, composer of "My Blue Heaven", "Yes Sir, That's My Baby", "My Mammy", and "Little White Lies", died of a long-standing liver ailment at age 54.

In Fort Lewis, Wash., the owner of a mink farm would likely receive $2,079 in damages from the Government because all except 48 of his 279 mink kittens had died from being smothered by their mothers when planes flew low above his farm from the nearby Army Air Force Field during maneuvers in 1939. The House had approved the claim and sent it to the Senate.

Cannot you train the mother minks to use better judgment than that? It would be better to have a few furs trimmed by the props than to have practically the whole litter smothered by the mother minks. Don't you think?

Such is what happens when you have over-protective mothers. Remember the lesson of the minks.

On the editorial page, "A Time for Economic Planning" tells of the country having reached the goal set by Henry Wallace when he became Secretary of Commerce, though it opines that he had little to do with the achievement.

The total unemployed was down to about 2.5 million people, most of whom were unemployable.

But rather than jubilation, Washington and economic observers were worried. The President had asked the coal and steel industries to relent on raising prices in the wake of the favorable settlement achieved by John L. Lewis and UMW, until they could determine whether the new wages would prompt greater efficiency in production and thereby increase profits. The fact of the liberal settlement was being suggested as having come about because the steel and coal industries believed that economic downturn was inevitable within two years.

The Government had abandoned New Deal planning of the economy for all intents and purposes. Paul Hoffman, president of Studebaker, had recently told Congress that some economic planning was necessary to afford economic stability, that boom-and-bust cycles were no longer survivable. Peaks and valleys, he counseled, should and could be limited to 15 to 20 percent, to avoid the 50 percent swings which characterized the Depression years.

What had been a boom was bound to bust, and currently the thinking appeared to be that natural economics would afford a soft landing, not a reliable premise.

"The Medical College Again" tells of Governor Gregg Cherry having appointed a nine-member committee of the University of North Carolina board to study whether the four-year medical school, previously approved for the University in Chapel Hill, would be better established in Greensboro, with the aid of the Moses Cone Memorial Hospital Fund.

The piece thinks it a good move and suggests that it presented opportunity for Charlotte to renew its bid for the medical school.

Nevertheless, the medical school would be built in Chapel Hill.

"Is the Campaign Already Over?" tells of North Carolina Democratic leaders finding that Charles Johnson, State Treasurer, was so far ahead in the gubernatorial race that his lead was practically insurmountable.

The piece advises the electorate to make its own independent judgment in the next year's primary rather than allowing a few well-chosen polticoes to make the choice for them.

As indicated, they would do that. Kerr Scott would become the next Governor.

Nobody has ever heard of Mr. Johnson. His name is not on any reservoir or bridge of which we are aware.

A piece from the Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, titled "Notes on a Cousinly Match", finds interest in the engagement of Princess Elizabeth and Prince Philip of Greece, both being great-great-grandchildren of Queen Victoria and also of King Christian IX of Denmark, "double-barreled cousinship".

Cyril F. J. Hankinson, editor of Debrett's Peerage, Baronetage, Knightage and Companionage, told of Elizabeth being the closest living heir of George Washington and also bearing distant propinquity to Robert E. Lee. They provide the lineage through her mother, the former Lady Bowes-Lyon, and conclude that she was, "at some remove, practically a Tidewater gal."

Southern imagination tends to bend kneeward to admit of great linkages in the propinquities, until everyone is related back to Adam, at least Antipodally. As Cash once remarked, many Southerners hold title to being heir to Bruce of Scotland, if not to the "quickening breath of God." Certainly at least to one or two kings, somewhere at some time.

Drew Pearson recounts rare rancor within the GOP Policy Committee occasioned by the reaction to Senator William Langer of North Dakota having blocked the Senate investigation of the Kansas City voting scandal involving the Democratic primary of the previous year, in which Enos Axtell, the President's candidate, backed by the James Pendergast machine at the behest of the President, defeated the incumbent Congressman Roger Slaughter, who consistently had held up the President's program in committee. Senator Langer was not ashamed to tell of his own political misfortunes in the past coming in the face of investigations which he found unfair, once having been nearly barred by his colleagues from taking his seat in the Senate, and having been arrested for having challenged a judge for prejudice.

Senator Langer controlled the deciding vote on the Judiciary Committee and had been the vote which caused the Committee to decide 7 to 6 not to have an investigation of the primary. Senator John W. Bricker had sought to change his mind by reminding that it was one of the Republicans' best issues in the coming election, more important than flood control and soil conservation. He wanted to hold the Democrats accountable for "crooked politicians of the Pendergast machine". Other members of the committee threatened either to reform the Judiciary Committee or form a new committee to undertake the investigation. Senator Bricker vowed to support the effort.

Senator Langer, the pressure notwithstanding, would not budge.

But it seems an even more powerful issue might have been supplied the Republicans had they investigated whether the 1946 World Series might have been fixed, with complicity not only by the President but the entire liberal Supreme Court.

Southern members of Congress had recently called on the President and put forth sizable contributions for the DNC war chest from their states. They urged the President to start a whistlestop campaign through the South. The Southerners promised their support of the President and everyone parted on friendly terms, despite the June vetoes of Taft-Hartley and the tax bill over Southern votes.

Samuel Grafton suggests that the country was living in a new age where an unguarded file cabinet could become a national disaster for revealing atomic secrets. No longer were the yeomen farmers or "'honest artisans'" the warders of the republic's safety. The fate of the land was now in the hands of the FBI agent. It was a remake of "Bulldog Drummond Strikes Back".

The age had become one of futility, for working at tasks seemed useless in the face of continually imminent atomic destruction. Civilians were regarded as unfit to control atomic energy as the public increasingly favored that it be returned to the Army, taken away from the AEC.

"We are, for the first time, more afraid of the shadows than we are proud of our lamps."

As the world continued to live daily inside a melodrama, a desire for crisis might become the norm just to be rid of the tension and achieve the climax to reveal who the villain of the piece really was.

For Russia and the West not to reach agreement in such an atmosphere was one of the great absurdities of history. Mumbling about preservation of "national sovereignty", as had become the mantra in Russia, only added to the absurdity. The mere prospect of atomic war would as surely destroy the quality of life in the civilized world as the war itself. America had become afraid of the unseen hand and the unguarded alley.

"What a way to live! If tragedy must be the human lot, at least it should be on the scale of Lear, and not of Edgar Wallace."

Joseph & Stewart Alsop advocate an affirmative answer to the abiding question of whether the country could afford the Marshall Plan. The country could afford it. Current revenue was 43 billion dollars against a proposed budget by the President of 37 billion dollars, leaving six billion in surplus even without cutting of the budget by the Congress.

And projected business profits were better than in the previous year.

The aid had to be conditioned on the premise that the country would not suffer any economic depression or even a mild recession during the coming year. The chance of avoiding that condition was markedly improved by the Marshall Plan, as the European nations were now willing to take a chance on U.S. exports as against the trend which had been developing of hoarding precious dollars, making more money available in return for the aid. The aid would not be provided on a one-way street.

The country was living better than it or any other country ever had, despite high taxes and inflation, and despite the housing shortage. Such unprecedented prosperity would not continue if Europe were allowed to slip into political and economic chaos.

The coming election year would serve as temptation for both parties to use the Marshall Plan as a political lightning rod. But the country had always pulled through in the pinches, and when Secretary of State Marshall had made his speech at Harvard on June 5 announcing the new program, he was taking the calculated risk that it would do so again.

A letter writer, an Air Force sergeant stationed at Pope Field in North Carolina, tells of his opinion of the South, before his incipient discharge that he might return to "God's country" in the North. He had changed his impressions of the South in the year he had been stationed at Pope. Originally, he thought the land "lousy, backward, barbaric", but now found it more open-minded, as The News had proved in its coverage of the acquittal in late May of the 28 men in Greenville, S.C., in the lynching of Willie Earle. It showed that some Southerners were thinking even as justice was being "kicked in the pants".

He hopes that progress would continue until the South would no longer be a region unto itself, and envisages a time when Mason might even invite Dixon for a mint "'cocktail'".

He concludes: "Mind you. I still don't like the South, but who am I to throw glass houses?"

Presumably, he was declining to throw them at rocks.

A letter writer responds to the previous letter writer who had offered $100 to anyone who could show where the Bible promised an immortal soul, elevating humans above the beasts. She recommends Hebrews 10, especially verses 3 and 39. She then commends to him, as we did, John 3:16, (the citation which they flash at the ball games), tells the previous writer to take a razor blade and clip it, then burn his Bible, and he would still have the promise. She urges that the previous writer bow and pray.

She advises that the writer donate the $100 to something good and cites Matthew 6:3.

We got there before she did. Where's the dough? We're still waiting.

No? You may need that razor blade.

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