Monday, October 22, 1945

The Charlotte News

Monday, October 22, 1945

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that, as expected, the 216,000 coal miners who had been on strike since September 19 had returned to work per the directive of John L. Lewis of the previous week, dropping the nation's idle workers to 214,000, the lowest in more than a month. As also expected, a strike among 15,000 glass workers in ten cities had begun.

Others returning to work included 3,000 employees of the Packard electrical plant at Warren, Ohio, a division of G.M., 5,000 ship repairmen in Los Angeles, 1,500 at the G.E. X-Ray Corp. in Chicago, 1,400 at the Revere Copper & Brass Co. in Chicago, 2,000 Michigan utility workers, and 1,500 of the Seiberling Rubber Co. in Berkerton, Ohio.

The concentrated bulk of the remaining idle workers consisted of 61,700 lumber and sawmill employees in the Pacific Northwest.

As two days remained before the beginning of strike votes in the Big Three auto plants in Detroit, Walter Reuther, vice-president of the UAW, assured that General Motors could allow the demanded 30 percent wage increase to workers and still cut $100 from the cost of new Chevrolets versus that charged on the last models in production in 1942. He stated also that stockholders would earn at least 100 million dollars more than the average for the period 1936-39.

President Truman named North Carolina Chief Justice Walter Stacy to preside over the labor-management conference to begin November 5 in Washington.

In France, the first general election in nine years gave overwhelming approval to General De Gaulle and his plans to establish a Fourth Republic based on a new constitution. Power would vest in a provisional government for seven months while the constitution was being determined. Socialists, Communists, and the socialistically inclined MRP received the most votes in the election for the Assembly. Fifteen of sixteen of De Gaulle's appointed ministers who ran for the Council of Ministers won approval.

In Japan, the Government announced that the powerful Zaibatsu, family industrial monopoly, would be broken up of its own accord. The Japanese press charged, however, that the move was only reorganization in disguise, the Zaibatsu trying to escape responsibility for having supported Japanese militarism during and before the war.

Prince Konoye stated that Emperor Hirohito wished a stronger role for the Diet.

In Caracas, Venezuela, the military junta of young officers who had overrun the Government the previous week, had taken control of the Government and named a Cabinet pledging democratic ideals. Romulo Betancourt, a former newspaper columnist and one-time Communist who had renounced the party, was named President and Minister of the Interior. He promised free elections and that Venezuela would participate in hemispheric unity, that the country would respect the rights of foreign investors. The new Government abolished censorship of the press for the first time in the country's modern history.

Most of the resistance to the junta across the country had ceased. Speedy trials were promised for deposed President Isaas Medina y Angarita and General Eleazar Lopez Contreras, both accused by the rebel leaders of malfeasance in office, including misuse of public funds.

As set forth in conjunction with The News of October 22, 1937, on the evening of October 22, 1962, President Kennedy would for the first time inform the country in a solemn address of the build-up of offensive weapons in Cuba by the Soviet Union. To that point, no one outside the upper echelons of the Government and military had become aware of the crisis.

On Sunday, the President had, with success, implored the publisher of The New York Times, Orvil Dryfoos, after that publication had become aware of the crisis, not to run a story on it until after the President's announcement Monday, as it could seriously endanger matters by leading to calls for action prior to the President's outline of intended response, and alert the Soviets of American knowledge of the missiles before the President had finally determined what course to take.

On October 22, the President alerted for the first time former Presidents Hoover, Truman, and Eisenhower of the crisis.

Secretary of the Navy James Forrestal told the Senate Military Affairs Committee that he was opposed to combining the Army and Navy in a single Department of Defense, citing the unification of the forces in Germany as having helped to cause its defeat in the war. Senator Ed Johnson of Colorado quickly rejoindered that the problem had been instead the leader of Germany, not the unification of its armed forces. Secretary Forrestal believed that a single Cabinet Secretary might be unduly land-minded, Navy-minded, or air-minded, leading to problems.

Especially, if air-minded.

Scientists in Washington told Congress that they wanted freedom from Government restraints in conducting their research, that they could not churn out product as an assembly line.

In the thirteenth in the series of articles by General Jonathan Wainwright on the fall of Bataan and Corregidor in April and May, 1942, he tells of the new commander of Luzon, General Edward King, having sent word on April 7 that he might have to surrender his forces, given the enemy pressure on troops already starving and infected with malaria.

General MacArthur, who departed for Australia on March 11, had left explicit instructions to attack in such a situation, where supplies had been nearly exhausted. Thus, General Wainwright relayed the message to General King to do just that.

The Japanese pressure proved, however, too strong for the depleted and exhausted men of both the I Corps and II Corps defending Bataan. General Wainwright last spoke to General King at 3:00 a.m. on April 9, ordering him to counter-attack at dawn. There was no talk of intention to surrender.

General King then ordered all of his reserves to attack, but it proved futile, and within three hours word came that he had surrendered.

General Wainwright pays tribute to the nurses who acted as pioneer women in coming to Corregidor on April 9, exhausted, some wounded, but nevertheless ready to shoulder their responsibilities.

On the evening of April 9, the two submarines had arrived at Corregidor from Cebu with the much needed food, and after some evasion of Japanese planes, were able to offload the supplies on April 10. The men of Bataan who had needed the food most, however, never received it.

More than 50 brides of American servicemen who had accompanied their husbands to America from their homeland in Australia had boarded a ship for home, saying they were homesick and fed up with American life, too frenetic, too resentful of their marriage to Americans. Many were widows and others were divorcees. One said that America was nice but the people were "dreadful".

Good 'ay.

On the editorial page, "Lost Round" discusses the strident rhetoric which had erupted surrounding the refusal by the D.A.R. to allow Hazel Scott to perform in Constitution Hall in Washington, that it hearkened back to the divisive name-calling of the Roosevelt era.

On the one hand, Congressman John Rankin of Mississippi had called the opponents of the D.A.R. Communists. On the other, the Communists described the ban as an act of Fascism. And Ms. Scott's husband, Representative Adam Clayton Powell of New York, had called Bess Truman "the last lady" for her refusal to cancel her invitation from the D.A.R. to attend a tea, an invitation extended before the issue had arisen regarding Ms. Scott.

The piece offers that the struggle to break down racial intolerance had been and would continue to be a long and hard one, that it was rooted in ancient traditions of which disabuse was difficult. The process was not aided by the taking of such polar positions replete with vitriol on both sides, had only the effect of causing reason to break down in favor of emotional prejudices.

"Elmer Wasn't There" comments on the convention in Chicago of the new American Veterans of World War II, an organization in expressed competition with the American Legion. It had been an unusually serious affair as such conventions normally went, taking up such matters as the union closed shop.

The piece opines that normalcy would not be truly on the horizon until such conventioneers were reported to be paying for broken hotel furniture.

"Strange Journey"—strange indeed for its collision with history seventeen years hence—tells of the circuitous trip taken by Soviet Ambassador Andrei Gromyko from the London Conference to Moscow, via Washington. Speculation had been that he was bound for a salutary discussion of U.S.-Soviet relations with President Truman. But the White House had announced that he would instead consult with Secretary of State James Byrnes.

Mr. Gromyko, however, did not show up at the State Department, reported only to the Russian Embassy, leading to some degree of suspicion as to the motive for his stopover in the United States on his way back to Moscow.

"The next step is to post a watch on the chimney of the Soviet embassy to see if there is any sign of papers being burned."

While a jest on October 22, 1945, it would be a most deadly serious gesture observed in fact at the Soviet Embassy on Saturday, October 27, 1962, a sign of preparation for war, a war which likely would have been over within an hour or so. What transpired on the evening of October 27, 1962 in conversation between Attorney General Robert Kennedy and Ambassador Anatoly Dobrynin at the Justice Department would finally save the day, enabling by Sunday the whistling of a happier tune.

"Who Are They?" states that it had found during the war that it was likely that the overcrowded cities were so from the displaced farmers formerly in war jobs.

But a report of the Department of Agriculture showed that farming in North Carolina had increased since 1940, with over 12,000 new farms and nearly 125,000 additional farm acres.

With that set of statistics before them, the editors were stumped in determining from whence all the people moving into the city had come, Charlotte being no different from most cities in that regard during the war.

The excerpt from the Congressional Record has Representative Ben Jensen of Iowa discussing Federal aid to the construction of municipal airports in the country, an amendment being proposed to funnel all Federal aid through state agencies.

Representative William Gallagher of Minnesota and Representative Robert Rich of Pennsylvania each have their say, all three favoring turning the funding over to the states.

The amendment was narrowly defeated, whereupon its sponsor, Representative George Howell of Illinois, called for tellers. After the tellers were appointed, including Mr. Howell, another vote was taken and the amendment passed.

Drew Pearson tells the story of five American United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration workers who had been dismissed and sent home from Germany for complaining about certain abuses within the structure of UNRRA in Germany. They had been assigned to work in Stuttgart, within the British sector of UNRRA. The policy of the British was aimed at building up Polish aristocrats so that an army could be created to overthrow the present Soviet-backed Polish Government. The British brought in members of the Polish government-in-exile from London who worked to try to convince Russians who had been drafted by the Nazis into slave labor not to return to Russia.

The U.S. Army had to be sent into the area to free the Russians from the British-Polish influence.

In France, however, members of the Army were involved in black marketeering of UNRRA and Army supplies. The British had done little to stop it.

Mr. Pearson reminds that a year earlier in Greece, as he had reported March 22, a British UNRRA worker had been killed and was found to have a list of Greek rightist leaders who had been paid off to work against the leftists in the turmoil following ouster of the Nazis and the ensuing British occupation.

Among his "Capital Chaff" is the item that Connecticut Democrats were trying to persuade Supreme Court Justice William O. Douglas to run for the Senate seat against Tommy Hart. It was believed, however, that the efforts would be, as they were, futile.

Marquis Childs discusses the protectionist policies recommended by the Republicans in power in Congress in 1930, favoring the imposition of high tariffs to compensate for low wages paid in foreign countries resulting in cheaper products than could be manufactured within the United States. The climate of fear in the wake of the Crash of October, 1929 and the resulting Depression had resulted in the Smoot-Hawley Tariff Act.

Over a thousand economists warned Congress of dire consequences from imposing such high tariffs, that countries could not afford to buy the exports of the United States unless they could sell to the United States their own exports. Thus, high tariffs would diminish exports and only deepen the then existing high unemployment. They further warned that a tariff war would result among the nations, not conducive to world peace.

One ultimate result had been the collapse of Germany and the coming to power of Hitler. While it was likely an over-simplification to trace back to the tariff bill all of the ills of the 1930's, had free trade been encouraged by America, the way would have been opened for international cooperation.

Mr. Childs offers this analysis by way of comparing the warning to that being given by the scientists regarding control of the atomic bomb. They had issued the caveat that civilization would be condemned were atomic technology not devoted exclusively to peaceful ends through international control.

Mr. Childs favors listening this time to the experts.

A letter writer is irritated that it took twelve hours to fly from Charlotte or Asheville to St. Louis, with long layovers in intermediate stops, wanted more direct routes.

Had he ever flown TWA during the 1990's, he would have felt lucky to get to Charlotte from St. Louis in twelve days. One was lucky to cover the ground in two or three days, given that airline's miserable track record on missing its own connections, stranding plane loads of passengers overnight in St. Louis, and not even footing the motel bill or offering any other form of compensation.

Which is why they do not exist anymore.

Dorothy Thompson discusses the "ridiculous hysteria" transpiring with regard to the atom bomb, that most voices were stating the future as a choice of two options, World War III with concomitant annihilation or comity between nations.

Ms. Thompson seeks to intrude with the notion that any war would still have to be fought with conventional armies and that armies were comprised of human beings. None of the nations of the earth wanted anytime soon to fight another war, as the armies of all of the Allies were thoroughly disabused of any impetus to war. The same was true of Russia as with the United States and Great Britain.

Within the Russian occupation zones there were reports of looting and rape by the Russian soldiers, looting even being encouraged as a policy, indicative of loss of discipline within the armies. Poland had turned loose armed bands of marauders into Eastern Germany. The Russian supported governments of Poland, Yugoslavia, and Hungary had little or no popular backing and thus were without authority, leading on to chaos.

General Eisenhower had described the situation in Berlin as desperate, as Germany was on the verge of economic disaster from rampant inflation. The Government was dominated by Communists without popular support. Anarchy loomed.

What therefore should most be feared at this juncture, she offers, was not war but complete loss of authority within the occupied zones. World cooperation could not be effected from anarchy.

"The mob is a human variety of nuclear disintegration."

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