The Charlotte News

Monday, April 17, 1939

FIVE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: So add to Archie and Mehitabel the unfortunate described below who must have ultimately been yclept Spacey Legs.

Things were obviously getting a little slow at The News this April day, or springtime had simply sprung, to warrant queuing up enough letters under the mind's fingertips to form 325 words anent the squashing of a bug-ugly.

In any event, peace to Spacey Legs's ashes. His race was one hard fought, no doubt, even if lost finally beneath the paper swat, just as he tried apparently to gain some culture.

Perhaps, the sentiment of the sentinel involved in the swatting, however, was not so lightsome as at first it might appear; perhaps instead it was a release of some dark frustration and anxiety in Cash related to that discussed in "Tough Two Weeks" and "They Read It".

Here, the text of the telegram from FDR to Hitler, of which the two pieces speak:

THE WHITE HOUSE, April 14, 1939.

You realize I am sure that throughout the world hundreds of millions of human beings are living today in constant fear of a new war or even a series of wars.

The existence of this fear--and the possibility of such a conflict--is of definite concern to the people of the United States for whom I speak, as it must also be to the peoples of the other nations of the entire Western Hemisphere. All of them know that any major war, even if it were to be confined to other continents, must bear heavily on them during its continuance and also for generations to come.

Because of the fact that after the acute tension in which the world has been living during the past few weeks there would seem to be at least a momentary relaxation--because no troops are at this moment on the march--this may be an opportune moment for me to send you this message.

On a previous occasion I have addressed you in behalf of the settlement of political, economic, and social problems by peaceful methods and without resort to arms.

But the tide of events seems to have reverted to the threat of arms. If such threats continue, it seems inevitable that much of the world must become involved in common ruin. All the world, victor nations, vanquished nations, and neutral nations will suffer. I refuse to believe that the world is, of necessity, such a prisoner of destiny. On the contrary, it is clear that the leaders of great nations have it in their power to liberate their peoples from the disaster that impends.

It is equally clear that in their own minds and in their own hearts the peoples themselves desire that their fears be ended.

It is, however, unfortunately necessary to take cognizance of recent facts.

Three nations in Europe and one in Africa have seen their independent existence terminated. A vast territory in another independent nation of the Far East has been occupied by a neighboring state. Reports, which we trust are not true, insist that further acts of aggression are contemplated against still other independent nations. Plainly the world is moving toward the moment when this situation must end in catastrophe unless a more rational way of guiding events is found.

You have repeatedly asserted that you and the German people have no desire for war. If this is true there need be no war.

Nothing can persuade the peoples of the earth that any governing power has any right or need to inflict the consequences of war on its own or any other people save in the cause of self-evident home defense.

In making this statement we as Americans speak not through selfishness or fear or weakness. If we speak now it is with the voice of strength and with friendship for mankind. It is still clear to me that international problems can be solved at the council table.

It is therefore no answer to the plea for peaceful discussion for one side to plead that unless they receive assurances beforehand that the verdict will be theirs, they will not lay aside their arms. In conference rooms, as in courts, it is necessary that both sides enter upon the discussion in good faith, assuming that substantial justice will accrue to both; and it is customary and necessary that they leave their arms outside the room where they confer.

I am convinced that the cause of world peace would be greatly advanced if the nations of the world were to obtain a frank statement relating to the present and future policy of governments.

Because the United States, as one of the nations of the Western Hemisphere, is not involved in the immediate controversies which have arisen in Europe, I trust that you may be willing to make such a statement of policy to me as the head of a nation far removed from Europe in order that I, acting only with the responsibility and obligation of a friendly intermediary, may communicate such declaration to other nations now apprehensive as to the course which the policy of your Government may take.

Are you willing to give assurance that your armed forces will not attack or invade the territory or possessions of the following independent nations: Finland, Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Sweden, Norway, Denmark, The Netherlands, Belgium, Great Britain and Ireland, France, Portugal, Spain, Switzerland, Liechtenstein, Luxemburg, Poland, Hungary, Rumania, Yugoslavia, Russia, Bulgaria, Greece, Turkey, Iraq, the Arabias, Syria, Palestine, Egypt and Iran.

Such an assurance clearly must apply not only to the present day but also to a future sufficiently long to give every opportunity to work by peaceful methods for a more permanent peace. I therefore suggest that you construe the word "future" to apply to a minimum period of assured non-aggression--ten years at the least--a quarter of a century, if we dare look that far ahead.

If such assurance is given by your Government, I will immediately transmit it to the governments of the nations I have named and I will simultaneously inquire whether, as I am reasonably sure, each of the nations enumerated above will in turn give like assurance for transmission to you.

Reciprocal assurances such as I have outlined will bring to the world an immediate measure of relief.

I propose that if it is given, two essential problems shall promptly be discussed in the resulting peaceful surroundings, and in those discussions the Government of the United States will gladly take part.

The discussions which I have in mind relate to the most effective and immediate manner through which the peoples of the world can obtain progressive relief from the crushing burden of armament which is each day bringing them more closely to the brink of economic disaster. Simultaneously the Government of the United States would be prepared to take part in discussions looking towards the most practical manner of opening up avenues of international trade to the end that every nation of the earth may be enabled to buy and sell on equal terms in the world market as well as to possess assurance of obtaining the materials and products of peaceful economic life.

At the same time, those governments other than the United States which are directly interested could undertake such political discussions as they may consider necessary or desirable.

We recognize complex world problems which affect all humanity but we know that study and discussion of them must be held in an atmosphere of peace. Such an atmosphere of peace cannot exist if negotiations are overshadowed by the threat of force or by the fear of war.

I think you will not misunderstand the spirit of frankness in which I send you this message. Heads of great governments in this hour are literally responsible for the fate of humanity in the coming years. They cannot fail to hear the prayers of their peoples to be protected from the foreseeable chaos of war. History will hold them accountable for the lives and the happiness of all--even unto the least.

I hope that your answer will make it possible for humanity to lose fear and regain security for many years to come.

A similar message is being addressed to the Chief of the Italian Government.

FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT

Add: Justice

Concerning The Cause Of A Death Sentence

We were positive that we had written no editorials denouncing thousand-legs, so dismissed the notion that he had come irately with a rumpled clipping in his pocket. Nor did he look literary, as though he craved to emulate Archie the cockroach, who nocturnally wrote epistles on Don Marquis' typewriter by jumping with full force from frame to key. This fellow couldn't have found room to land anywhere except on the space bar.

Anyhow, he was a creature of many legs, a great many sprawling legs, with a slimy hairy little body among them--and as ugly as the very devil. When first sighted, he was endeavoring to make his way up the office wall, and falling back an inch for every two gained. It didn't matter, though, for abruptly he died, crushed into a mere stain by a wad of paper rightly wielded. All that was left of him was some of his many legs.

He did not die, mind you, because we were afraid of his bite. We thought of that no more than we thought of his merits. He died quite simply and wholly because he was ugly as the devil. Through no fault of his own, you see, for certainly he had not himself chosen to look like that. For all we may know he may have had the soul of a frustrated aesthete, yearning for the beauty of the Olympian Zeus and far-darting Apollo. Maybe he was the victim of some old feud between our race and his dating back to a time when his papas were huge as well as ugly and regularly dined on ours. Maybe, again, he was the victim of Nature's misguided efforts to protect him by making him ugly so as to scare his enemies off. About none of that do we know. All we know is that he died because, without his election, it was his misfortune to look to our human eyes like--ugh!

Flashback

No Wonder Senator Smith Wanted To Keep His Job(s)

No wonder Cotton Ed Smith objected so strenuously to being purged by the President last Spring. A principle dear to the South Carolina solon was at stake, and, besides that, the little matters of a Senator's salary, plus perquisites and the jobs of a whole family connection.

Washington Merry-Go-Round yesterday carried the roster of the Smith family's Federal employment. What brought up the subject was Senator Smith's request to the Senate for another clerk, at $3,600 a year. Already on the payroll, it was discovered, are:

The Senator....... $10,000 a year

A daughter............. 1,800 a year

Her husband...........3,900 a year

Another daughter...2,220 a year

Her husband.......... 1,440 a year

Altogether, Senator Smith, daughters and sons-in-law draw $19,340 annually from Uncle Sam, which in these times is not bad at all for a single family, not bad at all.

Note On Democracy

There's More To Elections Than The People's Voice

Now that all the names are in the pot, the voters of the city will look them over and, later, pick and choose among the 34 candidates for the eleven places on the City Council. And in doing so, they will be convinced that they are exercising their franchise to the point of exhaustion, taking an active part in municipal affairs and, as individuals, adding their volume to the voice of the people. But shucks!

This is all very well, and the people certainly are not to be left out of consideration. But they are a heterogeneous crowd, and they have different ideas and different friends. As a result, it is organization more than anything else that is the deciding factor in elections, and organization for political purposes is something your ordinary citizen simply will not bother with.

For organization means, somewhat as Mr. Pridgen was writing last week, consorting with for-hire politicians and attending absurd little precinct meetings and getting elected as a delegate to the county convention and belonging to the right crowd and all that. And your occasional franchise-exerciser can't be bothered with such details. He remains confident that in a democracy the will of the people is bound to prevail, as indeed it may, if it happens to match the choice of the dominant, well-heeled organization.

Tough Two Weeks

In Which Adolf Will Try To Crack The World's Nerve

The rage of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini at the appeal of President Roosevelt is understandable enough. What that appeal did was to strip away the last vestige of pretense and say bluntly: "Nobody is fooled any longer, Adolf and Benito, by your incessant cackle about 'justice, self-determination, rights, peace.' We know and you know that there are only two governments in the West, only three in all the world, which threaten to make a world war--and that those are your own and Japan's." It clearly and pointedly fixes the blame of this war before it begins, and puts the two in the position of defying all "decent respect for the opinion of mankind" if they reject the way out offered them.

Nevertheless at the moment, at least, it appears nearly certain that they will reject it. Britain and France are reported to see some hope in the fact that Hitler has announced that he will wait until he has convened the Reichstag on April 28 before replying. But that hope is not borne out by the tone taken by the stooge press in both Germany and Italy. What, in view of the past record, is much more likely is that we are in for another two weeks like that which preceded Munich--for a campaign deliberately planned to crack the nerve of the nations. Perhaps Hitler will take Danzig this week in the expectation that England and France will persuade Poland to acquiesce--an expectation that may or may not be borne out. Perhaps he will wait. But in any case, we are likely to see increasing troop concentrations in Germany, both in the West and on the Polish border, and on the Italo-French border, and to hear an increasing bellow--to be climaxed on the 28th with a speech which will be the speeches of Nurnberg, Godesburg, and the Sportspalast rolled into one--a screaming declaration that Hitler means to have all his way or else, and that "encirclement" will have to be destroyed before "peace" is possible. After that, he may strike Poland at once and leave the rest of the world to choose war or to accept the fait accompli. Or perhaps he may wait a day or two in the expectation of another Munich.

A speculation, of course, but in the light of the past, not, we think, a likely one. And if it so turns out--well, it may work. But the chances are that it would simply and finally present Adolf Hitler as a madman rushing himself and his silly Italian creatures straight upon the spears.

They Read It

Hitler's Paper Published A Roosevelt Communication

One curious thing in connection with Mr. Roosevelt's appeal to Hitler is that the whole text was published by Voelkischer Beobachter, official Nazi Party organ and primary mouthpiece of Adolf Hitler himself. That means that the message got to the German people generally, who dutifully read the propaganda sheet--for the very good reason that it is dangerous not to. It is the first time any such thing has happened. All of Chamberlain's speeches before Munich and since, as well as the text of Mr. Roosevelt's September peace appeal, his message to Congress, and subsequent speeches, have been rigidly suppressed.

Perhaps it is the most hopeful sign for peace in sight. Possibly it means that Hitler has at length begun to pay attention to reports that his people don't want war and desires to test out their reaction. But to assume that would be to assume far too much. For it is even more plausible that he knew that, with the great radio station at Strausbourg pounding it out incessantly, they'd get it anyhow, and so chose the bolder course--confident that, with their minds long conditioned to his curiously twisted interpretation of events, he will be able to prove to them, point by point, that it is in fact what his journals are calling it: an insolent assault with lies on the good name and faith of Germany.

 


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