The Charlotte News

Friday, March 17, 1939


Site Ed. Note: "A Man Is Sorry" tells us of the contrition of Chamberlain for "having unchained a mad dog in the world".

On this date, though the comment to which the piece alludes is not in it, Chamberlain gave the following speech in Birmingham, wherein he questions rhetorically what happened to Hitler's respect for self-determination in Czechoslovakia which he promised Chamberlain and Daladier at Munich. One could have easily responded, of course, that it was, quite predictably, in the same place it had been a year earlier when Anschluss came to Austria. The speech, besides engaging in a sort of pitiful denial of responsibility for the whole debacle of Munich, betrays in it the naivete which led Chamberlain to engage in the first place in such wishful thinking as to attempt appeasement with such a being, quite ignoring Aesop's fabular admonition.

But, leaders of countries will often do strange and inexplicable things when they have the favor of their moneyed friends in banking and industry at stake to maintain and curry.

The notion that Chamberlain bought a year of time to better enable preparation by Britain and France for war breaks down in the premises, for, moreover, it also afforded Hitler, far more crucially, that year to build and establish his own satrapic empire the more, especially, as Cash points out, the very land and industry and resources at issue in Czechoslovakia, as a stepping stone to Poland, as a stepping stone to France, Great Britain, the Ukraine, Russia proper.

As war was inevitable by March, 1939, we could say that it should have occurred then and there--but Chamberlain only continued to mouth hollow words. But, of course, hindsight is always pluperfect.

I had intended to-night to talk to you upon a variety of subjects, upon trade and employment, upon social service, and upon finance. But the tremendous events which have been taking place this week in Europe have thrown everything else into the background, and I feel that what you, and those who are not in this hall but are listening to me, will want to hear is some indication of the views of His Majesty's Government as to the nature and the implications of those events.

One thing is certain. Public opinion in the world has received a sharper shock than has ever yet been administered to it, even by the present regime in Germany. What may be the ultimate effects of this profound disturbance on men's minds cannot yet be foretold, but I am sure that it must be far-reaching in its results upon the future. Last Wednesday we had a debate upon it in the House of Commons. That was the day on which the German troops entered Czecho-Slovakia, and all of us, but particularly the Government, were at a disadvantage because the information that we had was only partial; much of it was unofficial. We had no time to digest it, much less to form a considered opinion upon it. And so it necessarily followed that I, speaking on behalf of the Government, with all the responsibility that attaches to that position, was obliged to confine myself to a very restrained and cautious exposition, on what at the time I felt I could make but little commentary. And, perhaps naturally, that somewhat cool and objective statement gave rise to a misapprehension, and some people thought that because I spoke quietly, because I gave little expression to feeling, therefore my colleagues and I did not feel strongly on the subject. I hope to correct that mistake to-night.

But I want to say something first about an argument which has developed out of these events and which was used in that debate, and has appeared since in various organs of the press. It has been suggested that this occupation of Czecho-Slovakia was the direct consequence of the visit which I paid to Germany last autumn, and that, since the result of these events has been to tear up the settlement that was arrived at at Munich, that proves that the whole circumstances of those visits were wrong. It is said that, as this was the personal policy of the Prime Minister, the blame for the fate of Czecho-Slovakia must rest upon his shoulders. That is an entirely unwarrantable conclusion. The facts as they are to-day cannot change the facts as they were last September. If I was right then, I am still right now. Then there are some people who say: "We considered you were wrong in September, and now we have been proved to be right." Let me examine that. When I decided to go to Germany I never expected that I was going to escape criticism. Indeed, I did not go there to get popularity. I went there first and foremost because, in what appeared to be an almost desperate situation, that seemed to me to offer the only chance of averting a European war. And I might remind you that, when it was first announced that I was going, not a voice was raised in criticism. Everyone applauded that effort. It was only later, when it appeared that the results of the final settlement fell short of the expectations of some who did not fully appreciate the facts--it was only then that the attack began, and even then it was not the visit, it was the terms of settlement that were disapproved.

Well, I have never denied that the terms which I was able to secure at Munich were not those that I myself would have desired. But, as I explained then, I had to deal with no new problem. This was something that had existed ever since the Treaty of Versailles--a problem that ought to have been solved long ago if only the statesmen of the last twenty years had taken broader and more enlightened views of their duty. It had become like a disease which had been long neglected, and a surgical operation was necessary to save the life of the patient.

After all, the first and the most immediate object of my visit was achieved. The peace of Europe was saved; and, if it had not been for those visits, hundreds of thousands of families would to-day have been in mourning for the flower of Europe's best manhood. I would like once again to express my grateful thanks to all those correspondents who have written me from all over the world to express their gratitude and their appreciation of what I did then and of what I have been trying to do since.

Really I have no need to defend my visits to Germany last autumn, for what was the alternative? Nothing that we could have done, nothing that France could have done, or Russia could have done could possibly have saved Czecho-Slovakia from invasion and destruction. Even if we had subsequently gone to war to punish Germany for her actions, and if after the frightful losses which would have been inflicted upon all partakers in the war we had been victorious in the end, never could we have reconstructed Czecho-Slovakia as she was framed by the Treaty of Versailles.

But I had another purpose, too, in going to Munich. That was to further the policy which I have been pursuing ever since I have been in my present position--a policy which is sometimes called European appeasement, although I do not think myself that that is a very happy term or one which accurately describes its purpose. If that policy were to succeed, it was essential that no Power should seek to obtain a general domination of Europe; but that each one should be contented to obtain reasonable facilities for developing its own resources, securing its own share of international trade, and improving the conditions of its own people. I felt that, although that might well mean a clash of interests between different States, nevertheless, by the exercise of mutual good will and understanding of what were the limits of the desires of others, it should be possible to resolve all differences by discussion and without armed conflict. I hoped in going to Munich to find out by personal contact what was in Herr Hitler's mind, and whether it was likely that he would be willing to co-operate in a programme of that kind. Well, the atmosphere in which our discussions were conducted was not a very favourable one, because we were in the middle of an acute crisis; but, nevertheless, in the intervals between more official conversations I had some opportunities of talking with him and of hearing his views, and I thought that results were not altogether unsatisfactory. When I came back after my second visit I told the House of Commons of a conversation I had had with Herr Hitler, of which I said that, speaking with great earnestness, he repeated what he had already said at Berchtesgaden--namely, that this was the last of his territorial ambitions in Europe, and that he had no wish to include in the Reich people of other races than German. Herr Hitler himself confirmed this account of the conversation in the speech which he made at the Sportpalast in Berlin, when he said: "This is the last territorial claim which I have to make in Europe." And a little later in the same speech he said: "I have assured Mr. Chamberlain, and I emphasise it now, that when this problem is solved Germany has no more territorial problems in Europe." And he added: "I shall not be interested in the Czech State any more, and I can guarantee it. We don't want any Czechs any more."

And then in the Munich Agreement itself, which bears Herr Hitler's signature, there is this clause: "The final determination of the frontiers will be carried out by the international commission"--the final determination. And, lastly, in that declaration which he and I signed together at Munich, we declared that any other question which might concern our two countries should be dealt with by the method of consultation.

Well, in view of those repeated assurances, given voluntarily to me, I considered myself justified in founding a hope upon them that once this Czecho-Slovakian question was settled, as it seemed at Munich it would be, it would be possible to carry farther that policy of appeasement which I have described. But, notwithstanding, at the same time I was not prepared to relax precautions until I was satisfied that the policy had been established and had been accepted by others, and therefore, after Munich, our defence programme was actually accelerated, and it was expanded so as to remedy certain weaknesses which had become apparent during the crisis. I am convinced that after Munich the great majority of British people shared my hope, and ardently desired that that policy should be carried further. But to-day I share their disappointment, their indignation, that those hopes have been so wantonly shattered.

How can these events this week be reconciled with those assurances which I have read out to you? Surely, as a joint signatory of the Munich Agreement, I was entitled, if Herr Hitler thought it ought to be undone, to that consultation which is provided for in the Munich declaration. Instead of that he has taken the law into his own hands. Before even the Czech President was received, and confronted with demands which he had no power to resist, the German troops were on the move, and within a few hours they were in the Czech capital.

According to the proclamation which was read out in Prague yesterday, Bohemia and Moravia have been annexed to the German Reich. Non-German inhabitants, who, of course, include the Czechs, are placed under the German Protector in the German Protectorate. They are to be subject to the political, military and economic needs of the Reich. They are called self-governing States, but the Reich is to take charge of their foreign policy, their customs and their excise, their bank reserves, and the equipment of the disarmed Czech forces. Perhaps most sinister of all, we hear again of the appearance of the Gestapo, the secret police, followed by the usual tale of wholesale arrests of prominent individuals, with consequences with which we are all familiar.

Every man and woman in this country who remembers the fate of the Jews and the political prisoners in Austria must be filled to-day with distress and foreboding. Who can fail to feel his heart go out in sympathy to the proud and brave people who have so suddenly been subjected to this invasion, whose liberties are curtailed, whose national independence has gone? What has become of this declaration of "No further territorial ambition"? What has become of the assurance "We don't want Czechs in the Reich"? What regard had been paid here to that principle of self-determination on which Herr Hitler argued so vehemently with me at Berchtesgaden when he was asking for the severance of Sudetenland from Czecho-Slovakia and its inclusion in the German Reich?

Now we are told that this seizure of territory has been necessitated by disturbances in Czecho-Slovakia. We are told that the proclamation of this new German Protectorate against the will of its inhabitants has been rendered inevitable by disorders which threatened the peace and security of her mighty neighbour. If there were disorders, were they not fomented from without? And can anybody outside Germany take seriously the idea that they could be a danger to that great country, that they could provide any justification for what has happened?

Does not the question inevitably arise in our minds, if it is so easy to discover good reasons for ignoring assurances so solemnly and so repeatedly given, what reliance can be placed upon any other assurances that come from the same source?

There is another set of questions which almost inevitably must occur in our minds and to the minds of others, perhaps even in Germany herself. Germany, under her present regime, has sprung a series of unpleasant surprises upon the world. The Rhineland, the Austrian Anschluss, the severance of Sudetenland--all these things shocked and affronted public opinion throughout the world. Yet, however much we might take exception to the methods which were adopted in each of those cases, there was something to be said, whether on account of racial affinity or of just claims too long resisted--there was something to be said for the necessity of a change in the existing situation.

But the events which have taken place this week in complete disregard of the principles laid down by the German Government itself seem to fall into a different category, and they must cause us all to be asking ourselves: "Is this the end of an old adventure, or is it the beginning of a new?"

"Is this the last attack upon a small State, or is it to be followed by others? Is this, in fact, a step in the direction of an attempt to dominate the world by force?"

Those are grave and serious questions. I am not going to answer them to-night. But I am sure they will require the grave and serious consideration not only of Germany's neighbours, but of others, perhaps even beyond the confines of Europe. Already there are indications that the process has begun, and it is obvious that it is likely now to be speeded up.

We ourselves will naturally turn first to our partners in the British Commonwealth of Nations and to France, to whom we are so closely bound, and I have no doubt that others, too, knowing that we are not disinterested in what goes on in South-Eastern Europe, will wish to have our counsel and advice.

In our own country we must all review the position with that sense of responsibility which its gravity demands. Nothing must be excluded from that review which bears upon the national safety. Every aspect of our national life must be looked at again from that angle. The Government, as always, must bear the main responsibility, but I know that all individuals will wish to review their own position, too, and to consider again if they have done all they can to offer their service to the State.

I do not believe there is anyone who will question my sincerity when I say there is hardly anything I would not sacrifice for peace. But there is one thing that I must except, and that is the liberty that we have enjoyed for hundreds of years, and which we will never surrender. That I, of all men, should feel called upon to make such a declaration-that is the measure of the extent to which these events have shattered the confidence which was just beginning to show its head and which, if it had been allowed to grow, might have made this year memorable for the return of all Europe to sanity and stability.

It is only six weeks ago that I was speaking in this city, and that I alluded to rumours and suspicions which I said ought to be swept away. I pointed out that any demand to dominate the world by force was one which the democracies must resist, and I added that I could not believe that such a challenge was intended, because no Government with the interests of its own people at heart could expose them for such a claim to the horrors of world war.

And, indeed, with the lessons of history for all to read, it seems incredible that we should see such a challenge. I feel bound to repeat that, while I am not prepared to engage this country by new unspecified commitments operating under conditions which cannot now be foreseen, yet no greater mistake could be made than to suppose that, because it believes war to be a senseless and cruel thing, this nation has so lost its fibre that it will not take part to the utmost of its power in resisting such a challenge if it ever were made. For that declaration I am convinced that I have not merely the support, the sympathy, the confidence of my fellow-countrymen and countrywomen, but I shall have also the approval of the whole British Empire and of all other nations who value peace, indeed, but who value freedom even more.

The Papers in the Case*

Besides the absentee ballot, which nobody wants to see legalized in municipal elections, a Public Weal objection to the new omnibus City Charter is the section reading that--

The Mayor shall have authority to require any officer of the City to exhibit his official books and papers, and the refusal of any officer when so required, shall be deemed a forfeiture and the abandonment of office...

The Public Weal may be thinking, perhaps, that this relates to a passage between Chief of Detectives Littlejohn and Attorney H. L. Taylor in a damage suit against Keith Beaty, 10-cent-taxi magnate, by Mozelle Steele, claiming seduction and an illegal operation. Chief Littlejohn had been brought into the case as a result of charges made in the course of the trial that he had attempted extortion, and during his cross-examination by Mr. Taylor this exchange took place:

Q. State whether or not you told Mozelle Steele that you were working on Beaty and the City Council and the City Attorney.

A. Most positively no... That's a reflection on my intelligence. Why would I talk to her about the City Attorney and the City Council?

Q. Well, I'm just asking you.

A. Well, I'm denying it.

Mr. Littlejohn did not deny, it will be noted (not having been asked), that he had been "working on" the matters darkly hinted at here. So that, without assuming to speak for the Public Weal, we may guess that it fears it may be the papers in this investigation which some Mayor--not necessarily the present Mayor--might require Chief Littlejohn to produce.

Some Legislature!*

This is a heck of a Legislature, if you know what we mean. It has dallied along aimlessly for some weeks, in which respect it is no different from its predecessors, and when it finally did get to going on the main business of the session--revenue appropriations--both the House and Senate perfunctorily put through a revenue bill which everybody knew would raise an insufficient amount of money for the appropriations that were in the cards, and then when the Appropriations Bill came up the House proceeded to make additional allotments here and there, further unbalancing the budget, but apparently not giving two whoops and a holler and having, to be sure, the express but inexplicable approval of that arch-conservative fiscal director, Governor Hoey. The padded bill went through with a bang.

The Senate Appropriations Committee stopped long enough yesterday to cast up accounts and hear Revenue Commissioner Maxwell state that revenue appropriations were out of balance by $873,828--this on top of a hidden imbalance caused by deliberately raising estimates of revenue to be produced without raising or extending the tax rate which produce it. Perhaps the Senate will bring the Legislature as a whole to do its duty, but in any case this is a heck of a Legislature.

It has displayed the crassest indifference to honesty at the polls, eliminating the absentee ballot and professional markers from primaries, which is to say between Democrats, and retaining them in elections, which is to say for use against Republicans in any remote quarter from which they might threaten. And this week the House tabled the Justice of the Peace Bill which sought to reduce the number of magistrates and curtail some of the malpractices of these courts to which, for all their lowliness, the State delegates the power to send people to jail or to hand out fines and, worst of all, to sack the ignorant and uninfluential with court costs, which is a euphemism for jaypee wages. The House obviously preferred to retain the traditional jaypee system for its uses in politics, and hang the question of justice for the people.

Verily, let it be set down once again and finally. This is a heck of a Legislature.

A Man Is Sorry

The man we call Mr. Bumble says he is "bitterly sorry" that Mr. Hitler has acted like that. And we have no doubt of it: he is. Even for a man as marvelously gifted at understatement as he, this is probably a wonder of understatement, indeed. Certainly, he has every reason to be sorry. Six months after he came home grinning with triumph to announce that he had achieved "peace with honor," that Mr. Hitler was a man of good will whose word could be trusted implicitly, and that complete "appeasement" was already on the boards, he stands revealed as the prize sucker of modern diplomacy.

Czechoslovakia has been swallowed up by Hitler without a fight. The Czechs have been made slaves of the German state, "subjects" without any voice in the government of their land--a hundred times worse off than they were under the Austro-Hungarian empire, which never at any time dared to hand them over to the tender mercies of the few thousands of German "citizens" who live among and who hate them mortally.

The solemn word of honor of England has been given to an impossible engagement and has had to be thrown away--cast aside like that "scrap of paper" in Belgium over which, you remember, England said she went to war in 1914. Adolf Hitler stands absolute master of the near East. Hungary is already in the bag. Poland and Rumania have no real choice left. And after that--the Ukraine? Ah, but Russia will fight, and Bumble will yet have the satisfaction of seeing Germany and Russia bleed each other to death? But already Stalin indicates that he has no intention of being caught in any such trap. Before the year is out the two may very easily make a hard and fast alliance under which Stalin will become a satellite of Berlin, as Mussolini is already, and under which Hitler will get what he wants, undisputed and certain access to the wheat, iron and oil of the Ukraine. And then the colossus will come back to settle accounts with the Western powers.

Will come back with at least 60 more divisions to kill Englishmen than he would have come with last year, counting the troops he will be able to draw from his new satellites. With two shells and two guns for every one he could have brought last year--for among other things Adolf finally and completely took the Skoda arms works the other day. And with unlimited power to feed his people and stay upon his course.

Oh, yes, for all that, no doubt, Bumble is sorry. Who could be anything but sorry who sees at last that he has unchained a mad dog in the world? And perhaps even sorrier for this--that he has already incautiously all but promised the British people a general election this year. And that now he must either back down and try to hold onto power for himself regardless, or go to the country without a leg to stand on.

You Can Head It

Here, messires, is a remarkable contrast in expressions which may prove of some help in assigning a motive for the Nazi entry into what used to be Czechoslovakia. The first quotation is from Lord Hitler's proclamation of a "protectorate" over Bohemia and Moravia:

"Filled with an earnest desire to serve the true interests of the peoples dwelling in this living space, to safeguard the national and individual characteristics of the German and Czech peoples, to serve the peace and social welfare of all, I therefore decree..."

This, of course, was for public consumption. But now turn to Hitler's own newspaper, the Voelkischer-Beobachter, and observe this frankly jubilant cataloging of Czech assets and resources:

In the neighborhood of Beraun immense iron ore deposits yield 500,000 tons of ore annually.

Mines at Ikadno produce 2,000,000 tons of coal annually, at Dobnany... and at Maerisch-Ostrau...

One hundred thousand tons of lead and silver...

There are unworked coal deposits in...

Bohemia and Moravia raise yearly 15,000,000 hundredweights of wheat and 60,000,000 hundredweights of sugar beets.

And so on...

We don't know whether to head this piece "Virtue Is Its Own Reward" or "Murder Will Out."


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