The Charlotte News
Saturday, March 23, 1957
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Robert F. Kennedy, counsel for the Senate Select Committee investigating racketeering and organized crime influence in the Teamsters Union, had stated this date that one of the points the Committee would investigate when Teamsters president Dave Beck would appear the following Tuesday would be union cash which continued to be paid to Mr. Beck after he had been promoted from being the union's West Coast boss to its presidency in 1952. Mr. Kennedy said that the more than $270,000 which Mr. Beck had repaid the West Coast units of the Teamsters starting in 1954, after Federal tax agents had begun investigating his finances, was "by no means the end of the picture on Mr. Beck." He also said that the Committee knew where Mr. Beck had obtained the money to make the $270,000 in repayments, but did not elaborate.
In Tucker's Town, Bermuda, the President and British Prime Minister Harold Macmillan were winding up their conference this date after two days of consultation, with it appearing that the worst wounds in Anglo-American relations had been healed and a working partnership in world affairs restored. Officials said that there was a possibility that they would have a final meeting the following morning, but it was hoped that the principal work would be completed this night. The President planned to depart for Washington the following day, either by plane or aboard a guided missile cruiser—as opposed to aboard a guided Cruise missile.
In Tokyo, it was reported that a U.S. Navy destroyer had plowed through choppy seas this date to investigate a report of "yellow objects" as a possible clue to the fate of 67 missing Americans aboard a military transport plane which had disappeared the previous day off the coast of Japan. What had been described as the greatest air-sea search in the history of the Far East had yet to turn up any evidence of any objects connected with the missing C-97 transport, which had gone down in the area being searched during a flight from Travis Air Force Base north of San Francisco to Japan. The plane carried yellow life rafts and yellow life jackets, and packets of yellow dye marker.
In Knoxville, Tenn., segregationist John Kasper had been returned to jail, charged a second time with contempt for causing racial disorder at nearby Clinton, subject of racial unrest the prior fall during the attempt to integrate the local high school, that unrest having been stimulated by Mr. Kasper, resulting in his having been charged with inciting a riot, state charges on which he was acquitted, and with criminal contempt by the U.S. District Court in Knoxville for violating a court order not to interfere with the peaceful integration of the high school, on which he was convicted. Mr. Kasper was appealing the one-year sentence on that conviction, resulting from the riots the previous August and September, when the high school had admitted 12 black students pursuant to a U.S. District Court order, following the mandate from the Supreme Court. He was freed under a $10,000 bond on the conviction, pending the appeal set to be heard the following month. No bond had yet been set on the new contempt charge.
In San Francisco, a sharp aftershock from the previous day's relatively large earthquake and series of aftershocks had jolted the city and the Bay Area early this date, with a three-alarm fire having occurred in midtown following the tremor which had occurred shortly after midnight. The assistant fire chief, however, said that the fire was probably not caused by the tremor. The previous day's earthquakes had injured 30 persons and caused minor but widespread damage, almost impossible to assess in monetary terms. The fire chief said that the first alarm this date had come eight minutes after the tremor. Fifty persons had been forced to evacuate their housing and three had suffered slight injuries in the fire. A seismologist at Santa Clara University said that the aftershock registered 4.0 on the Richter scale. The earthquake of the previous day had been the worst since the disastrous 1906 earthquake and fire, registering 5.5 on the Richter scale, compared with the estimated 8.25 for the 1906 quake, occurring before the development of the scale. Tall buildings and the Golden Gate Bridge had swayed. In South San Francisco and adjacent Daly City, plate glass windows had shattered and supermarket shelves had spilled their contents onto floors, with dirt and rock slides and subsidence having blocked parts of Highway 1 along the coast. There had been two rapid-fire heavy shocks just prior to noon the previous day, with aftershocks continuing throughout the afternoon and night. The University of California in Berkeley recorded 49 such aftershocks on its seismograph, with most of those having been so weak, however, that the tremors could not be felt. The epicenter of the quake, which had been on the San Andreas fault, appeared to have been in Daly City and the tremors could be felt 100 miles eastward to Sacramento and 75 miles southward to Hollister, below San Jose at the base of the peninsula. The Richter scale progressed on a logarithmic pattern, meaning that a rating of two was ten times greater than one and that three was 100 times greater than one, etc. Thus the previous day's quake was substantially less than a hundredth the size of the estimated strength of the 1906 quake—the greatest damage from which, however, had been caused by the resulting fires. It had been violent enough, however, to alarm the entire region and destructive enough to cause cumulative damage probably ranging into the millions of dollars. In addition to minor damage to countless homes and visible road damage, several reservoirs had been cracked. Schools in southern San Francisco had been evacuated.
The San Andreas was simply acting
up, registering disapproval that the defending national champion Dons
from 1955 and 1956 were predicted to finish fourth in the weekend
NCAA Tournament. You have to know how to talk
In Charlotte, more than 425 Harvard alumni, their wives and guests, would attend the Harvard dinner which would begin with a social hour this date at Radio Center on South Boulevard. News publisher Thomas L. Robinson was the president of the local Harvard Club. Twenty-three university and college presidents from the two Carolinas, and their wives, were coming to Charlotte to attend the dinner in honor of Harvard's president, Dr. Nathan Pusey, and his wife. Dr. John Cunningham of Davidson College would provide the invocation. Dr. Pusey would speak on "Harvard and the Impending Crisis in Education", expected to provide a picture of the development on which Harvard had embarked for the ensuing three years.
In Charlotte, City Council member Steve Dellinger announced this date that he would seek re-election for his fourth two-year term in May, the third incumbent to announce. All members were expected to do so.
Charles Kuralt of The News reports that the City's bonded indebtedness was 33.2 million dollars and the County's bonded indebtedness was 25.9 million, and neither had ever been higher. Each and every man, woman and child in rural Mecklenburg County was paying $94.34 toward the County's indebtedness, while each city resident paid $330.41. There was an additional bond issue for nine million dollars to be voted on May 7 which would increase those figures, and if passed, the bond issue would be three times larger than all bond issues between 1936 and 1946 combined. Nevertheless, he assures, the county was not teetering on the brink of bankruptcy, indeed was well-off, with the percentage of taxes going to pay the bonded indebtedness being practically at a low ebb, despite millions of dollars worth of bonds having been passed since the end of World War II. In 1939, for example, about 28 percent of all taxes had gone to pay off the bonded indebtedness, and presently, only 9 percent of the City tax dollar and 17 percent of the County tax dollar went to bonds. He explains further and offers a chart.
Julian Scheer of The News reports that Frank Sims, a member of the ABC board in Charlotte, who had been called "the staff of life lobbyist" by former News editor and associate editor Burke Davis, presently with the Greensboro Daily News, had turned animal trainer recently after receiving a couple of alligators from a friend and having stashed them in his Sir Walter Raleigh Hotel room for "entertainment", causing the bellboy and the maid to avoid his room. A Red Skelton-type comic at times, Mr. Sims had slipped one of the 50-inch reptiles into the bathtub of State Representative W. W. Wall of Marion, who then reached down to grab it, thinking that it was a stuffed animal, only to recover quickly enough to think it would be a good prank to pull on another State Representative, W. D. Reynolds of Robeson County, who was affectionately known to his compatriots as "Peavine". So he placed the reptile in the shower of the latter, who then passed Mr. Wall in some terror on the way out of the room, Mr. Wall yelling innocently: "What is it? Is it a lizard?" Mr. Reynolds said that it was a "gallivator". He was so upset that he paced the floor all night, Mr. Scheer concluding, "The world loves a jokester?"
Bob Quincy, sports editor of The News, reports again from Kansas City on the previous night's semifinal games and this night's final of the NCAA basketball Tournament, which would pit the winners from the previous night, number one UNC, 31-0, after barely getting by underdog Michigan State in three overtimes, 74-70, and Kansas, number two in the final Associated Press poll, which crushed the unranked two-time defending national champion University of San Francisco, 80 to 56, after leading by only four points at halftime. Kansas shot 60 percent in the effort. UNC had shot only 31 percent from the field, while Michigan State had shot an even poorer 29 percent. The game was tied at 29 at halftime, was tied at exactly twice that total at the end of regulation, was tied at 64 at the end of the first overtime and at 66 at the end of the second. Guard Bob Cunningham had scored 19 points for the Tar Heels, to make up for an "off night" by star forward Lennie Rosenbluth, who nevertheless scored 31 points, but had an off-shooting night, getting blocked numerous times by the Spartans' "kangaroo", Johnny Green—predictive of another Cunningham who would play for UNC between 1963 and 1965. Guard Tommy Kearns also had a bad game, scoring only 6. Coach Frank McGuire said that he could not recall when his guard had such a poor performance, and also felt that his All-American forward had a bad game, believed his team was lucky to have won. The team was behind late in regulation by five points, when young Mr. Cunningham stole the ball and cut the margin to three. They had trailed by two points with only three seconds remaining in the first overtime, when forward Pete Brennan had scored a game-saving ten-foot jump shot. Usually playing an iron-five on the floor, they had used to good advantage three men off the bench, Roy Searcy, Bob Young, and Danny Lotz—the latter the brother of John Lotz, who would later be an assistant coach for eight years under Dean Smith before leaving to coach the University of Florida. The three substitutes had also helped save the game and the longest single-season winning streak to that point in NCAA basketball history.
For this night's contest, odds were being placed on Kansas, however, to win with Wilt Chamberlain, especially given that UNC was likely tired after the prolonged game of the previous night, even though they had played prior to the nightcap between Kansas and San Francisco. News prognosticator Joe Harris, however, had switched his prediction away from Kansas and now favored UNC by two points. He had been uncannily accurate throughout the tournament. Will his success continue? Will the Tar Heels perform as Governor Luther Hodges, in attendance for the games, had bid them, "bring home the bacon"? The game will not begin until about 10:30 and who knows when it will end? We think we shall take a long snooze, as we did last night. As indicated, our papa, who taught us our original points about UNC sports, having attended the institution, starting in 1928, during the first full season that Kenan Stadium hosted football games, was, unfortunately, required, as a Scout master, to attend, with our older brother, a Boy Scout jamboree somewhere in the wilds, where zombies no doubt proliferated, and were forced, in consequence, on a very rainy night, to try to pick up the contest on a fuzzy radio, fading in and out, while we had access to our cozy tv den down by the swamp, but, having no one at home to encourage us, wound up sleeping throughout the long live night, missing the whole thing. But we have heard much about it through the years and thus feel that we must have seen it in our sleep.
Incidentally, the remark made by coach McGuire, that his soundest strategy against Kansas, with its tall center, would probably be to grab a two-point lead and then freeze the ball, was somewhat of a harbinger perhaps of the strategy which UNC would follow under Dean Smith in 1968 when they faced UCLA and Lew Alcindor on their home court in Pauley Pavilion in the national championship game, after missing the opportunity the previous year, losing unexpectedly in Louisville to Dayton and a sizzling Don May in the semifinals by 14 points, after much press ballyhoo all that week regarding the the tenth anniversary of the national championship year, coach Smith having then opted to have the team play volleyball to avoid getting stale with too much basketball—and did it ever show, to our great dismay.
We do not wish to discuss further
the fiasco of 1968, resulting from the last minute decision by coach
Smith to slow the game down, save that it took until 1990 for Duke,
mercifully, against UNLV, to eliminate from the record books that
night's losing margin, something we admit to having cheered would
occur that night in 1990—that 1968 margin ironically matching the jersey number of a freshman who would sink a corner shot with 15 seconds left to ensure, along with an ensuing errant pass from a sleepy player who awakened too late, the next national championship victory for the Tar Heels. Suffice it to say that the strategy of
sloth did not work, also to our great dismay. Indeed, it would take
another 25 years for UNC to repeat—but we are getting ahead of
ourselves and giving away the candle. Watch
On the editorial page, "How Much Can the Budget Be Cut?" indicates that demands from big business for "dramatic cuts" in the Administration's record-breaking 72 billion dollar budget had hit vociferous heights during the week, with most of the sound and fury being based on the premise that the Federal budget was an economic document, when, in fact, it was not, but rather primarily a political document, rendering the chore of Congress in trying to make cuts quite painful.
Economist Martin Kessler of NYU's Institute of Economic Affairs had brought the truth into focus during the week when he said: "The difficulty with using budget and tax policy primarily as a means of encouraging economic growth is that this does not take into account the desires and needs of people which are often 'uneconomic' though deemed 'necessary'."
It finds that there was a continuing demand from the American people for Government services, and as long as that demand continued, the politicians would provide those services, with the result that the budget would not be substantially cut until the people decided they could get along with fewer services. Everyone was for "economy and efficiency", but a budget in which 63 percent of Federal revenue was earmarked for defense spending could not claim to be economical, suggesting the need for another standard by which to gauge the budget, that being the security of the country in a world situation heavy with peril. Some pundits were predicting that the President would receive more money for defense from Congress than that for which he was asking. The budget-cutters thus had to find another source from which to cut.
The area of civil benefits, including the farm program, conservation, health, urban renewal and the like, constituted over 24 percent of the budget, but those were the benefits which most Americans had insisted that their elected representatives had to provide them, leading to the question whether a politically-minded Congress could ignore that insistence and make drastic cuts in that area. It finds that it would hardly be the case, as Congress had a tendency to increase such benefits.
That left only 13 percent of the budget from which cuts could come, with 10 percent of it being the interest on the national debt, with little to be done about that. In the end, therefore, Congress could make cuts from the 3 percent set aside for administration of the Government. But the President had already boasted that he had trimmed away the bureaucratic fat accumulated during 20 years of Democratic excesses in that area and so it was doubtful that sizable cuts could be made there without adversely impacting the efficiency of government. Moreover, all bureaucracies, regardless of party, shared a natural tendency to protect their jobs.
It thus finds that any cuts which would be made from the budget would likely be done with a scalpel rather than a meat ax, that foreign aid could be cut and school construction and welfare costs reduced, but the major portion of the budget would remain intact unless the average citizen suddenly decided to trade the social fabric of post-Depression America for something very strange and different.
"Footnote" indicates that if the budget-cutters really wanted "drastic" action, they might try abolishing the Gregorian calendar, indicating that about 37.5 million dollars of the budget for fiscal 1958 was slated to provide civilian employees paid by the day with an extra day's pay the following February. (We do not understand the logic of that notion, as leap year would not come again until 1960—leap years always being coincident with U.S. quadrennial presidential election years, with the exception of turn-of-the-century years not divisible by 400. So be it…)
"'Nuts' Make the World Go 'Round" indicates that retiring UNC chancellor Robert House had stripped the problem of academic freedom at the University of some of its ornamental piety during the week when he had raised his voice in praise of the "nuts" on the faculty, meaning the men who were passionately devoted to certain ideas and would let no obstacle inhibit their determination to turn those ideas into reality.
It finds that at a time when intellectual timidity was the order of the day and when safety had become the rule of scholarship, the chancellor's down-to-earth bluntness had a "good, bracing sound." Without the "nuts", it ventures, it would be a stale and stagnant world, with the adventure of the human mind blocked, bringing science and invention to a halt and withering art and literature.
Thomas Jefferson, speaking of the University of Virginia, had once said: "This institution will be based on the illimitable freedom of the human mind. For here we are not afraid to follow the truth, wherever it may lead, not afraid to tolerate error so long as reason is left free to combat it."
It suggests that while the "nut" might be in error, trial and error was the principle by which progress was made, and academic freedom entailed the right to be wrong as well as the right to be right.
Victor Bryant, trustee of UNC, had reminded an audience at N.C. State recently that the University had discharged a professor in 1856 because he advocated the abolition of slavery, indicating that he could not help but speculate how fortunate the nation might have been had that professor and others like him prevailed, avoiding the collapse of reason which had made possible the Civil War some five years later.
Benjamin Franklin had been a "nut", passionately devoted to the idea that he could coax lightning down a string and bottle it in a jar. The Wright brothers likewise had been "nuts", as were Isaac Newton and Albert Einstein. The "nuts", it ventures, kept the wheels of progress turning while the "Casper Milquetoasts" slowed them down.
Dean Smith was not any Caspar Milquetoast. He was definitely a "nut".
"Brave New World" indicates that Madison Avenue had suggested that the American attitude toward the automobile had undergone a major change, that now that most citizens of the country had a car, it had ceased to be a prestige symbol to impress neighbors.
It finds it fine if it meant that Detroit would take the news to heart and purge its drawing boards of "high-tailed circus wagons and turn its attention back to nice, functional horseless carriages designed simply and solely to get its owner safely and comfortably from one place to another."
A piece from the Louisville Courier-Journal, titled "A Token of Hope", pays homage to the coming of spring, indicating that each morning it peered out of the window to see how all the flowers were faring, consoling itself with the thought that perhaps they had a purpose, even if they died to serve it.
"At this dull time of year, just as we penetrate the will of winter, we need a little show of bravery, of spirit, some small reminder that it won't be long until the winds will soften and the earth will stir, and all around us life will come bursting through a puff of spring."
Drew Pearson indicates that the Senate Select Committee investigating the Teamsters was preparing some major fireworks in New York City, at least as far as labor was concerned. One interesting piece of testimony which investigators had dug up was how Sam Zackman, former boss of the New York Taxi Cab Local 102 of the UAW, had obtained his charter. Mr. Zackman had secretly testified, in a statement to be used later, that he was looking around for a labor union and heard that the UAW was starving to death, that it would thus be a simple matter to obtain a charter from them.
Mr. Zackman said that he had always maintained a friendship with "Sam B.", who was well connected with the mob, and so he had called him up and asked him what he thought about the idea, and Mr. B. had said that he would investigate the possibilities of the deal and let him know, that Mr. Zackman had then waited for some time, during which his mob contact told him that he would have to make connections with the Chicago mob before he could obtain a contract. About a month before Mr. Zackman obtained the contract, a highly placed person, Paul Dorfman from Chicago, arrived in town and took a suite at the Hampshire House, inviting Mr. Zackman to the suite, introduced to Mr. Dorfman by Sam B. That had been just prior to his having obtained the charter. He had only met with Mr. Dorfman for a minute and Mr. B. had introduced him as the president of the new union, the latter intimating that it had taken a lot of money and effort with the Chicago mob to get the money for the charter and to obtain the charter.
Mr. Pearson indicates that a significant part in that secret interrogation had been played by Mr. Dorfman, one of the closest friends of Jimmy Hoffa, who had been seeking to displace Dave Beck as head of the Teamsters, and had been indicted the previous week for allegedly seeking to bribe an attorney investigator for the Senate Select Committee in exchange for getting advance peeks at the Committee's documents. Mr. Dorfman was head of the Waste Materials Handlers Union in Chicago and was so close to Mr. Hoffa that Mr. Dorfman's wife and son, Allen, had received a million dollars in commissions for handling Mr. Hoffa's welfare funds. When Mr. Dorfman had been cross-examined in June, 1953 about that fact by a House subcommittee chaired by Congressman Clare Hoffman of Michigan, Mr. Dorfman had pleaded the Fifth Amendment. Later, that probe was stopped by pressure and intervention from Postmaster General Arthur Summerfield, though the latter denied it.
Joseph Alsop, in Paris, tells of the Administration's diplomatic appointments having reached a point meriting public comment, with the latest news being that Senator McCarthy's deputy in the State Department, Scott McLeod, was set to be appointed Ambassador to Ireland, an apparent reward for having done more harm to the American foreign service than anyone else in recent memory.
He finds it a relatively minor incident, however, in a long and squalid story, indicating that most of the diplomatic posts in Europe during the year had been crudely placed on the auction block and sold to the highest bidder for cash. By accident, some of the rich men who had been named as ambassadors ought to do well. John Hay Whitney, for instance, named Ambassador to Britain, was entitled to receive a political appointment to a major embassy without regard to his contributions to the Republican Party. The Administration also had made two admirable non-political appointments, those of David K. E. Bruce to West Germany and Ellsworth Bunker to India.
Nevertheless, the overall record was not very good. For instance, the present Ambassador to Denmark, an experienced former foreign service officer, Robert Coe, owed his original appointment, not to his foreign service training, but to his family's enormous contributions to the 1952 Republican campaign fund. During the 1956 campaign, he was again approached by an old friend from among the RNC's money collectors, making the delicate suggestion that it was time to provide another substantial contribution. Ambassador Coe contributed $7,000, but it was deemed not enough and he was summarily informed that his services would be terminated in the spring. He would be replaced by a professional diplomat, Francis Willis, Minister to Switzerland, who was being moved to make room for a political appointment.
There was also a disdainful disregard for the feelings of U.S. allies, as in the case of Belgium, an important member of NATO. Four years earlier, the Belgians had not been too pleased to have the U.S. Ambassador be a large Republican contributor, Fred Alger of Michigan. But now, having presumably failed to make a sufficient contribution to the RNC coffers, at only $1,500, he was being replaced by another contributor, John Clifford Folger of Washington, with no known qualifications for the post except his service as treasurer of the RNC and his contribution, along with his wife, of $11,500.
In Holland, an able professional, Ambassador H. Freeman Matthews, was being replaced by the loyal Republican Civil Service Commission chairman, Philip Young. In other cases, public untruths had been freely indulged, with the Ambassador to the Soviet Union, Charles Bohlen, the leading Russian expert remaining in the Government, unchallenged as a leader of the whole Western community in Moscow, being transferred at his own request, according to the reports. But that was not true, with Ambassador Bohlen having been willing and even eager to continue in Moscow. He was being transferred to the Philippines to make room in Moscow for the present Ambassador to Austria, Llewellyn Thompson, who was a quite capable diplomatic professional. But Mr. Alsop indicates that both men would have better served the country in their present respective posts.
He stresses that it was no longer the 19th Century when the traffic in ambassadorships did no great harm. Now, the U.S. had great interests abroad with its ambassadors being the necessary guardians of those interests, such that their wealth did not matter or whether they were foreign service officers or from the outside, the only requisite being that they ought be well-qualified. He indicates that it was no excuse that the expense of embassies was high, as surely the U.S. could afford the few extra hundreds of thousands of dollars to spend on their embassies to get the best qualified ambassadors. He thus finds "the cheaply political traffic in ambassadorships, with its sordid checkbook side", having become a shocking business.
Doris Fleeson tells of former Pennsylvania Senator James Duff having not been the effective Senator whom his friends had thought he could and would be, but that enough had been learned during his single term to give his new client, Teamsters president Dave Beck, sound advice. As a result, Mr. Beck would appear voluntarily on Tuesday before the Senate Select Committee investigating racketeering and organized crime influence within the Teamsters, and would bring along his personal financial records, sought by the Committee.
Since Senator Duff's defeat the previous fall, he had been part of a Washington law firm which had long prospered under the guidance of Democrat Joseph Davies, Ambassador to the Soviet Union under FDR. Presently, Senator Duff was in Seattle consulting with his client and preparing to shield him as much as possible from the Washington spotlight.
Shortly after the Republicans had returned to power in 1953, Mr. Beck was celebrating his good fortune, with a large union treasury and unimpeachable fidelity to the Republican Party. But the Eisenhower Administration did not want labor braintrusters, or at least not the ones available to it. The President had placed Mr. Beck on the Government commission to formulate the highway program, which was logical enough for the president of the Teamsters, but not nourishing to Mr. Beck's ego. He did not understand, given his anti-Communist stance and being out of step with fellow labor leaders who had liked and supported the social planning of the New and Fair Deals, why he could not have a more influential role.
He had complained for some time that the Committee was out to get him because he had supported the President in both 1952 and 1956, a line which Mr. Duff probably would discourage, as would Republican members of the Committee. She suggests, however, that some unkind Senator might recall that Mr. Beck's explanation of why he put the Teamsters building on Capitol Hill was that it was so that they could watch Congress.
A letter writer indicates that as a result of an automobile being parked on a short, dead-end street, the police had stopped and written two tickets, taken a lady to headquarters and threatened her companion and her with jail if she refused to pay three dollars promptly before leaving headquarters. He indicates that if the police evaded established law, winked at convention, and avoided their duties and responsibilities, citizens ought not be censured for exercise of freedom from established restrictions and restraint commensurate with what they saw in some of the city's police officers.
A letter writer writes regarding
"Snuffy", a dog doomed to die until granted a reprieve by the movies, with many dog lovers being
happy that the dog had been spared and hoped that he would be placed
in a good home. She indicates that if the chief inspector for the Los
Angeles Dog Pound, from Arcadia, were to visit the Animal Rescue
League in Des Moines, he would likely be convinced that all dogs
ought be given a chance to live, as dogs
The writer, incidentally, unwittingly suggests a nickname
A letter writer from Pittsboro indicates that at the disarmament conference presently being held, the Russians had said that it would depart Eastern Europe when the U.S. departed Western Europe. He finds it necessary for the country to change its policies in that regard, suggests that if there were Russian armies in Central America with their guns pointed at the U.S. and the U.S. occupied Mexico as a buffer zone, it could not be imagined that the U.S. would advocate withdrawal of its forces from Mexico. He criticizes the U.S. for fussing with England and France about the poverty, ignorance, unhealthy conditions and hatred which they had permitted to exist in their colonies, while the U.S. had permitted similar conditions in Latin America, its protectorate for 127 years. "We need not fuss with the mirror if it reflects mud on our face. Furthermore, under the one-race-one-blood doctrine, which has been applied in Latin America without letup or hindrance, we have a mongrelized race that the devil would not have if he could avoid it." He favors examining the country's record before undertaking to revise and improve on what others had done, advising that those who lived in glass houses had to be careful about throwing stones.
He, of course, was the same writer who had written the previous day about the supposed "one-race-one-blood doctrine" leading to "amalgamation" of the races, complaining about UNC being a "veritable integration incubator" and thus not wanting to contribute to it pursuant to alumni solicitations. Some people, unfortunately, fail to benefit very much from a university education. As he had indicated in earlier correspondence with the newspaper, he was, however, quite old.
A letter from the chairman of the membership drive of the Mint Museum of Art thanks the newspaper for its cooperation and support in the form of articles and two editorials, which had provided invaluable assistance to their efforts to increase the membership list and financial aid to the Museum.
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