The Charlotte News

Saturday, August 18, 1956

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page and inside page report from Chicago that the conclusion the previous night of the Democratic convention, with the acceptance speeches of Adlai Stevenson and his newly nominated running mate, Senator Estes Kefauver, had been characterized by a forgive-and-forget attitude on the floor among the delegations, with the pervading theme being, "We will win," after the delegates had been fighting with one another all week. The previous night, however, they had put on a unity demonstration. Senator Kefauver, who had won a close and drama-filled race for the nomination as the vice-presidential candidate against Senator John F. Kennedy of Massachusetts, after Mr. Stevenson had thrown the issue of the vice-presidential nominee open to the convention, had shared the center stage with Mr. Stevenson at the end, Senator Kefauver, eventually, after a see-sawing contest for the second spot, having come out on top 755.5 to 589, following the shift of votes after the withdrawal from the race of Senators Albert Gore of Tennessee and Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, with Senator Kennedy at that point leading, only 38.5 votes short of a majority at 686.5. Former President Truman, who had harsh things to say in the past regarding both nominees, tacitly apologized to Mr. Stevenson for saying that he could not beat the President in November. Almost everybody of stature in the party was showing harmony by the end of the night, in contrast to the earlier days of the convention in which Mr. Truman had endorsed Governor Averell Harriman of New York for the nomination and made critical comments of Mr. Stevenson. The nominee, after 19 minutes of uproarious demonstrations to greet him at the podium, told Mr. Truman, "I am glad to have you on my side, again, sir." Mr. Truman, speaking ahead of the two nominees, had touched off waves of laughter by saying that "some stupid fellow I won't name" had been predicting that Mr. Stevenson could not beat the President. He characterized the nominee as a "real fighter", although earlier in the week, had been saying the opposite. He told the delegates not to be concerned about his forecast of Mr. Stevenson's defeat: "Don't let that worry you. That's what people were saying about me in 1948." Senator Kefauver, in his acceptance speech, promised to make it a vigorous campaign against the Republicans, saying that he hoped that the open convention for the second spot would set a precedent for the future, and that it would be very interesting to see whether the process would be followed at the Republican convention in San Francisco the following week.

Saul Pett of the Associated Press reports from Chicago that the Democrats had closed ranks so hard the previous night that they had almost knocked each other off the platform, starting with the crow being eaten by former President Truman during his speech. When Senator Kefauver had mounted the podium for his acceptance speech, he had shaken hands with the former President, an "old friend of the previous 15 minutes". The Senator said of Mr. Stevenson that he was a great campaigner, which he had, according to Mr. Pett, "managed to repress" a few weeks earlier when they were trying to clobber one another in the primaries. Mr. Kefauver had joined Mr. Stevenson at the podium and together they had raised their arms with hands clasped, when up stepped Mr. Truman, who had once been against both of them, followed by Governor Harriman, who had sought to beat Mr. Stevenson for the presidential nomination. "For 15 minutes, the crowd roared and applauded as Democrats paraded to the platform to hold hands with the candidates, smile for the delegates, wave at the cameras. When it was all over and Stevenson finally was allowed to begin his speech, he brought down the house, saying: 'That's more calisthenics exercise than I've had in many weeks.'"

During his acceptance speech, Mr. Stevenson had demanded that the Democratic leadership end the Republican "interval of aimless drifting." He said that there would be a major difference from his run in 1952, in that this time they would win. His 35-minute speech was interrupted by applause 53 times, as he lambasted the Administration and the Republican Party, to wild cheers of the delegates. Of his new running mate he had said: "A great Democrat" who could be trusted in the Presidency "if we are elected and it is God's will that I do not serve my full four years." He did not appear to exhibit much "moderation", a tag which some fellow Democrats had hung on him.

In San Francisco, California's 70-member delegation to the Republican convention would caucus this date, with the outcome expected to have an important bearing on the effort by Harold Stassen to dump Vice-President Nixon from the ticket and replace him with Massachusetts Governor Christian Herter. The Vice-President was due to arrive from Southern California this date to participate in a pre-caucus conference with California Governor Goodwin Knight and California Senator William Knowland, the Minority Leader. Governor Knight had long been cool toward Mr. Nixon, and had said that the California delegation should not endorse him because the President had called for an open convention, although having added that Mr. Nixon would be "entirely satisfactory" to have as a running mate. Senator Knowland and Governor Knight had met for an hour the previous night in the Governor's hotel suite at the Sheraton-Palace Hotel—where, incidentally, President Warren G. Harding had died in the Presidential Suite on August 2, 1923. Senator Knowland said that they had a "social visit" and that "the status remains quo." He later said that he did not have any further comment but that his position on an open convention to select a vice-presidential candidate had not changed. Republican leaders said privately that they had been impressed with the open convention choice of Senator Kefauver, and it appeared to raise the long-odds chance of a Republican shift from Vice-President Nixon as the running mate. Mr. Nixon had stated, on his way to the convention from Los Angeles, that the President was strong enough to carry the country, regardless of his running mate. One Republican follower said that Mr. Nixon's chances to retain the second spot on the ticket had fallen from 100-1 to 5-1. But only a very few delegates gathering for the convention were even willing to speak of "dumping" Mr. Nixon. Mr. Stassen, taking a voluntary hiatus from his job as the President's disarmament assistant, had arrived in San Francisco, saying that his movement was gaining ground. Governor Herter, however, had openly declined to run for the second spot and said that he would not allow his name to go before the convention at the Cow Palace. But no one could predict what Republican delegates would do if they were free, as had been the Democrats in Chicago, to choose anyone they wanted for the second spot on the ticket. The President had said that he liked Mr. Nixon but that the choice of his running mate would be up to the convention.

In London, British Foreign Secretary Selwyn Lloyd called on the 22-nation conference discussing the Suez Canal crisis, following its seizure by the Egyptian Government, to declare unanimously that the canal should immediately be placed under "some international system of control". In a speech prepared for delivery at the fourth session of the conference, Mr. Lloyd said that he did not believe that Soviet Foreign Minister Dmitri Shepilov's idea for a new and bigger conference on the future of the canal was a good suggestion, as it would take a great deal of time to do so and the urgency of the crisis did not permit it. He asked the conference to formulate the principles of a system of international control of the canal and to arrange how those principles should be conveyed speedily to Egypt. Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser had nationalized the canal on July 26. Mr. Lloyd made it clear that Britain fully backed the four-point plan for the future operation of the canal put forward on Thursday by Secretary of State Dulles. Mr. Lloyd's speech appeared soft in tone and free from the bitterness of previous British denunciations of President Nasser.

In Québec, the liner Homeric, packed with 1,000 passengers from Europe, had collided in a dense fog with a moored ship in the harbor this date, but no injuries had been reported. The Homeric had been under tow to its berth when it ripped a gash in the other ship's side and crushed some lifeboats. Harbor officials said there had been no panic on the Homeric, owned by the Italian Home Lines. No passengers had been aboard the other ship, Columbia, a Greek Line-owned ship, which had arrived the previous day from Bremerhaven, Germany. A spokesman for the harbor pilots' office had said that the fog had been so thick that tug crews could not see the other side of the St. Lawrence River, about a half-mile away. A harbor worker reported that the Homeric, which had made its maiden voyage in April, 1955, was proceeding slowly when the relatively light collision occurred.

In New York, the World-Telegram & Sun reported this date that a Brooklyn G.I., whose death had been reported as being from "heat exhaustion", had collapsed during a drill in 110-degree Texas heat the prior Wednesday. An Army telegram to his mother had provided no details, leaving her hysterical. Efforts by relatives to obtain more information had proven fruitless. The newspaper said it had obtained details through phone calls to the public relations office at Fort Hood in Texas. Those details indicated that the Army trainee, 20, had reportedly staggered during close order drill and someone had caught him before he had fallen. An ambulance had then taken him to the hospital where he died less than an hour later, the original diagnosis having attributed his death to heat exhaustion, with an autopsy report indicating that sunstroke may have been a contributing factor. The public information office was quoted as saying that although the recruit was overweight, there had been no medical reason for him not drilling in the sun. His mother said that he had phoned her on July 27, the day he had been inducted, to say that he had been given no physical examination, and she did not know whether he had been given one since. He had been an honor graduate of City College of New York.

In New York, authorities probed this date more deeply into the case of the blinding by acid of labor columnist Victor Riesel, searching for the underworld master mind of the attack, after FBI agents had cracked most of the case the previous day when they had arrested two former convicts, followed by four other arrests. But the person who had put up the money to finance the attack apparently remained at large. The FBI said that the assault had been designed to prevent the crusading columnist from telling a Federal grand jury about labor racketeering. None of those arrested had been linked by authorities with labor activity. The individual who had actually hurled the sulphuric acid into Mr. Riesel's eyes the prior April 5 had been found slain with a bullet in his head the previous month. The FBI said that he had been eliminated because some of the acid had splashed on his face, leaving scars, which left him "too hot" for the underworld. The authorities indicated he had collected $1,000 for the attack. One of the two former convicts under arrest had been the front man for whomever had arranged the attack, said to have received between $180 and $200 to persuade someone to hurl the acid. The other man had pointed out the columnist to the person hired to hurl the acid, as Mr. Riesel stepped out of a Broadway restaurant. Each of the men were being held on $100,000 bond, charged with conspiracy to obstruct justice, conviction for which would result in a maximum of five years in prison. The other four arrested persons were being held as material witnesses.

Jim Scotton of The News reports from Rock Hill, S.C., that police had picked up a local man and woman whom they believed might be the pair who had held up and robbed a grocery store and service station operator of $480 the previous afternoon between Charlotte and Pineville. The robbery victim was to go to Rock Hill this date to see if he could identify the pair as the robbers, both of whom were white, though according to the chief of detectives, the man had a dark complexion. In providing his description to police, the victim had identified the man of the couple as being black, and the detective said that the two otherwise fit the description. The couple had driven to the store and the woman had asked for a dollar's worth of gas, then walked into the store while the man remained in the car. The victim said that he had gone inside the station after pumping the gas, that the woman had asked for two cans of milk and a box of crackers, and when he turned, the woman had stuck a foreign-looking pistol in his side and said: "Never mind. Don't move or I'll kill you." The man had then come into the store and first taken his wallet, which was empty, whereupon the woman reached into the cash register and took out the bills. The man then tied the victim to a chair with rubber-covered wire, telling the woman to leave the change as they were in a hurry. The man then put snuff over the victim's eyes, partially blinding him, and they then fled in an older model, black Chevrolet. Road blocks placed by police in North and South Carolina had failed to apprehend the two robbers. A passing motorist had noticed something wrong at the station and notified a Highway Patrolman, who was stopped to apprehend a speeder about a mile up the road. He was first to respond to the scene of the robbery, but the pair had fled by the time he arrived.

In Carthage, N.C., the trial of a college youth charged with raping a 21-year old school teacher had ended this date in a mistrial, with the jury having reported that it was hopelessly deadlocked at 11 to 1. The judge ordered the defendant, a 22-year old male who was a junior at N.C. State, held without bond for trial at a later term of court. He had been charged with raping the teacher on the night of May 26 while they were on their third date. The teacher testified that it was a "second chance" date for the male, adding that on an earlier date for a fraternity dance in Raleigh, he had asked her to spend the night with him at a motel. Much of the testimony of the defendant and the teacher had conflicted sharply, with the defendant insisting that he had not raped the teacher but rather she had been "passionate and cooperative". Two physicians testified that they had examined the teacher and concluded that she had been "painfully and violently raped". She testified that she had anticipated that they would attend a movie together, but instead the defendant had driven to an isolated rural area where the alleged attack had taken place. The jury had first reported their deadlock after six hours of deliberations the previous night, and the judge ordered them to deliberate further, calling for a report 2 1/2 hours later, at which time they reported that they were still hung and that there was no chance, according to the foreman, for a unanimous verdict. After the judge questioned six of the jurors, he declared the mistrial, without asking how the jury was divided at that point.

In Los Angeles, creamed lobster had been served to prisoners at the City jail the previous night, after the State Fish and Game Commission had confiscated 1,000 pounds of illegal Mexican lobster and turned it over to jail authorities. The senior chef said that every customer had been happy.

In McMinnville, Tenn., a five-year old girl had swallowed an oversized portion of popcorn while her father had been winning the vice-presidential nomination in Chicago. The girl and her two sisters, ages 14 and eight, had watched the Democratic national convention on television the previous day at their farm home near the town, and had made popcorn after lunch, then just sat, watched, and hoped. The eight-year old girl said that she did not think her daddy was going to win. Senator Kefauver's son had spent the day working on the farm.

In New York, actor Robert Stack had been assigned a leading role in "The Lord Don't Play Favorites", a drama with music to be presented on the NBC series, "Producers' Showcase", on September 17—a cross between "The Rainmaker", which had premiered on Broadway in 1954 and would be released as a motion picture the following December, and "The Music Man", to debut on Broadway the following year and to be made into a motion picture in 1962. Other members of the cast would include Buster Keaton, Louis Armstrong, Kay Starr and Dick Haymes. Mr. Stack, incidentally, who would subsequently achieve household recognition in the popular television series, "The Untouchables", had been friends with John F. Kennedy when both were young men, circa 1940-41.

As we have previously recounted herein, once, by chance, we happened by a Safeway parking lot in Burbank at around 9:30 p.m. in August, 1976 during our first visit to Los Angeles, wherein an episode for a television program starring Mr. Stack was being taped, and we paused to take a look. Some two hours later, after they had filmed a simple sequence of Mr. Stack entering the store, which had to be re-shot at least five times or more, as either he missed his mark inside the store or some other technical issue had arisen, each time, between shots, the crew having to dim down again the sheen from the cars and their headlamps and redab the actors with make-up, the scene was finally wrapped, at around 11:30. In between each effort, Mr. Stack, standing an arm's length away out by the trucks and trailers, continually muttered to himself, as he nervously examined his wristwatch, "Let's shoot this mother," apparently wanting to get home before midnight. Until today, we had never seen the episode of which the brief scene was a part, and never knew its subject matter, as we were far too busy with studies the ensuing year to watch any of this short-lived series, lasting only a single season. Dubbed "Most Wanted", a Quinn Martin Production, the particular episode was "The Wolfpack Killer", appearing to have been based loosely on the SLA and Patricia Hearst saga, which had occurred primarily in the Bay Area of San Francisco, in the vicinity of Sacramento and around Los Angeles in 1974 and 1975. As also recounted previously, we attended three or four times the Federal bank robbery trial of Ms. Hearst, during February, 1976, primarily to see the renowned F. Lee Bailey as her defense counsel, as we prepared to start law school the following year. The segment of the episode which we saw being taped starts at the 20:38 mark and lasts all of ten seconds. It appears to have been shot at the Akron Store, which was a chain of Southern California stores at that time, but we are certain the scene we saw was at a Safeway. Perhaps, Safeway objected because of the subject matter, as a Safeway in Seattle had been the object of a bombing in September, 1975 by the "George Jackson Brigade" in protest of the recent arrests of Ms. Hearst and other SLA members, prompting the presence of heavy security during the fall of 1975 and into 1976 at the Safeway Stores. So perhaps they changed the venue and even reshot the whole scene the next night. We had never made the association before as we just assumed that there had been a scripted murder inside the Safeway during some sort of robbery which Mr. Stack's character was assigned to solve. We had no idea it was the Wolfpack. In any event, they got the mother shot and in the can, even if the series did not make it very long or capture anyone's imagination, including our own, as the scene we saw did not exactly suggest itself as an invitation to novel or illuminating television, as had earlier QM productions from our youth, especially "The Fugitive" and "The Invaders". At the rate of shooting, it must have taken them a couple of months to complete the entire episode, though not exactly evident in the finished product. "Boring" was the operative word. What can you say but that it was typical television in the 1970's, having devolved steadily, for the most part, to jejune drivel, an occasional made-for-tv movie having been the exception to prove the rule. When the actors are forced to stand around muttering to themselves in a Safeway parking lot late at night and examining their watches, we suppose you could not ask for much.

On the editorial page, "Democrats Field Their Strongest Team" finds that the Democrats had nominated the strongest ticket possible in Chicago, with Mr. Stevenson and Senator Kefauver being the party's best-known figures and both being proven vote-getters who had traveled many of the routes they would retrace during the general election campaign in the fall.

It finds that they would be their own men, that with the nomination of Senator Kefauver, who had been long scorned by former President Truman and others of the old pros, the clinching blow against the old guard had been struck, with the party now in the hands of men who had either lost, as Mr. Stevenson in 1952, or never had any identity with the Fair Deal under President Truman.

The old pols might have picked a more capable person for the second spot on the ticket, as better talent, it opines, was available in either Senator Albert Gore or John F. Kennedy, but finds it doubtful that either could have obtained the votes which Senator Kefauver could. He might be resented in many parts of the South because of his refusal to sign the "Southern manifesto" issued the prior March 12, declaring opposition to Brown v. Board of Education, but the fact would draw votes in other areas where primaries had shown the Senator in a better light than Adlai Stevenson, the same being true for his pro-labor record.

His choice on the ticket would also strengthen the party's prospects in the fall, helping to ameliorate the hurt inflicted on his supporters in 1952, when many felt that he had been cheated of the presidential nomination at the direction of President Truman, with the aid of Mr. Stevenson. In addition, while Mr. Stevenson exerted a pull on the right, Senator Kefauver had a pull on the left. The question remained as to whether they would exert any real pull on the mass of voters among Democrats who had voted for Mr. Eisenhower in 1952, with all the polls and signs indicating that it would not be the case, that moderation could not be beaten by moderation. But it recognizes that polls could be wrong and that the proof was in the fact of Mr. Truman's only contribution to the convention, deriving from his success in 1948 against all the polling predictions to the contrary regarding his victory over Governor Thomas Dewey.

"As Stevenson and Kefauver make ready to beat their drums, the only big issue in sight to raise their hopes of success was the health of Dwight D. Eisenhower."

"A Rocket Sputters as Boy Succeeds" indicates that Jimmy Blackmon of Charlotte, the 17-year old boy who had developed a rocket in his basement, was a remarkable young man whose level-headed appraisal of the hullabaloo surrounding his rocket had been further confirmed after the Army had tabled the planned firing of the rocket at the Redstone Arsenal in Alabama, having determined that preliminary testing showed the rocket to be unsafe for firing, when he said, "They went to a lot of trouble for just about nothing."

It indicates that it was "something", not the rocket, but Jimmy, himself, who was remarkably bright and articulate, with both feet on the ground and his eyes, not his head, in the clouds. But he had been correct in his cool summation of his month of excitement.

The Civil Aeronautics Board and others had become unduly nervous, and the Army had seized upon the idea as a means of publicizing the human side of bureaucracy. It finds that neither need be censured, as the Army ought be commended for astuteness in its public relations, although they had once fumbled. It finds that a little sensible investigation could have concluded that the rocket was not going to fly, but much had been made of it, leading to an interesting, though slightly overdrawn, resulting story, of which everyone was guilty, while they all had fun. It suggests that it would have been tragic if Jimmy had swallowed the whole thing, but he had not, and he had come out on top.

"The New Deal: Death of a Slogan" tells of FDR, at the Democratic convention in 1932, winding up his first acceptance speech in Chicago by saying: "I pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the American people."

In the past, others had used that phrase without spectacular results, but the following morning, "New Deal" had been capitalized in a newspaper cartoon and henceforth, "New Deal" was used to characterize his domestic program.

It says that it was by way of pronouncing its benediction, as when orators had used the words at the 1956 convention during the week, only a rippling of applause had been offered in return, none of the old hallelujahs, the phrase having become just another tired platitude without punch. It left the political scene without any crowd-catcher, as "Fair Deal", from the Truman era, had fared no better at the convention.

During the Eisenhower years, the President had talked about "dynamic progressivism" and "progressive dynamism" or some other variant thereof, but his program had never produced a slogan despite Madison Avenue talents clustered around him. A man who might have come up with a phrase for the Republicans, J. Henry Smythe, had passed away in Philadelphia. In 1924, he had come up with: "Keep Coolidge. He Keeps the Faith." In 1928, he struck at New York Governor Al Smith in favor of Herbert Hoover with: "No ConTammanyation of the Nation", and in 1932, again in support of President Hoover, had come up with: "He Kept Us Out of Worse". The latter had not helped against the 1932 defeat of Mr. Hoover by FDR, and neither had his phrase in 1936 in support of Alf Landon, "Let's Make It a Landonslide", the reverse, the worst landslide to that point in the history of American presidential elections, having resulted.

It finds that with the New Deal dying and "progressive dynamism" stewing in its own juices, there was no slogan in sight, unless Mr. Smythe had left one in his will.

Don't worry, the New Frontier will grip a good portion of the country in 1960, though ending tragically in November, 1963, to be supplanted by the Great Society of President Johnson. Since that time, however, there has been no great slogan in American politics, the rather vapid "Morning in America" having never quite come to fruition amid the continuing double digit interest rates and high inflation, despite promises during the 1980 campaign of economic miracles in the works, certain revisionist historians' assessments, based on opinionated, overly optimistic views of that period, to the contrary notwithstanding, mainly deriving from people who were adolescents or younger at the time and have now grown up to worship the memory of President Reagan, without much basis therefor grounded in reality. By the same token, "Where's the beef?", culled from a hamburger commercial by former Vice-President Mondale in running against Senator Gary Hart for the nomination in 1984, never proved more than its intended joviality, any more than had, "There you go again..." by Governor Reagan, deflating President Carter, in 1980. Maybe that is all for the better, as sloganeering has a way of becoming a big disappointment when examined under the microscope.

A piece from the Mattoon (Ill.) Journal-Gazette, titled "Another Passing Scene", tells of a favorite character in its youth having been the huckster and his visit once per week or so, an event for both young and old, now gone, with his passing being without glory. The huckster, or traveling general merchandiser, had quietly ceased to be as more modern sales methods had advanced.

In the past, children would whoop and holler as they saw the big blue truck beating down the dusty country road and stopping in a whirl of dust, honking its horn to draw patrons. The huckster was always a friendly George or Joe, of large stature and a friendly smile, greeted by the country housewife with a grocery list and grimy children's hands outstretched for free candy, which was always given away. Inside the truck or van, cobbled together with unsightly welds, were compact rows of shelves laden with various goods.

His visit would end as it had started, "with a swirl of dust and a rattle and roar, but for the rest of the day and the next it was a topic of conversation."

Now, they have, in his stead, Trump.

Drew Pearson, in Chicago, indicates that one of the most important results of the Democratic convention had been revising the leadership of the party, that when former President Truman had attempted to put across the candidacy of Governor Averell Harriman and failed, it had been more than a personal defeat for the former President, but also a defeat for big money, big bosses and for picking of a candidate in a smoke-filled room. The big city bosses who had run the party machinery in the past were not in power at the convention. Former Boston Mayor James Curley had been present but on the sidelines. (Mr. Curley had spent part of one term in jail, and so there may be some viable political hope yet for Trump, assuming he wants to run for mayor of some city.) Jim Farley was seen on television, but had played no part in backstage talks. Such familiar faces as Mayor Ed Kelley of Chicago, boss Ed Flynn of the Bronx, Jim Pendergast of Kansas City, Mayor Frank Hague of Jersey City, who in the past had swung the balance of power within the party, were not present. (Ironically, Mayor Richard J. Daley of Chicago, in his first term, would become a major force within the party as a boss into the future, occupying that role by 1960.)

Likewise, some of the Southern leaders who had swayed the party in the past were now out of power. James Byrnes who had walked out of the Chicago convention in 1944 after failing to obtain the vice-presidential nomination in favor of Mr. Truman, was not present this time, and the South Carolina delegation from his state had been anxious to cooperate. Governor Earl Long of Louisiana, brother of deceased Huey Long, who had once electrified conventions, had helped pave the way for Mr. Stevenson, as well as for Senator Kefauver as the vice-presidential nominee.

The big Texas oil and gas men who had pulled wires behind Governor Allan Shivers of Texas in 1952, when he had endorsed General Eisenhower in the general election, had no power at the convention. Oil mogul Sid Richardson and his forces had been behind Senator Lyndon Johnson's brief and sudden bid for power, but the Senator had ended up "looking like a cellophane bag with a hole in it."

Speaker Sam Rayburn, also of Texas, had a pacifying hand on the convention, disagreeing with his old friend, Harry Truman, and cautioning Mayor D'Allesandro of Baltimore that he was not for dark horse Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri, using his influence to get his protégé, Senator Johnson, to ask for less in his bid for power.

The new leaders of the party, those who had put Mr. Stevenson across at the convention and who would dominate the machinery for the ensuing four years, were Thomas Finletter of New York, former Secretary of the Air Force and not a professional politician, George Killion of San Francisco, the president of the American President Steamship Line and former DNC Treasurer, who had commanded the Stevenson forces on the West Coast, Wilson Wyatt, the former Mayor of Louisville and a leading Kentucky lawyer, also not a professional politician, David Lawrence, Mayor of Pittsburgh and one of the chief professional politicians behind Mr. Stevenson, Col. Jack Arvey, former leader of the Democratic forces in Chicago, presently partially on the sidelines, and another professional politician behind Mr. Stevenson, and Steve Mitchell, a Chicago attorney who had taken over as DNC chairman in 1952 after the nomination of Mr. Stevenson, who had made some enemies but could be given considerable credit for the fact that the South had been cooperative at the 1956 convention, having traveled all over the South and visited with Southern leaders to obtain their support on mutual problems.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop, in Chicago, tell of four individuals having made primary contributions to the success of Adlai Stevenson's bandwagon at the Democratic convention concluded the previous day. In order of their importance, they were the President, Mr. Stevenson's campaign manager James Finnegan, Eleanor Roosevelt and Senator Estes Kefauver. It had been the President who had created the moderate political climate in which Mr. Stevenson had flourished. The insistence of former President Truman and Governor Harriman that Mr. Stevenson had to fight a political campaign and that basic issues mattered, had fallen on deaf or even hostile ears at the convention, with the great majority of state leaders not wanting the Truman-Harriman type of campaign this time, but rather the Stevenson type because of the climate created by the President.

James Finnegan had transformed the Stevenson high command with his quiet-spoken, deliberate-acting professional stance. The Stevenson entourage had not been greatly changed by Mr. Finnegan. Nor had the group of prosperous, idealistic ladies who supported him. But behind that familiar facade, there was no longer the fantastic confusion which had reigned four years earlier at Stevenson headquarters in Springfield, replaced by a smooth, efficient operation. Mr. Finnegan's machinery, which included a detailed card file system of delegates and alternates, had provided the data on which to base confident judgments. Following the California primary on June 5, for instance, Mr. Finnegan had already foreseen that Mr. Truman would probably intervene on behalf of Governor Harriman, and thus had angrily warned Stevenson supporters against relaxing their efforts. He had also forecast that if there was no relaxation, nothing would take the nomination away from Mr. Stevenson, such that he and the candidate could obtain the nomination without making any deals, a bold thing to do.

After the former President had, according to the prediction, endorsed Governor Harriman, the regular staff of Mr. Stevenson were apprehensive, until Mr. Finnegan turned to his intelligence chief, John Sharon, who stated that the Truman endorsement would only cost Mr. Stevenson 23 delegate votes, which turned out to be only one vote low. Under those circumstances, Mr. Stevenson could afford to wait until the big, uncommitted Northern states finally climbed aboard the bandwagon.

But there might not have been a bandwagon without the senior political professional in the entire party, Eleanor Roosevelt. Mr. Stevenson had said that Mrs. Roosevelt had turned the scales in the California primary, where his major win had stopped Senator Kefauver in his tracks and put Mr. Stevenson far in the lead. Mrs. Roosevelt had also been the dominant personality behind the complex negotiations for a compromise civil rights plank of the platform. When she had spoken for compromise and even provided the language of the original compromise plank with no mention of the Brown v. Board of Education decision, it took the steam out of the Northern movement for a tougher plank. When she came to the convention to help Mr. Stevenson win, his camp had made her work as hard for three days as had she been the candidate.

Senator Kefauver, running now on the ticket with Mr. Stevenson, had not been included by the Alsops, they indicate, because he had withdrawn from the race two weeks prior to the convention and endorsed Mr. Stevenson, as his campaign debts had forced that decision. He was included on the list because he had worked hard at the convention to bring his own anti-Stevenson delegates into the Stevenson camp and did so without asking for any firm commitment that he would be included on the ticket.

They conclude that the list made an odd group.

Doris Fleeson, in Chicago, indicates that Mr. Stevenson was magnanimous in his triumph over former President Truman at the convention and his endorsement of Governor Harriman. While Mr. Stevenson had stated that he believed it had hurt the party to have that dissension at the convention, he expressed sorrow that it had occurred and said he could not see that it had served any real purpose, that it seemed extraordinary that Mr. Truman could have been induced to lead an effort so emotional and divisive when Northern and Southern spokesmen were seeking to find solutions together. That was especially true, he said, as party loyalty had been the bedrock of Mr. Truman's career. When asked what role the former President might take in the campaign ahead, he said it would depend on the soothing operations of time, adding that it appeared that the former President had somewhat compromised his ability to demand Mr. Stevenson's election as President.

The former President had repeatedly assured Mr. Stevenson and his supporters that he would be neutral, even though Mr. Stevenson was aware of the long service to Mr. Truman by Mr. Harriman and so kept his mind open to the possibility of an endorsement. Mr. Stevenson said he would have had no issue had Mr. Truman limited himself to saying that Mr. Harriman was his personal choice, but he had become bitterly personal. Yet, Mr. Stevenson had not responded in kind.

Ms. Fleeson observes that, despite the controversy, it had taken Mr. Stevenson out from under the shadow of Mr. Truman, an asset in the coming campaign. Mr. Stevenson had realized that during Mr. Truman's remarks at the point of his endorsement of Mr. Harriman, stating that it was his "declaration of independence" and that he had always wanted to be his own man, concluding that they had better get back to work. In the ensuing days of the convention, he had worked ceaselessly, calling on caucuses and holding strategy sessions.

Mr. Stevenson had always received a lot of mail, some of it respectful and some of it not, but the mail coming to him since the Truman endorsement of Mr. Harriman had been completely favorable, most of it saying that the writer loved Mr. Truman, "but…" A substantial number of wires had stated that they had voted for General Eisnehower in 1952 but now would be for Mr. Stevenson.

When Mr. Truman had blasted Mr. Stevenson before reporters on Wednesday, the word had been brought to Mr. Stevenson by an aide, and the candidate glanced at it briefly before saying that he had never thought the day would come when Mr. Truman would purposely furnish ammunition to Republicans to use against Democrats.

Not all of Mr. Stevenson's aides had remained calm, with the person who had handed the candidate the newspaper blast by Mr. Truman having stated bitterly, "I think somebody ought to call that old man a liar." A very old and close friend of Mr. Stevenson had then said softly, "I think somebody ought to call that liar an old man."

A letter writer encloses a letter he had sent to Charlotte Mayor Philip Van Every and the City Council, in which he had asked why the taxpayers of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County ought continue to provide parking space for uptown merchants, and asks for a poll of the people who worked in uptown offices or among those who found it necessary to pass through the center of town to go to and from work, stating his opinion that the survey would indicate the advisability of making the ban permanent against parking on each side of the streets in the midtown area during peak hours each day, stating that the only problem with the restriction was that the people had not been warned via signs of the towing ordinance, which was not strictly enforced in some affected areas.

A letter writer comments on the outlook for a new passenger station for Southern Railway in Charlotte, with the prospects for it being two to five years away, finding the plans sounding good but indicating that the present location should not be used for the new station. He says the highways and air transportation might become so full that some people would want to take the train. He hopes that the train would go around Charlotte at some future time, "as the money flow grows, so will Charlotte and the new ideas."

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