The Charlotte News
Monday, July 16, 1956
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Atlanta that a Southern caucus in Chicago, just prior to the opening of the Democratic national convention in mid-August, had been suggested by Governor Marvin Griffin of Georgia this date, approving the proposal of Southern Democratic state chairmen that party officials of the Southern states hold such a meeting. The Governor said, however, that he believed the best chance of obtaining full attendance at such a session would be to hold it in Chicago on August 12, the day before the start of the convention. He said that if an earlier meeting were desired, he would be glad to host it in Atlanta. The proposal had been made by the party chairmen of seven Southern states attending the meeting the prior Saturday, offered at the conclusion of the two-day session. It had not indicated when the caucus might be held but named a committee comprised of representatives from Georgia, Tennessee and South Carolina to coordinate suggestions made by the larger group. At the Saturday meeting, the group took the stand that the South "should work together to protect itself" but also stated that it did not favor bolting from the party, convention walkouts or a third party. It also said that it was "disturbed over the invasion of the sovereign rights of states." They favored the South working "together to protect itself and to preserve the rights of the states and of the people as guaranteed by the Constitution." Mississippi, Louisiana, Arkansas and Texas, for various reasons, had not sent representatives to the meeting.
In Frankfurt, West Germany, American G.I.'s were blamed this date for two more attacks on Germans and a Government spokesman made the strongest official criticism thus far of the alleged increasing crimes involving allied soldiers in West Germany. German police announced that a 20-year old Munich construction worker had died after being "seriously maltreated by a drunk American soldier." They claimed that a group of G.I.'s had attacked the man as he was standing with his fiancée and friends in a Munich street, and U.S. Army officials said that the military police were investigating the matter. Bavarian police at Fuerth also reported that a 20-year old German had been fatally struck in a beer hall argument with an American G.I. The U.S. Army denied that there was any increase in the crime rate in West Germany but said it was not standing on statistics and was working to improve the situation.
In Parris Island, S.C., the general court-martial of Staff Sergeant Matthew McKeon had opened this date with the defense seeking to sever from the main case the charges related to his alleged drinking. He was charged with manslaughter in the April 8 drowning death of six Marine recruits under his command as a drill instructor, plus oppression of recruits, possession of alcoholic beverages and drinking in the presence of a recruit. His counsel contended that the two drinking charges were minor and would prejudice the case before the panel, that neither of the more serious charges mentioned alcohol. The family members of the sergeant, including his wife, brother and sister, were present, along with the family of Private Thomas Hardeman, one of the recruits who had drowned. The sergeant had allegedly led the recruits on a nighttime exercise into the tidal stream next to the base, with some of the survivors later indicating that they had smelled alcohol on his breath at the time. A larger issue at stake in the court-martial was whether past methods by the Marines to turn out hardened, disciplined fighting men were justified and whether the sergeant was only following recognized customs. Much of the proceedings this date had consisted of formalities.
In New York, a weekend fire which had destroyed the old, abandoned John Wanamaker Department Store building had also knocked out a section of the subway and caused an unprecedented jam of riders at Grand Central Terminal this date, with nearly a dozen persons succumbing to heat during the morning rush-hour as commuters sought alternate routes to Wall Street and downtown sections because of the closed subway line. Water from fire hoses poured onto the burning building had cascaded into the IRT Lexington Avenue line and the BMT subway, both linking Brooklyn and Manhattan and serving a large area of Manhattan, causing BMT trains to be halted the previous night by water in the 8th Street station, trains now getting through on three of the four tracks. The IRT line, however, was out of service between Grand Central and the Brooklyn Bridge, and commuters who normally used the IRT trains to get to the Wall Street area and other downtown locations had to board at Grand Central, jamming the station. Loudspeakers blared instructions for the riders to take other lines and also announced extra buses for the overflow. The fire smoldered into a third day in the ruins of the block-square building in lower Manhattan, with some 216 firemen having suffered from smoke poisoning, cuts and burns, resulting in 20 being hospitalized. The fire was attributed by officials to a spark from an acetylene torch, igniting the blaze the prior Friday, as wreckers had begun demolishing the building. The fire apparently had smoldered in the basement until late Saturday afternoon when flames had suddenly shot into an air well in the center of the five-story building and spread to the roof, producing a five-alarm fire. An assistant fire chief said that the blaze had been brought under control by the wee hours of the current morning, but flames continued to flicker within the rubble, as the building, a Manhattan landmark, had been left a hollow shell—no longer needed anyway in New Rochelle, or in Jamaica. Look at all the colors. The IRT people had to go to the BMT. Fire down, fire around... We'll paint rainbows all over yer blues.
Julian Scheer of The News indicates that there was a variety of opinion around the state this date regarding the proposed school legislation by Governor Luther Hodges for the special session to begin in a week, with high State officials expressing favorable reaction, the newspapers generally expressing favor with some reservations, and political opponents of the Governor voicing dissent. State Secretary of State Thad Eure said that he thought it was the best plan offered to date, that the people of the state were anxious for some solution of the problem. State Treasurer Edwin Gill said that he believed it was the best solution which had been offered, was a "sincere, frank and practical answer to the crisis in education created by the destructive effects of the U.S. Supreme Court decision banning school segregation." Insurance commissioner Charles Gold said that the proposed bills appeared to be a legal means of complying with the Supreme Court decision and he hoped that the plan would be workable. State Auditor Henry Bridges said that the whole thing was based on tolerance and he believed that if everyone would exert every effort to make it work, it would. Joel Johnson, Republican candidate for the Senate, said that people ought be sobered by the acute shortage of certified teachers among the whites and the large surplus of black teachers, suggesting that blacks might have an important advantage in educating children under the proposed $135 per pupil grants for private schools, that even the "bitter racists" might not like the expense and possible results of that kind of program. Irving Carlyle, a Winston-Salem attorney and former State Senator, said that he believed the bills would be declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court if the Legislature passed them. Kyle Hayes, Republican gubernatorial candidate of North Wilkesboro, said that the enactment into law of the recommended legislation would set the cause of public education in the state back by more than 50 years. He proposed instead a 50 to 100 million dollar bond issue to improve school buildings and make black school facilities equal, indicating that they could not circumvent the law of the land through their own will and should not want to do so, that reasonable-minded people of the white and black races would take a reasonable attitude, and that enforced integration of the races in the public schools would retard progress—a little bit of this and a little bit that, something for everyone. The Greensboro Daily News stated: "Dangers are inherent in some details but no wiser course of action has been proposed, and to do nothing at this special session, as Governor Hodges has implied, is to invite harsher, more extreme action in January [at the inception of the 1957 legislative session]." The Raleigh News & Observer said: "The great danger is that these proposals may turn out to be devices which will actually result in more, not less, integration or—perhaps also—an accelerating process of denial of education to more and more children… Able lawyers doubt the legality of the tuition grant plans."
Dick Young of The News indicates that Charlotte City Council member and former Mayor Herbert Baxter had said at the opening of the new Park Center the previous day that he believed responsibility for parking there belonged to the Council, while five of the six other Council members sharply disagreed with him. We hope you work that out. The fate of a nation may depend on it.
A separate piece indicates that there was no parking problem at the new Park Center, provided a person was willing to walk a couple of blocks, with the superintendent of the Park & Recreation Commission indicating that people could park at the same location where they had parked when they attended events at the old Armory-Auditorium, but that the situation had been somewhat improved.
The high price of potatoes, which had hit a high of 12 cents per pound the previous week, were now coming down and would cost eight cents this date, still a penny or two above normal. Short supply and long demand had combined to send the prices to their highest level in the memory of local grocerymen in Charlotte, and a spokesman for a local food broker said that wholesale prices had dropped this date from $9.50 to $6.50 per hundred pounds for new shipments of potatoes from eastern North Carolina and Virginia. He said that part of the credit for the drop in prices was because housewives had refused to buy at 12 cents. A cold, dry growing season in Florida had produced the potato shortage. Stand your ground against the high price of potatoes.
In Trenton, Tenn., the police would long remember a Minneapolis veteran, 28, who had been stopped by officers who then stood and stared at his 14-year old automobile, which had in the front seat a heating device, a small hotplate wired to a battery, a water cooler, doubling as a refrigerator, containing eggs, bacon and other food, and half of the backseat taken up by a sink, dishes and several pots and pans, while on top of the car was a water tank which enabled plenty of hot water via heat from the sun. A hose jutted from the inside of the right front door to serve as a shower, while the other half of the backseat served as a bed which could be extended at any time. In the trunk, he had various items, including groceries—which was better than having a combination rifle-shotgun, as had Shorty the short-tempered short-order cook, acquitted in Charlotte of the murder of his wife's suitor the previous week. When the officers asked the man where he was going, he said nowhere in particular, that he had left Minneapolis on a trip south. He said he did not like being stopped as he had not done anything wrong. When they asked him why he had a bicycle lashed to the top of his car, he said that if he had car trouble, he had a way to obtain help, asking the officers whether that was not logical, to which they agreed. Following an eight-hour delay, while the police of the town checked with the Minneapolis police, the man was released and sent on his way.
In Littleton, Colo., a man who was planning to run for the Republican nomination for State representative, had forgotten to register as a Republican, and so could not be on the ballot.
In Richland, Kans., former Treasurer of the United States during the Truman Administration, Georgia Neese Clark Gray, who served as the only banker for Richland and sought to combat gloom and long faces, favoring whistling, especially among the younger set, had encouraged a contest such that every Saturday afternoon, when the farm folks came to town to shop and chit-chat, youngsters could be seen and heard parading up and down the main street whistling. A judge was posted along the route to determine the two best of the lot, who received a silver dollar each from Mrs. Gray. The weekly winners could also compete for the grand championship at the Richland fair the coming August. A man in his 70's sought to participate in the contest, but Mrs. Gray ruled him ineligible. Practicing went on sporadically throughout the week. Mrs. Gray said that she loved the sound of whistling. "Why be gloomy when you can be cheerful?" It'll replace your gray clouds with sunny skies.
Eddy Gilmore reports from London that Dr. S. J. Van Pelt advised bald-headed men that relaxation was the best way to keep their hair, dispelling tension and giving the hair a chance. He said that raising hope might even raise hair, that one should avoid depressing remarks about baldness being inevitable or hereditary. "Hope yourself into a head of hair." He contended that men used their brains more than women and that increased brain activity drained blood from the scalp, starving the hair, that men who could let themselves go and express their innermost feelings in various ways were inclined to have more hair than other men. "I refer to musicians, actors and artists. They are usually well endowed with flowing locks." Mr. Gilmore is pictured amid the piece as a "bald reporter", while he indicates that the doctor had a full head of hair. All he was saying was give Hair a chance.
On the editorial page, "Hodges 'Safety Valve' Package Asks Too Much of North Carolina Citizens" finds that North Carolinians had been asked to gamble the ideal of public education on a single turn of the fortune wheel, with the stakes being too high. Governor Hodges had asked the General Assembly at its special session to begin a week hence to link all 1956 "safety valve" legislation to the fate of one State Constitutional amendment permitting abolition of the free public schools, whereby a vote for state tuition grants for students whose parents opposed integrated schools would also be a vote for "local option" to close public schools in a given school unit by popular vote, with no room for choice or selective judgment as between the two measures.
It indicates that every voter ought have the right to choose between attending integrated schools and private schools, without doing violence to the mandatory State-supported system of free public education. The "package plan" lacked flexibility and fairness, representing an all-or-nothing approach. It suggests that voters would, when confronted with such an amendment, feel compelled to vote against it, unwilling to risk elimination of the public schools to achieve a system of state tuition grants. It finds that elimination of the State Constitution's mandate for free public schools to be too drastic, that opposition to integration and approval of a means to destroy the public school system were not one and the same and that one did not necessarily follow the other.
It indicates thorough disagreement with the Brown v. Board of Education decision of 1954 and asserts that most North Carolinians shared that disagreement. It has full sympathy with the position enunciated by Governor Hodges, that no child would be compelled to attend an integrated school against his or her choice and that compulsory integration would pose a threat to the public welfare and safety in many areas of the state. It indicates support for any realistic program to avoid such compulsory integration, with the tuition grant plan offering possibilities, but finds that any weakening of the free public schools for all of the children would be a backward step which ought never be taken.
It thus advocates allowing voters to register their approval separately on tuition grants and the "local option" plan to close the public schools. It concludes that the decisions ahead for the September special referendum had to be stronger than "wrath or sentimentality or momentary whim. They must be realistic and wise and, above all, constructive. The state's collective conscience will accept nothing less."
The state's collective conscience would actually accept nothing less than a free and fair system consistent with the 14th Amendment of the United States Constitution, provided, that is, North Carolina still considered itself a part of the United States, and to hell with the rest and your mealy-mouthed approach to the "problem" of integration. Tell the rednecks, who have never dealt with a black person except in a menial capacity and so are unable to adjust to post-slavery modernity, to go stuff it.
"A Ready-Made Policy for Mr. Dulles" indicates that Secretary of State Dulles had recently made an attempt to substitute preachments for policy regarding neutralism, but that it had now finally played out, though he still had no policy to counter the tactics used by the Soviets to penetrate the Middle East and win favor among the neutral nations. The Secretary's efforts thus far had produced contrary positions both in his own stances and vis-à-vis those of the President, who had said the previous month that neutrality did not mean indifference "as between right and wrong, or decency and indecency", only to be followed a few days later by Secretary Dulles saying, "except under very exceptional circumstances", neutrality was "an immoral and shortsighted conception."
It indicates that while the latter point might be true in a sense, the business of the Secretary of State was diplomacy, not theology, and the statement had served no purpose other than to irritate the neutral nations he was seeking to influence.
But now the Secretary had stated that there were "very few, if any" neutrals of the immoral type, adding that a nation was not neutral in the immoral sense when it belonged to the U.N. He had said that, for instance, Switzerland as a neutral nation was not immoral because of "exceptional circumstances".
The piece finds that there were many other such nations with circumstances more exceptional than those of Switzerland anent remaining out of military alliances, that each neutral nation dealt with different national circumstances and Secretary Dulles had disregarded that fact, leading him to his previous moral pronouncements. It concludes that Secretary Dulles appeared unable to form a policy on neutralism, while there was one ready-made for diplomats in doubt, that being silence.
"The Responsibility To 'Sound Off'" quotes from Aldous Huxley: "In the past, there was an age of Shakespeare, of Voltaire, of Dickens. Ours is the age not of any poet or thinker or novelist but of the Document. Our Representative Man is the traveling newspaper correspondent who dashes off a bestseller between two assignments. 'Facts speak for themselves!' Illusion! Facts are ventriloquists' dummies. Sitting on a wise man's knee they may be made to utter words of wisdom; elsewhere they say nothing or talk nonsense or indulge in sheer diabolism."
It indicates that it had been reminded of that indictment of journalism by reading an account by Morris Llewellyn Cook, an accomplished engineer with family ties in Charlotte, writing in Engineering News-Record of what ailed the engineering profession. He believed that engineers did not "sound off" enough, that their devotion to facts was so strong that they voluntarily muzzled themselves, opining that throughout history, great events had been precipitated by "geographically widespread, and sometimes vociferous, 'sounding off' by peoples possessing only negligible information normally required to reach engineering decisions." He believed that engineers could escape such laws of nature only with leaders and teachers who knew more than the laws of thermodynamics and the like, who loved beauty and had the imagination to envision a society where man was set free, preached and practiced ethical conduct and knew that God was "the one unassailable and continuing concept." He proposed an Engineers' Week, during which each of the 400,000 engineers in the country would sound off on their favorite themes and then do something about it, suggesting that the country would be better off and the profession of engineering would find itself and youth flocking to their standard.
The piece finds it a good point, but that the lesson equally applied to other professions and individuals, that Americans were too "sodden with silence and conformity", despite the absence of legal constraints. Nevertheless, the notion of maintaining a safety zone of "facts" continued and was highly dangerous, shrinking from ideas because they might be wrong. "Nonsense. Who's to know unless truth and falsehood grapple occasionally in a free, and open encounter? 'Sounding off' is one of America's finest democratic exercises. Don't let it ever wither away."
Ashley Montagu, writing in the Saturday Review, in a piece titled, "In Search of an Island", says that no man could survive as an island unto himself and that no man wanted to be an island, but that every human wanted and needed to replenish resources for being social by having a room of their own, a sanctuary for retirement to be alone, undisturbed by the rumors and alarums of the outside world.
He indicates that in the U.S., the highest standard of living in the world had been achieved, but that it was seldom added that it was "at the highest cost of ulcers, mental breakdowns, homicide, violent crime, juvenile delinquency, alcoholic and drug addiction rates, in the entire world."
Drew Pearson tells of Senator Thomas Hennings of Missouri having obtained a promise from Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson to allow a Senate vote on his election reforms bill, long held up in committee. For months, Senator Hennings had sought the action on the elections bill, designed to clean up campaign corruption, which had hit the headlines following South Dakota Republican Senator Francis Case having revealed that he had turned down a $2,500 offered contribution from a gas lobbyist for Superior Oil just before a vote on the bill to deregulate natural gas. At the time, Senator Johnson had ignored the bill and joined Senate Minority Leader William Knowland in sponsoring election reforms of their own, utilizing most of the Hennings bill, but also ceasing to push it hard after the publicity had died down regarding election reform. But Senator Hennings, in the closed-door session of the Senate Democratic policy committee, reminded Senator Johnson that it was time to vote on the bill, with Senator Johnson having agreed, but asking for one week to determine whether Senator Knowland would go along.
Senator Johnson said that Senator Barry Goldwater of Arizona wanted to force labor unions to obtain approval of their entire membership before spending money for political purposes, a move which would be opposed by pro-labor Democrats, and that Senator Albert Gore of Tennessee wanted to prohibit outsiders from spending more than $1,000 in any state election, aimed at the major Republican millionaires, and hence to be opposed by Republicans. Senator Johnson said that he would talk to Senator Gore about withdrawing his amendment and would urge Senator Knowland to get Senator Goldwater to act likewise, at which point, he promised, the way would be clear for a quick vote on the bill of Senator Hennings.
Republicans had done some quick investigation of Governor Frank Clement of Tennessee, to be the keynote speaker at the Democratic convention in mid-August, and Republicans could not be more pleased at the choice, for they had found that he had so many skeletons in his political closet that Democrats would have a hard time discussing Vice-President Nixon's $18,000 personal expense fund, exposed in September, 1952, leading to the infamous Checkers speech, preserving Senator Nixon's place on the Republican ticket. Republicans believed that if Governor Clement were ever selected for the vice-presidential spot, the Republicans would know where to look for the buried bodies. He adds that Republicans also were not unhappy about the way Democrats were muffing their opportunities.
John Huntington, special American correspondent and editorial director of a London publishing house, beginning a series of pieces on Britain, examines the British National Health Service, explaining that a fixed weekly employee contribution, supplemented by an employer contribution, went to the social welfare services in England, as promised to every citizen under the Beveridge Plan put forth during World War II, while only a small part of it, about two cents per week for doctors, actually went to National Health. The Government paid a large amount, nearly 1.5 billion dollars per year, to defray the enormous expense of the health service.
Many politicians and economists in the country were wondering how much longer the Government would be able to pay that large annual amount, of which the NHS was only a small portion. A lot of extra money was paid by the Government on behalf of visiting foreigners, who also received free medical treatment under the program.
Patients signed on with a general practitioner assigned to them, who usually handled between 2,000 and 3,000 patients, and if a patient felt sick, they would visit his office, or if incapacitated, he would visit them in their home, where even specialists paid visits. The physician's office was usually, as a result, quite busy. When the doctor saw the patient, he would determine what was wrong and provide a prescription as needed, which would then be taken to any drugstore, and on payment of the equivalent of 14 cents, would then be filled. If one needed an X-ray, the doctor provided the patient with a letter for the hospital and if a specialist were needed, the patient would go to the outpatient department of the hospital. If a patient were pregnant, the doctor arranged for a bed in a hospital ward or for home delivery, whichever the doctor decided was necessary. At the hospital, another doctor would take over. If the patient did not like the doctor, a new one would be assigned from the same locality. Patients were permitted to hire their own doctors at their own expense, also paying for any prescribed drugs.
Many Socialists in the Government wanted to put a stop to the latter practice and eliminate private practice entirely, but there was little likelihood of that coming to pass as the majority of doctors and dentists had cooperated always with the NHS work, and most of the National Health doctors still had small private practices, allowed by the program.
The general practitioners were overworked and thus tended to pass their patients to hospitals for treatment, which, in earlier days, would have been handled in their offices, placing an added burden on hospitals and creating overcrowding, considered one of the drawbacks to free medical treatment.
Sometimes, there was a long waiting list for a hospital bed, particularly for things such as removal of tonsils, and in an emergency, doctors sometimes had to call on several hospitals before finding a place for the patient. Quality of treatment varied from one hospital to another and doctors could not always get the patient to a desired hospital. The hospital outpatients departments were impersonal and quite busy, and patients missed the personal understanding of their own doctor. They were usually treated by the hospital, rather than by a particular individual on staff and might be seen by several doctors during a prolonged stay. Each doctor might have a different prescribed treatment, discouraging to the patient, sometimes believing that such changes prolonged the illness.
The NHS, technically, made civil servants of the doctors, who signed contracts with local government entities, and along with other civil servants, received generous pensions for which they had to contribute part of their earnings to the Government employee pension plan.
Four years earlier, the standards for NHS doctors had been raised, requiring an extra year of residency in a hospital, but also had lowered the highest standards by killing off the incentive of the individualist who wanted to make a name for himself within the medical profession. The Health Service had therefore been a leveling process, forming a compromise to obtain the most adequate medical service for the greatest number of people.
A letter writer from Red Springs indicates that the people of the Presbyterian Synod of North Carolina had a right to know the full story of the incidents which had occurred in the action taken by Presbyterians to consolidate Peace, Flora MacDonald College and Presbyterian Junior College into what some called "the grand concept of Christian education", resulting in a new college to be located in Laurinburg. He indicates that the decision to consolidate the three colleges had been reached by a small, but powerful, group and had been swiftly passed by the Synod without the general approval or full knowledge of the Presbyterian membership of the Synod. He provides elaborate detail, indicating that the campaign had been established to raise three million dollars for the consolidated college plus $500,000 for Campus Christian Life, and though reported as a campaign contribution for Laurinburg, had actually been pledged prior to the selection of the location of the college, that from 127 churches, according to the report, $956,000 had been donated and another $300,000 anonymously, with the total contribution having been 4.2 million as of May 31, exceeding the established goal. But, he states, the campaign nevertheless continued, with 400 churches having not reported any contribution.
A letter writer from Rock Hill, S.C., indicates that Harry Golden, editor of the Carolina Israelite and "a great natural genius", reflected the thinking of a large number of thinking people, while another writer, Sholem Aleichem, often spoke for an entire people, that the literary output of both writers was enormous and that the story by the latter of two newspapers in the imaginary city of Kasrilevke had been delightfully written, telling of competing newspapers often ignoring each other and editorially disagreeing on everything, that to avoid mentioning the other paper's name, the editors would use an alphabetic acrostic, which the writer provides, saying it would increase circulation, with everyone quickly repeating the acrostic, then producing from the opposing newspaper a similar responsive alphabetic acrostic, which he also provides. He concludes: "Ah, those were the days and how many modern day readers would enjoy this sort of journalism."
Well, we have it now, but it is not so great. When the news organization, itself, becomes the subject of the story, we are slouching toward fascism. It is a sure symptom. Journalists should not become stars and news organizations should not become the central focus of any news story. For when that happens, journalistic objectivity is surely lost, seeking instead points in the Nielsen ratings or increased subscribers, as the case may be, and commensurately with it, trust in the judgment of the journalist and his or her employing organization.
A letter writer indicates that in the July 12 edition of the newspaper, it had titled an item on the President's campaign tour to take place by airplane, with an inclusion of the term "Veep" in reference to Mr. Nixon. He regards it as smelling of piracy and thievery, as that moniker belonged only to the late former Vice-President and Senator Alben Barkley of Kentucky, and he hopes that it was an error made by the Associated Press rather than by the News. "That nincompoop Nixon, who clings like a leech to the shirttail of the bulwark, Dwight D. Eisenhower, is most certainly not worthy of assuming this revered nom de nique; and for that matter I believe it should be reserved for good Democrats, since it evolved from their regime. Surely the Republicans must have something original, although they haven't indicated that to date. Even the much respected and appreciated Ike himself is reputed to be Democrat(ically) inclined, prior to entering politics."
You will be pleased to know that in the future, in 1972, the Republicans will come up with their own moniker for Mr. Nixon, which will rhyme with "Veep". Whatever glibly humorous irony might have been intended, it backfired badly, instead proving the Committee to Re-Elect the President quite worthy of its acronym, even if, strictly speaking, it worked out to CTREP—which may have been meant to conjure a sea cruise back into the good ol' days of McCarthy and the early 1950's, when the regency of Richard was in waiting.
Framed Edition
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