The Charlotte News

Wednesday, July 11, 1956

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Arnold Forster, the general counsel for the B'nai B'rith Anti-Defamation League, had told HUAC this date that "it is a dreadful thing" for the entertainment industry to blacklist performers accused of Communist associations without providing them a hearing, indicating further that if the Committee could reach a solution to the problem, it would be a tremendous thing. The Committee was investigating a two-volume report on blacklisting, published by the Fund for the Republic. Mr. Forster had taken vigorous exception to a statement by Representative Francis Walter of Pennsylvania, chairman of the Committee, that no such thing as a blacklist existed, and that the Fund for the Republic report was not worth the paper it was written on. Mr. Forster said that there may not be a formal list, but that he believed there was such a thing as blacklisting, that it was blacklisting when there was denial of employment to a person on grounds other than merit without first giving the person an opportunity to be heard. He said that if the Fund's report did nothing more than bring the problem into public discussion, it would be a great public service, a point on which Mr. Walter agreed. Mr. Forster also testified regarding his identification by John Cogley, editor of the Fund's blacklisting report, as being an otherwise unnamed "public relations expert", who had been able to clear accused performers by contacting "the right people". Mr. Forster did not deny that he had given a Fund researcher extensive statements on the subject, but testified that his concern with the quoted material from him was that it was far from complete. The report, based on information provided by Mr. Forster and others, had concluded that there were "clearance men" who could get accused performers off of the blacklist. He said that he could recall probably eight people whom the Anti-Defamation League had tried to help. (Incidentally, references in the above-linked Fund Report to The American Mercury regarding its anti-Communist identifications in support of blacklisting should not be confused with the earlier publication originally founded by the late H. L. Mencken and George Jean Nathan in 1924, as the publication became increasingly more identified with repressive conservativism after being sold in 1950 to Clendenin Ryan by Lawrence E. Spivak, founder of "Meet the Press", originally sponsored by the Mercury, Mr. Spivak having purchased the magazine in 1935 from founding publisher Alfred Knopf. In the 1950's such fare as this sensational and notorious piece by J. B. Matthews, in which he charged vast infiltration to the American Protestant clergy by Communism, and who was hired by Senator McCarthy as an aide, became commonplace.)

In Westbury, N.Y., the FBI entered the case involving the kidnaping of the month-old baby from his parents' backyard a week earlier on Wednesday, enabled by the Federal Lindbergh law permitting the FBI to become involved either one week after the kidnaping or when the person kidnaped had been transported across state lines, a presumption which attached after a week. Police had thus far found no trace of either the kidnaper or the baby, and there was no way of knowing whether the infant was still alive. According to his parents, he needed a special formula of milk and a vitamin compound to survive. Meanwhile, cranks and crackpots had called the heartbroken mother and tormented her with reports that they had the child or knew where he was, but all such reports had proved false. As indicated, the actual kidnaper would be caught in August and would tell police that he had abandoned the child next to a busy highway the day after the kidnaping, and the police would then go to that location and find the child's dead body.

In New York, it was reported that two freighters had collided early this date in thick fog in the North Atlantic, 450 miles east of Boston, and one of them had gone to the bottom about three hours later. All crewmen of the sunken Panamanian ship were reported to be safe aboard the other ship, an Italian freighter.

In Parris Island, S.C., a Marine private, 20, who had been worried about qualifying on the rifle range, had been found shot to death early this date, with base authorities saying that a preliminary investigation indicated suicide. A staff sergeant, the senior drill instructor of the man's platoon, said that the youth "had not done well during preliminary fire" and was "apprehensive and worried about his prospects of qualifying on the rifle range" this date. The Marine had been shot through the head and his body found slumped in his barracks bed. He was from Toronto, Ontario.

In Charlotte, the furor raised regarding a proposal to amend the zoning ordinance to allow funeral homes to operate in residential zones had quickly cooled this date as Mayor Philip Van Every announced that the City Council had decided to deny the request, greeted by loud applause during the morning session of the Council. The Council then voted unanimously to deny the request, followed by further applause. One member of the Council said that the individual funeral home operators could bring petitions to the Planning Board for zoning changes to permit operation in residential areas, and that each case would be decided on its individual merits. A question brought by the manager of the Charlotte Laundry, regarding her water bill, had caused some confusion among Council members, with the manager pointing out that several laundries were affected by a "new policy" of the Water Department, whereupon the Council decided to study the complaint and report on it at its next session. Could the two issues be related?

Legislators from 32 central North Carolina counties had been invited to a closed meeting at the High Rock Lake home of one State representative near Lexington the following day. They would discuss, without interference from non-legislators, bills to be introduced in the upcoming special session of the Legislature, scheduled to start July 23, regarding proposed bills and an amendment to the State Constitution dealing with the issue of desegregation of the public schools. On July 3, Thomas Pearsall, chairman of the North Carolina Advisory Committee on Education, had written legislators in the area, informing them that the Committee had been working on suggested bills to implement their April 5, 1956 report, the bills having been prepared to provide each member of the General Assembly a starting point for considering legislation for the special session, and advising that the Committee wished to obtain suggestions and comments on the proposed bills. He said that Governor Luther Hodges and Attorney General W. R. Rodman would be present, along with most members of the Committee, enclosing a list of the counties from which they had invited the representatives of the Assembly.

Julian Scheer of The News reports that while area lawmakers were studying maps showing the route to the country cabin near Lexington where the meeting would take place, Governor Hodges this date was receiving his lumps over the secrecy concerning the meetings with the legislators. The following day, another secret session with members of the Assembly would be held at the lake-front cabin to review the five proposals to be offered at the special session, and the Governor was being criticized from several quarters over the apparent attempt at secrecy regarding the meetings, to which no outsiders or even the press would be admitted. The five bills to be discussed included one to authorize grants to pay tuition of white children to private schools, who otherwise might have to attend desegregated schools, a second bill regarding a local option plan which would permit communities, on the basis of a popular vote, to close their schools, a bill incorporating a State Constitutional amendment to avoid the requirement that the State maintain a "free and uniform" school system, a fourth bill proposing to change the compulsory school attendance law, and a bill which would set up machinery for a general election the following September to vote on the proposed State Constitutional amendment. Most of the discussion had revolved around the tuition plan, which was expected to result in grants of $135 per pupil for attendance of private schools. Legislators of Mecklenburg County had already received maps and instructions on how to reach the representative's High Rock Lake cabin in Davidson County. Y'all come...

Dick Young of The News reports that formal approval of the location of the proposed $600,000 Health Center on the grounds of Charlotte Memorial Hospital had been provided by the City Council this date, despite public criticism of the location by County Commission member, Sam McNinch, who maintained that the County Health Department ought be withdrawn from the City Health building if the health facilities were not included in the building project contemplated by the County Commission on E. 4th Street at the rear of the Courthouse. Members of the Council ignored the complaint and readily accepted the proposal for the location of the Health Center.

Ann Sawyer of The News reports on the second trial of "Shorty", the short-tempered short-order cook who had killed his wife's suitor in January after emerging from the trunk of her car where he had secreted himself along with his combination rifle-shotgun, coming out upon hearing kissing noises from the front seat area where his wife and her suitor were seated. Conflicting accounts had been presented this date regarding what had taken place at the Merita Grill parking lot in the wee hours of the morning of January 3. Shorty had been found guilty of second-degree murder in January at his first trial and sentenced to 30 years in prison, the court having stated at sentencing that it would rather be sentencing the wife, given the fact that her licentious conduct had been the ultimate root of the tragedy. But the State Supreme Court had reversed the conviction because of judicial error for the judge having undertaken cross-examination of the defendant in front of the jury regarding what he actually heard from the trunk and whether he could say definitely it was a kissing sound, the Supreme Court ruling that only the attorneys could cross-examine witnesses, not the court, and that it had been prejudicial to his defense. The conflicting testimony in the retrial concerned whether there had been a struggle between Shorty and the deceased over the gun before the fatal shooting. A witness for the State said that the two men had never been closer than 8 to 10 feet from one another, that she could see everything and that they had not scuffled over the gun. A witness called by the defense, who had been discovered by the attorneys for the defendant during the latter hours of his first trial, told the white, all-male jury from Lincoln County this date that the two men "came scuffling across the parking lot." She said that both men, who were in front of her car, had their hands on the gun. A Charlotte police officer testified that he had talked with the latter witness, another female witness, and a Yellow Cab driver witness, all three of whom had been together in one car, and that he had told them he would appreciate any information they could give him, but that all three had stated that they had not seen anything. The State had rested its case this date after hearing testimony from six witnesses, and following a 15-minute recess, the defense called 13 witnesses, the first of whom was the woman who said that she had seen the two men scuffling over the gun in front of her car. The State witnesses included the County coroner, who said that the deceased had died from a gunshot wound to the chest, the operator of a general store, who said that she had sold the defendant about six .410 shotgun shells on January 2, the day before the shooting, a woman, who said that she had seen the defendant emerge from the trunk and shoot the deceased as the latter had emerged from the front seat of the car, and a passenger in her car, plus two soldiers, and two police officers. For further exciting details on the case, you will have to turn to page 4-A. As we informed back in January, following the conviction, stay tuned for more to come on this scintillatingly engrossing case, as there is a surprise ending for Shorty.

In Baltimore, a Western key had unlocked a small, minor Eastern mystery the previous day, and North and South had also gotten into the story. A 23-year old woman had brought a Japanese lacquered box to a police station in Baltimore the previous day because a locksmith had been unable to open the wedding-anniversary gift from the woman's husband, an airman stationed in Manila. The key was inside the box. But a lieutenant at the police station had a key for handcuffs, and it had unlocked the music box, which then played a Southern tune, "O Susanna".

In Salt Lake City, there had been plenty of offers to help two delivery men when they had dropped a bag they were carrying, which contained 1,000 silver dollars headed to a downtown bank. The dollars had scattered across the sidewalk and into a gutter, but a bank official said that most of the money had been recovered.

In Provo, Utah, a police officer had given his wife a parking ticket, asked newsmen not to use his name because "things at home are going to be tough enough as it is." The officer said that he had spotted his car parked next to a time-expired meter, and that his wife had driven downtown to shop.

In Hull, Québec, the wealthy Canadian Pacific Railway had owed a man $202.50 for five weeks and he was tired of waiting, so had the Ottawa-Maniwaki train, consisting of a locomotive, a tender, a baggage car and two passenger cars, seized and ordered sold for auction, at which point the railroad paid him within 24 hours. On October 7, 1953, when the man, a laborer, had pleaded guilty to beating up a CPR employee on the train, he had paid a $25 fine and court costs, but the railroad, after long deliberation, had sued him for the time his victim had lost from the job and for compensation for the injured man. But the suit had been dismissed after the defendant's lawyer had argued that the railway had failed to file its damage action within the one-year statute of limitations, and the court had ordered the railroad to pay the defendant the $202.50 in costs. When the railroad failed to pay, the man's lawyer applied for the seizure order. On the prior Monday, as the seized train was about to set out on its 90-mile run with commuters homeward bound, the local court bailiff appeared and demanded the $202.50 plus the bailiff's fee of $14.50. Since the stationmaster could not pay the amount, the bailiff seized the train as well as the benches, chairs, a table and typewriter in the station. An auction was set to sell the property on July 23, unless the railroad paid the bill. Late the previous day, an attorney for CPR arrived with the total amount and the case was closed.

On the editorial page, "Health Agencies Must Not Be Divorced" finds the suggestion that Mecklenburg County would set up independent health facilities should a proposed City-County Health Center be located at Memorial Hospital to be taxing of public credulity, as such a move would represent backsliding.

County Commission member Sam McNinch, who had issued the warning the previous day, would perform, it suggests, a greater public service by working for complete consolidation of City and County health agencies than for their divorce. Consolidation of the health facilities under a single roof and one administrative head, it finds, was more important than having unrelated County agencies bunched together on E. 4th Street.

It indicates that the Memorial Hospital site had much to recommend it, as it was easily accessible by public transportation or private automobile, and would bring the health departments and an important Charlotte hospital together, forming a health center of importance.

Significant progress had been made, largely the result of City-County health officer Dr. M. B. Bethel serving in a consolidated capacity for both the entire community, and it concludes that the progress could not be allowed to dip because of petty political controversy.

"GOP Has Something to Remember" indicates that for the Republican Party, the news from Gettysburg the previous day, that the President would continue his run for re-election despite his June 8 attack of ileitis, had been a stroke of deliverance, bringing brighter hopes for potential Republican recapture of the Congress on the coattails of the President and all but dashing worries by Republicans about retention of the White House.

It suggests that the President represented the Republicans' greatest strength and their greatest weakness. The party had gambled almost blindly on his strength and had disregarded the weakness in the "indispensable man" approach to politics, with no alternatives acknowledged.

The fact that he would run again did not diminish the party's need for new leaders. Shortly before he had suffered his September 24, 1955 heart attack, the President had warned that "you never pin your flag so tightly to one mast that if a ship sinks you cannot rip it off and nail it to another. It is sometimes good to remember that."

It suggests that it would be to the advantage of Republicans and to the nation if they recalled that advice before the upcoming convention, asserts that the party's dependence on the President could not under any circumstances extend beyond four years, while the fact of two major illnesses lent uncertainty even to his viability for that period. The Republicans did not have another Eisenhower, but they did have men who shared in large measure his talents for elevated leadership and his breadth of understanding. It urges that the Republicans bring to the forefront those people, and that one of them ought be nominated for the vice-presidency.

"Even Wine Will Turn to Vinegar" quotes from Jonathan Swift: "'Tis an old maxim in the schools,/ That flattery is the food of fools;/ Yet now and then your men of wit/ Will condescend to take a bit."

The piece indicates that flattery provided in the Senate's "Mutual Admiration Society" was undoubtedly the most extravagant, bombastic and elegantly insincere exercise known in American politics, exceeding even log-rolling in its strategic demands on both the flatterer and the person flattered. It finds that a Senator could not just sit down and take verbal flummery with a sheepish smile. He had to get up and out-flummer the flummerer. Once the adulation started, it took everything the presiding officer had to get the Senate settled back down to serious business.

It offers as example, from the Congressional Record, an exchange between Senators Lyndon Johnson of Texas, Styles Bridges of New Hampshire, and other Senators, as reported in the Kingsport (Tenn.) Times, wherein Senator Johnson had said that Senator Bridges was a "very able and respected political strategist" and he wished to commend him for his efforts, whereupon Senator Bridges thanked Senator Johnson, saying that he felt the same way about him. Senator Dennis Chavez of New Mexico then said that "no one has greater respect for the Senator from New Hampshire" than he had. Senator Johnson then said that the Senator was "a very worthy and able spokesman." Senator Chavez then said that he had observed the Senator from Florida on the floor and he had always respected his judgment. Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri stated that he thanked his good friend from New Hampshire for his kind remarks, stating that there was no man on the floor of the Senate on either side of the aisle who took more interest in the security of the country in his mind and heart than did the distinguished Senator from New Hampshire. Senator Johnson then said that he had "nothing but the greatest respect for the patriotism of the Senator from Minnesota and for his sound judgment." Senator Edward Thye of Minnesota then stated, "No one could have a higher regard for any member of the United States Senate" than he had for the distinguished Senator from Missouri. Senator Symington then said that the "distinguished Senator from Minnesota" knew that there was no one in the Senate for whom the Senator from Missouri had more affection and respect than he had for the Senator from Minnesota.

It finds that the exchange represented gallantry developed to the peak of high art, but that it was reassured by Richard Brinsley Sheridan that conscience had no more to do with gallantry than it had to do with politics, which it suggests ought soothe the fears of rank-and-file partisans who could not abide genuine respect and admiration among political opponents. "Without a conscience, a politician can turn from flattery to flat irons without the slightest twinge of remorse or contrition. Politics never rises to a really high plane. Nothing ever rises but the taxes."

A piece from the Green Bay Press-Gazette, titled "Barnum Was Right", indicates that the way people thought up methods to extract money from the gullible public never ceased to be amazing, the latest being the "Memorial Obituary" gimmick, whereby people would clip an obituary from a newspaper, press it between two pieces of cheap plastic, imprint the Lord's Prayer or some other religious script on the back and mail it to a relative of a deceased person with a request for one dollar by return mail, enabling the recipient to order additional copies at special rates.

Since relatives of the deceased could purchase as many copies of local newspapers with the obituary as they wanted for a nickel apiece, and the plastic used was even cheaper, it led one to wonder why anyone would send a dollar for something that would cost them 15 cents to reproduce. But people who wondered about such things, it suggests, had missed one of the most enduring qualities of the human character, an innate gullibility which P. T. Barnum had summed up in his remark: "A sucker is born every minute."

Even those who accepted Mr. Barnum's dictum might expect the exploiters of human gullibility to stop short of preying on grief-stricken people who recently had lost a loved one. It finds the answer to be in another well-known saying, to the effect that some people would do anything for a buck.

Drew Pearson indicates that while the House was defeating the school aid bill the previous week, education in Russia was undergoing change via a ten-year program in effect in the larger cities, with emphasis being placed on science and technology. During the previous six of the ten years of the program, 40 percent of the curriculum was devoted to science and mathematics, with six years of foreign language, usually English, to keep Russian engineers abreast of American science. While 40 years earlier, under the Czarist regime, Russian illiteracy had been about 75 percent, it was now about the same as in the U.S., maybe less. The reason was a seven-years system of compulsory primary education, which under the new five-year plan would soon be extended to ten years. The U.S.S.R. had 35 million people registered in schools, including workers taking night courses, and if other adult and correspondence courses were included, the figure would probably be around 60 million.

There were about 4.3 million people enrolled in institutions above the high school level, including technical and manual training schools, whereas the U.S. had three million students in colleges and universities, albeit probably higher than the number of Russian students in the equivalent higher educational institutions. Because of the concentration on technical training in the U.S.S.R., they were ahead of the U.S. in turning out engineers, with a total of 53,000 having graduated in 1954, compared to 23,000 in the U.S. The previous month, 228 teachers of physics, set to teach in 27,000 high schools, had been graduated from college in the U.S., while physicists were needed most to work on atomic energy.

He finds it no wonder that Communist Party Secretary Nikita Khrushchev had boasted in Burma: "We shall see who has more engineers, the United States or the Soviet Union." At the same time, he had offered to build a technical institute in Rangoon for the Burmese.

While Russia was turning out increasing numbers of engineers and teachers, the National Education Association estimated that the U.S. had a shortage of 128,000 teachers, with 900,000 pupils going to school in shifts because of the shortage of schoolrooms. A total of 96,079 teachers had graduated in June, but the nation needed twice that many to keep up with the deaths, retirements and the increasing birth-rate of rising pupils.

The U.S. Office of Education estimated that the country would have to spend 3.8 billion dollars per year at the state, local and Federal levels to meet the needs of the ensuing four years. At present, the expenditure was only 2.7 billion and the Kelley school construction bill, defeated in the House the previous week, provided only 400 million dollars per year for four years.

He concludes that it was why increasing numbers of neutralist countries were sending students to Russian universities and why those countries were going to Moscow for Russian technicians despite the American technical aid program.

He notes that according to former Senator William Benton of Connecticut, who had recently returned from Russia, "Russian education is a bigger threat than the hydrogen bomb."

Doris Fleeson suggests that every so often a legislative battle made it clear how the U.S. political system could be manipulated to serve a minority interest and how the role of the President could thwart it if he chose to do so. She finds such an instance in the Federal aid to schools bill having been defeated in the House the previous Thursday from reaction.

The President, in his inaugural address in 1953, had spoken of the "urgent need" for "prompt action" to provide aid to school construction, but he had not tried to save the bill and it was doubtful he had any idea of what forces were at work behind the scenes and how they operated.

The Southern Democrats and 96 Republicans who had first voted for the amendment proposed by Representative Adam Clayton Powell of New York to prevent the aid from going to school districts which continued to practice segregation in the public schools, so as to solidify Southern opposition, had then voted against the Kelley bill with the Powell amendment in it. The 96 Republicans who voted against it claimed it was because it was not the President's bill, but Ms. Fleeson points out that two-thirds of the Administration's proposals on the subject were in the bill and no Republican in the House had ever bothered to introduce the President's bill, much less fight for it.

While the President remained silent as enemies of the legislation had taken on the liberals, some of whom believed they should not be recorded against the Powell amendment, reaction had combined with Southern friends, allies in fiscal legislation, with the amendment in the bill, to defeat it. Civil rights was only incidental to the struggle. The principal minority interest served had not been the Southerners. The records of those members who had defeated the bill would show their economic and social colors. Not one among them could be elected to the presidency or vice-presidency on either party's ticket because the country as a whole did not support their philosophy, and few, save in the South and perhaps in some of the one-party Republican states of the Midwest, could even be elected to the Senate.

In the long run, she posits, the real story was to what extent that same coalition could and would use the same weapons to tear down the structure of the New and Fair Deals. They could not do it by a frontal assault as the first Republican President in 20 years had embraced the new order.

Within two days of the defeat of the bill, the House had unanimously passed a bill for Federal aid to schools in communities crowded by military and other Federal installations. Racial segregation was barely mentioned in that bill. Because it dealt with defense, and House members did not wish to tamper with defense, especially in an election year, it had passed.

After the fight was over on the school aid bill, the President said that he still hoped to get a bill passed, but 96 Republicans in the House had delivered a crushing blow to his hopes the prior Thursday while still being uncertain as to whether he would help the party by running again during the fall. She concludes that it did not require a vivid imagination to wonder what they would do to his hopes if and when he was re-elected and would become the first lame-duck President at the start of his Presidency.

Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that it was 18 or 19 years earlier when he had covered his first All-Star baseball game in Griffith Stadium in Washington. He recalls that Johnny Busick had just quit and he had gotten to be a baseball writer, while contemplating marriage. Al Simmons, who had died recently, was playing a little bit and there were two wild left-handed pitchers named Chase and Krakausas. Stanley Harris had been manager and Clark Griffith had been a vibrant man in his 70's. They were a lousy ball club, but the sportswriters felt very important because they were the home team and ran the show for the All-Star game.

What he knew about baseball was slim to none. But Mr. Busick had quit to go to George Washington as a press agent and Rocky Riley had looked around the city room and could find no one but Mr. Ruark to step in, and so he shook his head and asked whether Mr. Ruark thought he could become a baseball writer, to which Mr. Ruark had said he did not know, that he had covered a ballet once. Mr. Riley then said that he was a baseball writer. His pay advanced from $25 to $30 per week and he informed his fiancée that soon she would be wearing rhinestones if she stuck with him. She wanted to know what a baseball writer did and he said that he did not have the faintest idea. She said it sounded nice and that at present her family believed he was running numbers for a living, to which he replied that no numbers runner was ever so broke.

He says he doubted he would ever forget that year. He had to go out and count the bases, having never seen a major league baseball game. He asked the dumb questions and wrote a surprising amount of hard news through stupidity. "Each day was a thing of horror almost approaching bullfighting as a vocation. I couldn't spit when I got up in the morning."

He suggests that it was probable that it was around the time Mickey Mantle was being born. Joe DiMaggio had come up from the minor leagues and Mose Grove was pitching, with Jimmy Foxx flexing his arms and Hank Greenberg on first. Mr. Ruark was scared to talk to them. Just being associated with the Washington Senators was a disgrace, apart from being young and stupid.

Then came the All-Star game and he got to meet some very important people such as Joe Williams, Charley Segar, Dan Parker, Dan Daniels, Bob Considine, and Red Smith—"a square from Philadelphia, but not so square as Ruark from Wilmington, N.C.—all the people whose names you know." Everyone had gotten drunk and eaten a free lunch and he recalled thinking that one day if he played it right, he would be a good sportswriter like the others. He concludes that he was dead wrong.

A letter writer from Morganton indicates that former Charlotte Mayor Ben Douglas, running against Republican Congressman Charles Jonas for the seat, had stated to the Young Democrats Club that the change in political leadership would probably give him 2,500 to 5,000 more votes. The letter writer finds that he was counting his chickens before they hatched, that the recent controversy regarding the $1,000 raffle held in the 11th District primary contest by a service station owner, resulting in charges of seeking to buy the nomination, should make the people of the 10th District feel good that Congressman Jonas would not stoop to such tactics, assuring that they would re-elect him for a third term by the largest majority yet, as she finds he had served the people well and not lobbyists.

You have inflated, however, the size of the raffle tenfold, as it was only for $100, and, moreover, the Cherryville service station owner who conducted it had stated that the candidate being promoted, Solicitor Basil Whitener, had no knowledge of it. Typical Republican misinformation...

A letter writer from Route 3, Gastonia, responds to those letter writers who had nothing to do but criticize the younger generation, especially Elvis Presley, referring to one particular letter, which she found to be the most ridiculous thing she had ever heard of, with people suggesting that Elvis was a savage. She wonders what was wrong with Elvis and his music, says that she could see nothing wrong with it, that it was "just as American as ham and eggs to see our teenagers screaming after him." She suggests that the letter writer in question perhaps had never been a teenager or had a teenage son or daughter, or ever laughed, or ever done any of the other things which accompanied youth. She prefers Elvis and rock 'n' roll music to some of the things the other writer had mentioned, but that even if she did not, she hoped that when she was an old lady, she could find better things to do with her time than worry about such things, as the music was not hurting anyone, indicating that there had to be a lot of people who liked Elvis as he was earning $40,000 per week. She finds that the critics were raging out of jealousy, "the little green-eyed monster." They did not want anyone to have success who did not belong to the social circle. "And as far as I'm concerned, these people who yap about him all the time are just plain narrow-minded." She urges letting the "poor fellow alone" and letting the teenagers have the kind of music they wanted, as they would probably be around a long time after the critics of Elvis and the letter writer were gone.

A letter writer from Route 11 in Charlotte, says that she was a teenager and along with the many thousands of other teenagers, had to "take the mud" slung at them each day. It made her angry and broke her heart. "We're not here by choice but rather because God in his infinite mercy breathes into each of us the breath of life." "Why make us feel cheap and evil because some of our age indulge in breaking the law? Are we all juvenile delinquents? Because one man may kill his fellow man, do you consider yourself a murderer? Of course, you don't! We are human; we're a part of you." She says that Elvis Presley represented merely an excuse to sling more mud at teenagers, to call them names. She believes that Elvis was great. "People say it is evil, dirty and savage for us teenagers to get excited at the sound of rock 'n' roll music. Isn't it better for us to express our emotions in our home or our favorite places of recreation than to throw a brick through a glass window?" She says that if she had offended anyone, she could not truly say she was sorry. "Think of all the poor innocent teenagers who are being offended each day! Be careful, parents and adults. Don't kill the pride in your children. Instead of drowning them, take pride in them, be the parents of whom they can be proud. I'm sure you are but there is always room for improvement—both on your side and ours."

A letter writer who withholds his or her name asks who cared whether former President Truman did not like Senator Estes Kefauver, the writer saying that he or she did not like Mr. Truman. "I saw enough on TV the night President Eisenhower was nominated to satisfy me as to what's who and who's what."

It is probable that former President Truman would like and appreciate your plain speaking.

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