The Charlotte News
Monday, June 4, 1956
THREE EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page
reports that Senator Herbert Lehman of New York, speaking in a Harlem
church the previous day at the annual meeting of the Urban League of
Greater New York, said that the civil rights problem had "sharpened
into a national crisis," and that Harlem, predominantly black
and Puerto Rican in its residents, presented "illustration and
proof" that the civil rights problem was a "Northern as
well as a Southern one". The League, comprised of both black and
white members, was dedicated to improving the lot of American blacks.
It had cited Senator Lehman as "the conscience of the Senate and
the nation in the fight for full equality of opportunity for all
Americans." The Senator said that Harlem was a community "rich
in tradition and culture… But Harlem is also a rebuke to us of
the North, and a challenge to clean up our own backyard, even as we
press forward with our efforts to bring justice and equality of the
Negroes and other oppressed minorities in the South. Harlem is a
ghetto. Harlem is an area of poverty, congestion, substandard
housing, and substandard schooling. These conditions, rather than the
race or national origin of the people who reside in Harlem, are
primarily responsible for the high incidence of crime and juvenile
delinquency in the area. We need residential integration in New York
City. Housing segregation is responsible for the high incidence of
school segregation in our metropolis." He said that prospects
for passage of civil rights legislation during the current session of
Congress were not good and that if they were frustrated in Congress,
he was prepared to carry the fight to the Democratic convention in
Chicago in mid-August, and to the people during the election
campaigns in the fall, regardless of whether he was a candidate for
re-election or not. He was critical of the policies of the planners
of New York City regarding public housing, saying that there had been
constructed too many housing projects on congested land, and that the
City had cleared some slums, only to create new and worse ones,
constructing projects which were, by their location, forced into a
pattern of segregation. He praised the Urban League and Charles
Abrams, chairman of the New York State Commission against
Discrimination, for working toward a solution of the problem
The President told organized labor this date, as he spoke at dedication ceremonies of the new national headquarters building of the recently merged AFL-CIO in Washington, that growing strength of labor carried with it vast new responsibility, like that of government, to serve the people without seeking to dominate them. Some 8,000 spectators attended the ceremony, conducted a short distance across Lafayette Park from the White House. He assured leaders of the labor organization that he would always be willing to discuss anything of mutual interest.
The Supreme Court decided this date, six to three, with the majority opinion delivered by Justice Stanley Reed, that the Taft-Hartley labor law did not prevent state labor boards from banning mass picketing, use of force and threats of violence by strikers. Justice William O. Douglas wrote a dissent, joined by Chief Justice Earl Warren and Justice Hugo Black, which opined that the majority had departed from a 1953 holding in Garner v. Teamsters Union, which had unanimously held that a state court could not enjoin action which was subject to an unfair labor proceeding under Federal law, allowing such a state injunction in the instant case, potentially leading to "clashes and conflicts" between state and Federal jurisdiction and decision-making by Federal agencies, in this case the NLRB. The UAW had appealed from a decision by the Wisconsin Supreme Court, which had upheld an injunction restricting picketing and other union activities during an April, 1954 strike at a Kohler Co. plant in Kohler, Wisc.
J. Leonard Reinsch, 47, of Atlanta, a radio-television executive, was named this date as manager of the 1956 Democratic convention in Chicago, appointed by DNC chairman Paul Butler to be assistant chairman in charge of the convention, to succeed William Roach, who had resigned on May 18. The convention would start on August 13.
During the final day of campaigning in the California primary, set for the following day, Adlai Stevenson and Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee both predicted victory in the winner-take-all contest for the 68 Democratic votes to the convention. Senator Kefauver continued his attack on the civil rights stances of Mr. Stevenson, and the latter deplored what he called the "political sideshow" aspects of the rivalry. New York, Montana and South Dakota would also hold primaries the following day, and Senator Kefauver stood to pick up by default 16 delegate votes in Montana and eight in South Dakota, as he had no opposition except for write-ins in Montana. In New York, a Republican slate of national convention delegates for the President was unopposed, as in California. Governor Averell Harriman had some opposition but was expected to obtain most of the 86 delegate votes from New York for the Democrats. The Governor had described himself as not being an active candidate for the nomination. In the latest Associated Press tabulation of pledged Democratic delegates and those publicly stating a preferred candidate, there were, out of 686.5 delegate votes needed for nomination, 186.5 going to Mr. Stevenson, 140.5 to Senator Kefauver, 226 to others and 347 remaining uncommitted, totaling 900 or nearly two-thirds of the total delegate votes of 1,372.
In St. Louis, the defense had called its first witness this date in the lengthy trial of Matthew Connelly, former appointments secretary to President Truman, and Lamar Caudle, former head of the Justice Department's Tax Division during the Truman Administration, both charged with conspiring to defraud the Government by fixing the tax case of a shoe manufacturer in St. Louis. The Government had completed its case the previous Friday, after presenting testimony from 47 witnesses during 18 days, and the defense estimated that it would require a week to ten days to present its case. On Friday, the prosecution had presented evidence of an entry by co-defendant Harry Schwimmer, attorney for the shoe manufacturer, which said that $5,800 would be held in escrow to be paid out if the case against his client were dropped. Mr. Schwimmer, previously on trial, had a mistrial declared after his doctors said that he could not withstand continued trial in his current physical condition. The man involved in the tax case had been fined $40,000 for tax evasion after a guilty plea in 1951, but had not been sent to prison because of poor health. The Government contended that Mr. Schwimmer had bought oil royalties for Mr. Connelly and Mr. Caudle for their influence exerted in the case.
In Montgomery, Ala., the trial of a woman charged with the arsenic poisoning deaths of two of her former husbands, her mother and her three children, would begin this date, with the State expected to seek the death penalty. She had pleaded not guilty by reason of insanity at her arraignment the previous month. The solicitor prosecuting the case said that she was vague about her motive but that she had some insurance on each victim. She had given a signed statement to police on how she had accomplished each death, and also had taken responsibility for the attempted murder of her current husband, who was paralyzed from the poison. Her statement had indicated that the string of poisonings had begun in 1937 with her three-year old girl, who died of ant poisoning placed in her milk. In 1939, her second husband and father of her children had died of whiskey-laced arsenic poisoning, and in 1940, her six-year old daughter died of poisoning, as did another daughter, 11, in 1943. Her statement said that her mother had died in 1944 of coffee spiked with arsenic. Her fourth husband had died of poisoned coffee in 1951, and then she had married his son, who was paralyzed as a result of being poisoned. All six of the bodies had been exhumed and traces of arsenic had been found in each. The defendant had been a waitress.
In Charlotte, a South Carolina man, who had allegedly filed pennies to the size of dimes so that he could use them in cigarette vending machines, had been arrested by the Secret Service, with the local agent in charge of the Carolinas headquarters in Charlotte having stated that he was charged with mutilation of U.S. currency, a Federal offense. An operator of a local store where a cigarette machine was located had told the Secret Service that he had taken 157 pennies from the machine during a period of one week, and agents arrested the man after they observed him placing filed pennies in the machine. The man had been arraigned on Saturday morning before a U.S. Commissioner, pleaded not guilty and was released on a $200 bond.
Dick Young of The News tells of a hearing on the restraining order issued to A. G. Brown, preventing him from continuing with construction of his business buildings in a restricted zoning area, which had originally been scheduled for this date to determine whether the order would become permanent, having been postponed until June 18, with the judge having continued the temporary order in effect until that time.
Helen Parks of The News reports from Montreat, N.C., that the issue of women in the church had erupted again this date as a report on divorce and remarriage passed quietly and unanimously by the general assembly of the Southern Presbyterian Church, after heavy debate had been anticipated, instead the resolution having passed without discussion, following a surprise motion from the floor calling for another study to be made on the position of women in the church to accompany the report which had been approved the prior Saturday. The report had recommended allowing women to become elders or deacons, and had passed by a narrow margin on Saturday. But following several charges that another study would be a reflection on the committee's report, the whole matter was tabled.
Rain clouds threatened to send more water into the flooding Columbia River in the Pacific Northwest this date, after some 1,000 persons had been evacuated and thousands of acres flooded as the Columbia and its tributaries carried runoff from record mountain snowpack. A crest of 27 feet had been forecast at Vancouver, Wash., where the Columbia had risen to nearly 12 feet above flood stage, with Army engineers expecting the major dikes to hold at the 28-foot level. The upper Snake River in eastern Idaho and Wyoming also was well above flood stage, as was the Kootenai, a Columbia tributary in Idaho.
Residents of a central Oklahoma farm community, Mustang, had waded through tornado wreckage this date, marveling at the miracle which had spared the town's 210 citizens. Two tornadoes had hit the community early the previous day, and observers said that if the funnels had come a few feet nearer to the ground, untold damage and loss of life would have resulted, as it was, damage having been estimated at $200,000, but without any injuries.
On the editorial page, "Putting the Brakes on Hate Traffic" indicates that those who wrote and spread hate literature were "pygmies all", unable to stand in the open light with reasonable men, instead trying to make all crawl in their own dark fear.
The voices they heard counseled fear and also demanded that no questions be asked, whereas others who heard such voices always asked those questions as to the reasonable basis for the fears. When the hate-mongers then became lonely, they turned to hatred for company, telling themselves that hatred was virtue and divinely-inspired.
"Hatred, however, cannot be leashed. It fills the vacuum of pygmy minds and overflows into the stomach and muscles and into the hands. The hands do violence—with a blow or with a pen. It is significant that pistols live beside printing presses in the workrooms of the hate merchants."
Their selected enemies were always minorities, could as well be men named Jackson as all Jews or Catholics or black people. "The bigot knows with animal shrewdness that small groups cannot fight poisoned words. He knows, too, that he finds a certain confidence in claiming to speak for the majority." He wanted to belong to that majority, but barred from it, he scurried to the back and left his hate sheets behind. He hoped for an epidemic of hate in which he would find himself chairman of the board, surrounded by the esteem which he had been unable to attract with his "pygmy talents".
It finds that the truth which such peddlers could not face was that they were the minority of minorities, and that in dodging that truth came their sickness, which was in need of restraint. It concludes that the police were seeking commendably to apply that necessary restraint.
Yet, there also has to be weighed in the balance the notion that suppressing of such opinions might only cause them to fester and seethe the more, until finally erupting into violence. Hence, we have the First Amendment, which protects speech, as long as it does not foster a "clear and present danger" of violence as a consequence, relying on the "marketplace of ideas" to reason through the various expressions and eliminate that which has no reasonable basis in fact.
"Quality Education Must Be Maintained" tells of the quality which supported the pride which North Carolinians had in the Consolidated University beginning to frazzle, with the most obvious flaw being the dwindling ranks of professors and administrators and unfilled posts of leadership.
At Woman's College in Greensboro, chancellor Edward Kidder Graham had resigned, leaving the campus divided by factionalism and dissension. Although Dr. Graham had been a flashpoint for dissension, himself, he had not healed it by resigning.
At the main campus in Chapel Hill, chancellor Robert B. House would retire the following year, as would the business managers at the Chapel Hill and Greensboro campuses. Presently, the provost of the Consolidated University was in an acting capacity, as was the president, William C. Friday.
It indicates that thoughtful and conscientious attempts to fill the vacancies were being made and that they had to be filled with those with high purpose and achievement, but there was need for the problem to be known and realized because of the high stakes, as the quality of education came from the teachers. An hundred teachers had departed the University units for better pay within the previous two years, with others considering positions elsewhere, and the instability inherent in low pay being heightened by the instability of administrative leadership. Insufficient salaries also harmed the ability to fill executive positions.
The UNC presidency had a salary cap of $15,500, and one prospect for the position was presently making $25,000, plus having a home, servants and automobiles provided by his present institution. UNC chancellors received $13,500, compared with $15,000 paid for comparable positions in other regions of the country.
Acting president Friday had properly warned that the University system had to be allowed to attract faculty members with better pay.
It concludes that quality could not be sacrificed by continuing instability in executive offices and in the classrooms of the University system through insufficient salaries.
"And Pop Goes the Politician, Too" quotes a country editor of its acquaintance who had said, "If you ever want to get even with a politician, just quote him accurately."
It indicates that most reporters were quite conscientious about getting exact quotations in their notes but that it was no secret that some "shameless prettifying" went on occasionally in Washington, correcting grammar and fractured phrases, removing obscenities in deference to younger readers. It finds that perhaps it was not so bad, but it had always lamented the loss of the flavor of plain political talk when a journalism school graduate decided to dignify the raw material.
It finds the most shameless prettifier to be the Congressional Record, which censored the utterances of Senators and Representatives on a regular basis, such that one gathered that the editors had no sense of humor. It cites as an instance a recent statement by Senator William Knowland of California who was recorded as saying: "Mr. President, I send an amendment to the desk and ask that it be stated," when he had actually said, "Mr. President, I send to the amendment a desk and ask that it be stated."
In earlier times, current House Minority Leader Joseph Martin of Massachusetts, when presiding over the House when the Republicans controlled the body, had stated: "For what gentleman does the purpose from Illinois arise?" But the Congressional Record had rearranged the sentence to make it appropriate.
It suggests that it would be a dull world if all such gaffes were dutifully corrected for posterity, that had that been the case, it was unlikely that anyone would have ever heard of the Rev. W. A. Spooner of Oxford, for whom the term "Spoonerism" was coined, after he had said, "I have just received a blushing crow," and on another occasion, "For real enjoyment give me a well-boiled icicle!" When asked if he sang, he had stated: "I know only two tunes—'God Save the Weasel' and 'Pop Goes the Queen'."
It concludes that it was for abolishing the editor's blue pencil at the Congressional Record, wanted accurate quotes, as it could use the laughs.
A piece from the Rocky Mount
Telegram, titled "The Beast of Wadesboro", tells of a
news item out of Bladen County recently which had caused the writer
of the piece to wonder what had ever happened to the dreaded "Beast
of Bladen" which had excited everyone a couple of years
Then from Wadesboro had come a report that a farmer in nearby Morven had spotted a huge, strange-looking beast which had quickly vanished from his watermelon field but had left tracks measuring 13 inches long, 5 inches wide and included sharp claws measuring 3 inches. Initially, the farmer thought that it was a buck deer or big bear but upon closer examination through the lowland mist, had found the creature to appear as a man in a stooped position. So he called in the police who determined that the footprints did not match those of a 650-pound black bear caged at a nearby service station, being twice the size.
Neighbors and the farmer wanted the
beast found and killed before it damaged crops. The piece suggests
that it would probably turn out to be a large bear which had managed
to make large tracks because of slipping in the mud, that it was not
a new monster
Yet, people liked to be confronted
with a mystery occasionally and when civilization made that
impossible, a combination of circumstances conspired with fertile
imaginations to fill the void, with the result being either a new
deep-sea monster
What about a mink poacher?
Drew Pearson indicates that there
was more backstage huddling regarding the Kremlin's invitation to the
Air Force to view the Soviet air show than usually occurred in
backstage huddles in Washington, with the State Department having
been upset that the invitation had gone directly to the Pentagon and
not through the usual State Department channels, and furthermore that
Admiral Arthur Radford, chairman of the Joint Chiefs, had suggested
that all of the Joint Chiefs be invited. When that suggestion had
been put to Ambassador to Russia Charles Bohlen, he was informed that
the Soviet Government would have invited all three of the Joint
Chiefs if they had wanted them but that they did not. That reply
resulted in another high-strategy conference in Washington in which
the State Department favored rejecting the invitation tendered to
General Nathan Twining
The recent Wisconsin Republican rebuke to Senator Alexander Wiley of that state by refusing to support him for re-election had both national and international repercussions, and the RNC in Washington was not happy about it, as it appeared to revive McCarthyism, the growth of isolationism, as Senator Wiley had strongly supported the President's foreign aid program, and traces of a hate-Eisenhower sentiment among Republican reactionaries.
For seven years, Senator McCarthy had been seeking to get Senator Wiley out of the Senate, chafing at being called the "junior Senator" from Wisconsin, having first sought to get Senator Wiley appointed ambassador to Norway, but was now simply trying to defeat him. The allies of Senator McCarthy had included Tom Coleman, who in 1952 had led the effort to obtain the Republican presidential nomination for the late Senator Robert Taft and had fought against General Eisenhower at the convention, still being resentful over his defeat in that effort. Walter Harnischfeger was another of the allies of the Senator, once having been a pro-Hitler industrialist who sold Senator McCarthy on releasing Nazi prisoners convicted of the Malmedy massacre of 1944 during the Battle of the Bulge. William Grede, another such ally, had been the former president of the National Association of Manufacturers and more recently a leader of the gas-oil moguls out of Texas. Senator Wiley had fought against the oil-gas lobby during Senate debate on the natural gas bill, for which Senator McCarthy had voted, probably believing that he had to do so because of all the money from oil moguls which he had received.
The previous winter, the disgruntled Senator McCarthy had begun grooming Congressman Glenn Davis to run against Senator Wiley, even tempting Mr. Davis to announce his candidacy, until he saw a poll by Republicans which showed him running 3 to 1 behind Senator Wiley and so decided to back out. Senator McCarthy then switched support to Mark Catlin, a "junior McCarthy" and speaker of the Wisconsin Legislature, who became embroiled in charges that he had received money for obtaining pardons for prison inmates, destroying his chances for the candidacy. At that point, Senator McCarthy settled on his old friend, former Congressman Charles Kersten, who promised to devote himself to the task of erasing the censure of Senator McCarthy if he were elected—sounding not unlike the efforts of present extremist Republicans in wanting to erase the two impeachments of a former occupant of the White House, as if that would actually accomplish anything in either honest history books or in the public mind, though par for the course for such extremists bent on expunging reality. But Mr. Coleman and other hard-core Republicans in Wisconsin did not want Mr. Kersten as he had been beaten too often, not wanting to back a loser merely to satisfy the vanity of Senator McCarthy. Thus, while state Republican convention delegates were still milling around in Milwaukee the previous week, Senator McCarthy and his allies switched back to Mr. Davis, promising him a $150,000 campaign chest, nominating him for the Senate.
Joseph Alsop, in Amman, Jordan, states that in a time of old men as leaders, when age 80 was considered ripe for national leadership, it was a bit odd to find any nation with leadership in the hands of a boy of 20 and his friend, hardly more than 30, but such was the case with King Hussein of Jordan and his new commander of the Arab Legion, General Ali Abu Nuwar. Jordan also had an importance beyond its size, for if Jordan were to give full allegiance to the Egypt-dominated bloc of Arab states, the effects would be significant in Western-oriented Iraq and in the vital, oil-rich sheikdoms of the Persian Gulf.
Mr. Alsop thus indicates that it was an experience to ponder to meet the two young men almost at the time when they concentrated supreme Middle Eastern power in their hands, finding General Nuwar to be the greater enigma of the two. He was full of energy and appeared quite ambitious, which had been why General Sir John Glubb had sent him to Paris as the Jordanian military attaché when General Glubb had been head of the Arab Legion. The latter had a penchant for sending into comfortable exile young officers who appeared as potential troublemakers for Jordan's long-established British-controlled regime. But the Paris post had given then-Lt. Col. Nuwar the perfect opportunity to become friendly with King Hussein when the latter had visited France, insisting, over General Glubb's protest, that his new friend return to Amman as his chief aide de camp.
King Hussein, as with most of the older generation of Jordanian leaders, was convinced that Jordan ought join the Baghdad Pact, but the Egyptian propagandists, the Saudi Arabian bribe-givers and the Communist organizers had rallied the enraged, embittered mass of Palestinian refugees, and in the ensuing riots, with Col. Nuwar's strong encouragement, the effort to join the Pact was hastily abandoned, paving the way for King Hussein's personal coup d'état, when he ordered General Glubb's summary dismissal, undoubtedly receiving primary advice in the matter from Ali Abu Nuwar. The latter and his allies among the younger officers had taken over real power within the Legion. King Hussein was now ruling through a puppet cabinet and General Nuwar had assumed open command of Jordan's armed forces.
Some claimed that General Nuwar had been one of the young intellectuals of the violently anti-Western, passionately pro-Egyptian Ba'th party, and Mr. Alsop in his interview had determined that perhaps it might have been so at one time, that General Nuwar was at present deeply suspicious of the British and quite friendly with Egypt's Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser, strongly inspired by the surge of Arab nationalism which Premier Nasser had come to symbolize.
But he wonders whether General Nuwar would be led by those emotions to accept for Jordan a dependent and colonial status vis-à-vis Egypt, which had transformed the Egyptian ambassador to Syria into a kind of viceroy, with the answer to the question being less than certain, as General Nuwar did not appear prepared to take orders from anyone, including Premier Nasser.
Although King Hussein was a boy in years and appearance and got pleasure from boyish pursuits, such as driving his cars around the countryside at high speeds, the King did not give a boyish impression. The palace was colorless and businesslike for the most part and when Mr. Alsop had seen the King, he had just come from a meeting hastily called to soothe senior Arab Legion officers who were displeased with the sudden promotion to command of General Nuwar. Yet, he showed no trace of nervousness under those tense circumstances, speaking with considerable quiet decision, saying that Jordan's role was to form a link in the Arab world between Iraq on the one hand and the Egyptian bloc on the other, thus opposed to entering either grouping and would refuse to do so. He was asked about the active Egyptian interventions in Jordanian politics and the flood of Saudi Arabian money into the country, answering calmly but with a sharp resentment in his eyes, saying that all Arabs had to work together for the solution of the Palestine problem and that matters had reached the stage where a solution on the basis of the 1947 partition by the U.N. of frontiers for Israel would no longer be acceptable. In the same grim tone, General Nuwar had spoken of preparing for eventual war.
Mr. Alsop came away from the interviews thinking that there was reason for disquiet regarding their extreme view of the Palestine question but also reason for encouragement in their seeming conception of Jordan's future among the Arab states.
But the power of Egyptian propaganda and the Saudi money was still going to Jordan, and the Communist organizers among the refugees were still agitating for the final step of an absolute break between Jordan and the West. Those pressures presented great danger and Jordan was eventually likely to join the Arab procession into the anti-Western camp unless the U.S. rapidly took the lead in developing a coherent Western policy in the Middle East.
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, finds that most of the sport was being removed from travel in present times, with the Fireman's Fund Insurance Co. of San Francisco having developed a rain insurance policy to cover vacationers so that they could be recompensed for all or part of their expenditures on a vacation should there be inclement weather interrupting it. The policy could be taken out for amounts up to $300 per week or five percent of the expenditure for periods not less than two weeks nor more than 28 days. There was no compensation for the first four days of inclement weather and it could be adjusted on a pro rata basis thereafter. The policy covered only vacations and not business trips, sporting events or the like, with $10 being the minimum premium. It covered about 88 vacation areas in the U.S. and reimbursement was based on Weather Bureau statistics.
Mr. Ruark states that with the "freaky weather" which had been occurring for the previous few years, it was not the worst investment a person with limited time off from work and funding for a vacation could make. He suggests that he could have used some of it to great advantage during the previous winter when it was summer in Australia and it had poured rain for 17 of 18 days he had spent outside of Melbourne, the rain having stopped the day he left to return to Sydney, where it then rained for a solid month. The weather had been fine in the Philippines, but then torrents fell when he arrived, as was the case in Tokyo. They had been lamenting the dry season in Kenya, but when he arrived, it had begun to pour. He reflects that had he been on vacation rather than business, he might have been able to recoup some of his expenses.
It was also possible to buy a credit card and forget about having cash around during a vacation. That alleviated the problem of winding up at home with pockets full of foreign currency or having one's pocket picked in a foreign locale or of being cheated on the exchange rate at hotels and by itinerant money-changers.
There was also rarely the problem of even trying to struggle to understand a foreign language any longer when abroad because everyone appeared to speak English. Even foreign food was now geared to American tourists, serving a Texas lunch, with milkshake stands in abundance.
Now, he concludes, there was nowhere one could travel that a ten-year old child could not go it alone and get into less trouble than his parents had prior to the war.
A letter writer says that a nation could lose its soul and that when it did, "what profit is there in factories and armies?" He finds that a nation on its knees was safer and stronger than a nation under arms. He also finds that a real prayer meeting at the White House would be worth more than all the conferences on Asiatic policy. "In America, silent, sinister forces are at work in our government, universities, radio, TV, endeavoring to lead us towards an atheistic, communistic state with 'as dreadful certainty as though the leaders of the Kremlin themselves were charting our course,'" not stating the source of his quoted phrase. He asserts that Christians had to be fully awake and aroused to the dangers which confronted the nation in the coming political conventions and the presidential election, that the problems were not political but moral and spiritual. He finds that both of the major parties were dedicated to "One World" government and that events in the country were tending toward a "socialistic regimentation of an atheistic totalitarian state." He urges that a united Christendom could shake the world with its prayers and change the trend of American history, securing the help of God "in raising up for us men of moral and spiritual power to govern us."
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