The Charlotte News
Monday, June 11, 1956
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President this date had taken another little walk, suffering less pain, and making a start toward resumption of his normal duties, following his surgery for ileitis the previous Saturday morning, with the latest medical bulletin indicating that his condition remained "excellent", with pulse, blood pressure, temperature and respiration being "essentially normal". Only 30 hours following the emergency surgery, he had walked the previous day a total of about 30 feet with attendants partially supporting him, while this date his only assistance in walking had been a hand on his elbow. First Lady Mamie Eisenhower had been in the room on both occasions. He conferred for ten minutes this date with chief of staff Sherman Adams, reaching several decisions, including the designation of Vice-President Nixon as his representative at two forthcoming events, the regular National Security Council meeting the following Thursday and a Blair House luncheon on Wednesday for West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer. The President decided against postponement of the Conference on Fitness of American Youth, to be held at Annapolis on June 18-19, where the President would speak. The Vice-President was already the chairman of that Conference and would preside—it being perfectly clear that the Vice-President was an exemplar of physical fitness to whom all others might readily aspire. White House press secretary James Hagerty said it had not yet been determined whether the President would be able to attend the Organization of American States meeting at Panama City on June 25-26 or whether he would be able to meet with Indian Prime Minister Nehru on July 7-10 during his scheduled visit.
General Curtis LeMay, head of the Strategic Air Command, had asked a Senate Appropriations subcommittee this date for a 3.8 billion dollar increase in funding for SAC to enable increased production of the B-52 bombers. Subcommittee chairman Senator Dennis Chavez of New Mexico made the disclosure following the General's testimony before a closed session of the subcommittee, examining the Defense Department's proposed 36 billion dollar budget for the ensuing fiscal year.
The House this date had passed and sent to the Senate a 3.8 billion dollar foreign aid bill, cut by more than a billion dollars from that requested by the President. Just prior to final passage, the House had refused, by a vote of 147 to 52, to kill the entire measure by sending it back to committee. Some key Senators had stated they wanted the bill cut even more, as it was still 1.1 billion dollars larger than the appropriation from the previous year.
In Buenos Aires, Argentina's military regime pressed a determined hunt this date for leaders of a bloody weekend revolt by Army and civilian followers of former dictator Juan Peron, with the Government having announced the executions by firing squads of 38 rebels in speedy and unprecedented retaliation, indicating that many more would face a similar fate from swift courts-martial convened under martial law, taking place around the clock. The revolt had been crushed in 12 hours by Government air and ground forces, having erupted late on Saturday night in Buenos Aires and three other major cities, with some 100 persons reportedly having been killed or wounded. The insurgents had struck at two points in Buenos Aires, also staging uprisings in La Plata, 35 miles southeast of Buenos Aires, Santa Rosa in central Argentina, and Rosario, 180 miles northwest of the capital. President Pedro Aramburu, who had returned from a tour of the interior following the uprisings, had branded it a "mad adventure", vowing that "energetic measures" would be taken against all who had taken part. Loyalist forces were scouring the countryside for two retired generals branded as the masterminds of the abortive revolt, Generals Raul Tanco and Juan Jose Valle, both big Army bosses during the tenure of El Presidente Peron, both of whom had been summarily retired after the latter's overthrow the previous fall. Argentina's supreme military court had gone into emergency session the previous night to decide the fate of the rebel prisoners, with two rebel Army officers and 22 civilians having reportedly been shot on the spot as the revolt was being quelled.
Those half-wits who participated in the January 6, 2021 fiasco at the Capitol should take note as to what occurs in other countries under such circumstances and thank the Founders for affording them Due Process and Sixth Amendment rights to effective assistance of counsel and trial by jury, and cease knocking the system which keeps them from summary execution by firing squads.
In Frankfurt, West Germany, police reported this date that they had unearthed an elaborate racket involving a band of international crooks filching traveler's checks from wealthy tourists and cashing them all over Europe, the authorities at a news conference announcing the first arrest having been made and that police in ten countries were moving in on the gang. At least 600,000 marks, the equivalent of $142,800, had fallen into the gang's hands just in Germany, according to the Frankfurt police, adding that it ran into the millions including their criminal activity in Italy, Austria, Spain, Tangier, Portugal and Scandinavia. One police official said that he had just returned from a conference with Italian officers in Milan, where police believed the gang's headquarters was located. After stealing the traveler's checks, they were taken to the headquarters where expert forgers copied the signatures and prepared fake passports under the name of the holder. Agents were then given the false passports and traveler's checks, and they were then distributed all over the continent by plane or in American cars, cashing the checks at banks or in stores, returning to headquarters with the money where they were then paid a commission. Wonder what happened in northern Italy if one of them failed to show up with the money? There had been the lasting lesson of Mussolini and the Esso station at war's end, perhaps, to guide their conduct accordingly.
In Key West, Fla., a 36-year old man had staggered ashore this date after an 8.5-hour swim through choppy seas to send Coast Guard craft to the rescue of three other survivors of a wrecked fishing boat. At the Boca Chica Naval Air Base, where he swam ashore nine miles from the charter boat, he told officers the craft had sunk during a squall after it struck a submerged island southeast of Key West at noon the previous day, sinking 4 1/2 hours later. A Navy helicopter spotted the boat's three other occupants clinging to the wreckage and a Coast Guard boat had picked them up. The man said he had almost given up a couple of times and thought of trying to drown himself during the long swim. Three of the four survivors, including the swimmer, were hospitalized and the fourth was uninjured.
John Borchert of The News tells of Charlotte being in the midst of a gas scare but that a full-scale gas war had failed to materialize, as some dealers of major oil companies had reduced their prices during the weekend, but only as far as standard prices of off-brand gas, with many of those dealers returning their prices to normal levels this date, with most of the major oil company dealers selling regular and high-test gas above the 30-cent mark. Reductions, where they were still to be found, mostly occurred in shopping center areas where dealers were competing for selected trade. The best available prices were at Kayo's and Spur, which normally sold below standard oil company prices, selling presently at 26.9 to 27.9 cents per gallon for regular and 29.9 to 30.5 for high-test. Go to Spur, as they have pink pea-sized gravel driveways which look nifty in the pinkish cast of sundown and sound neat beneath the big whitewall tires, and they also sell big stuffed toy animals cheap with a fill-up... No, go in there, now.
Charles Kuralt of The News reports that the Mecklenburg County Commission, in a surprise slap at the proposed Bowater paper mill in South Carolina, had voted unanimously this date to ask Governor Luther Hodges to do what he could to see that it never was built, with commissioner Sam McNinch having made the motion, saying that the smell of the mill would "ruin" Mecklenburg County. (You got that right.) He said that he wanted all the industry they could possibly get but did not want "that stench", adding, "Sugar Creek is a bed of roses by comparison." The Commission agreed that there was not much the Governor could do, as the mill was to be built in South Carolina, but directed their chairman to write a letter to the Governor, asking him to intercede. Mr. McNinch said that they were going to be paying very low scale wages also and that the smell just was not worth it. Query whether it only smells bad if they're making paper for pulp fiction.
Donald MacDonald of The News reports that with two weekend drownings and another near-drowning, public attention had been focused this date on one of Mecklenburg County's seasonal problems, Catawba Lake, and the few existing laws which regulated river traffic there. The commissioners the previous year had begun investigating the establishment of a river patrol tied in with the Coast Guard, but thus far, complications of various kinds had prevented the plans from moving forward. Now that hot weather was present, boaters and swimmers on the lake were increasing each weekend. County Police said that because the river locally bordered three counties and neighboring South Carolina, enforcement of the few existing laws was difficult. The main channel was the dividing line between Gaston and Mecklenburg Counties, between Mecklenburg and Lincoln Counties, and between Mecklenburg and York County in South Carolina. But no one knew the exact middle of the river where those boundaries were located, police believing that if all of the river could be declared within either Gaston County or in South Carolina, Mecklenburg would be better off. In March, 1955, the General Assembly had passed an act which specifically governed only that area between Mecklenburg and Gaston, as a great percentage of the boat traffic occurred in an area south of Gaston, where Mecklenburg bordered South Carolina. The report provides the primary provisions of the 1955 law, one of which provided that the operator of a motor boat could be charged with reckless driving if the operation interfered with the free and proper use of the waters of the lake or unnecessarily endangered other craft therein or the life or limb of any person.
In New York,
Huntington Hartford, 45, heir to the A & P food chain, said that
he planned to build a ten-story, 1.5 million dollar art gallery at
Columbus Circle in Manhattan. But would a patron be able to buy
groceries
On the editorial page, "One Purpose, One Subject, One Job" indicates that in the July special session of the General Assembly to examine and pass necessary legislation regarding the issue of integration of the public schools, the session ought concentrate only on that subject, even though Governor Hodges had no power to restrict the subject matter of the legislative session he had called.
In previous special sessions, open season had been declared on a number of subjects before getting around to the point in issue, and, it urges, such a pattern could not be permitted to recur, with "no diversions, no frivolous boondoggling, no sideline agitation, no pet projects". It urges that rules be drawn as soon as the Assembly opened to enforce the singularity of purpose and it hopes that individual legislators would engage in preliminary pledges accordingly, as had already been done within the Mecklenburg delegation.
"Eisenhower and the Call of Duty" indicates that hope is a sustaining human gift, surviving the "inexpressibly dark chaos of unreasoning fate", affecting what Carl Sandburg called the living, flowing breath of the history of nations. It suggests that because of it, the President would feel compelled to set aside any doubts regarding his personal health and answer the call to duty once again, as millions of Americans who placed their hope and deep faith in him, personally, would simply not permit any other decision.
But at 65, the President was not a young man and had endured two serious illnesses in less than a year, even if it was being argued that other men, as old or older, had weathered similar crises and lived on to do great work.
If there were no other setbacks and if the President recovered as swiftly as doctors were predicting, there would be no change in his decision to seek re-election. But, it posits, the current illness ought to have certain effects, making the choice of a running mate that much more important, as well as increasing the importance of the health issue in the coming campaign.
"The days ahead will be restless and full of questions. But as we said, hope is a sustaining human gift."
"Mr. Gray's Slogan Should Be Shared" tells of former UNC president Gordon Gray, now Assistant Secretary of Defense, having been setting something of an example in reverse when he told newsmen at the Pentagon that he had posted a slogan on his wall which read: "If you could kick the person responsible for most of your troubles, you wouldn't be able to sit down for six months."
It suggests that copies be printed and mailed to every Cabinet and sub-Cabinet officer with a martyr complex and that some equally refreshing slogans be added for the guidance of bureaucrats, such as: "Collecting more taxes than is absolutely necessary is legalized robbery," as stated by former President Calvin Coolidge; "The love of economy is the root of all virtue," as had said George Bernard Shaw; "Yep. The United States never lost a war or won a conference," quoting Will Rogers; "Injustice is relatively easy to bear; what stings is justice," as stated by H. L. Mencken; "Experience is the name everyone gives to his mistakes," by Oscar Wilde; "Politics is the science of how who gets what, when and why," by Sidney Hillman; "What this country needs is a good five-cent cigar," by former Vice-President Thomas Marshall; and "What this country needs is a good five-cent nickel," as stated by columnist Franklin P. Adams.
The one on the wall of the office of Mr. Gray, incidentally, reminds us of our suggested punishment for a certain former occupant of the White House, should he be convicted under any of the pending four separate indictments against him in 2023, that being, to spare the country the cost of excessive security and particularly onerous and unsavory duty by the Secret Service, to enable each of the 81 million voters in 2020 who voted for President Biden to line up, on daily individual appointments, six days per week, for roughly 12 hours per day, with an hour off for lunch, and provide the former White House occupant a swift kick where it counts.
Of course, as corporal punishment is, with certain exceptions, considered cruel and unusual under the Eighth Amendment, that would have to be at the former occupant's own option in lieu of incarceration.
Granted, if the
kicks were to occur on intervals of, say, one every 30 seconds for 11
hours per day, six days per week, 66 hours per week, 52 weeks per
year, with holidays also properly excepted, it would likely take
nearly 200 years
You have to
admit that it would drive home the point, both in terms of
retributive factors and deterrent factors, to anyone who might
someday venture down the same road
"Stragglers along a Road in June" tells of the straggling primroses, with red leaves or green, varying with rain and dust, having "marched out of the ditches in disorder identical to the pattern of their roots in the red clay soil", with a perennial purpose annually defeated, to link columns across the road, reclaiming it ditch to ditch as the natural preserve of primroses.
They never made it across the road, and if they had, the road scraper, which came by twice each summer, would have brought with shining blade, their certain defeat.
"But the primroses came along that road in June and—in the battle—always bloomed, and touched petals to bare feet that straggled in the ditches with them," the feet having been directed toward a pond, while always in the meantime stopping at a bridge over which wagons went to the fields and under which cows went toward the pasture, along with the boys, watching for three-headed snakes and other incidental monsters under the bridge in June.
"At dusk
the feet went back under the bridge, behind the cows, along that road
where the primroses fought and bloomed
Russell Lynes, in a piece in Look Magazine, titled "Middle-Age Reflections", says that men of his generation who were graying at the temples and exuded confidence without arrogance, whose charm was hydramatic, and who had reached the age where their features did not matter any longer as long as they were "interesting", had a few advantages over younger men, especially if they were lucky enough to have a little money and a little position and an air, at least, of experience. The most successful among them were the prototypes of men in the most exclusive ads currently running, wearing their beards and eye patches with an air of gentility and savoir faire, being relaxed outwardly about their features because they believed in the new longevity statistics, or at least told themselves that they did.
They took heart from the women of their generation whose glamour was persistent, the Marlene Dietrichs, Joan Crawfords and Gloria Swansons, who continued being beautiful and active, as attractive as ever. They believed they had medical and sociological evidence that the middle aged were in fact younger than they had once been, by every measure except chronologically.
"Or it might be, and this is a disconcerting idea, that advertisers are merely trying to convince us that we have glamour. We are, after all, the age group with the fattest bank accounts. Unfortunately, it isn't just our bank accounts that show a tendency to swell. There are our heads, for example, and our children's clothes allowances, and we are at the ripest age of all for flattery."
Drew Pearson indicates that when Vice-President Nixon's campaign manager, Murray Chotiner, had called in the press the previous week and claimed that he was being persecuted by the Senate Investigating Committee, he had just received an interesting report from Fresno, where Committee counsel Robert F. Kennedy and Committee accountant Carmine Bellino—who would subsequently investigate the complex finances involved in the Teamsters pension fund as arranged through and by the pals of Mr. Hoffa—had begun digging into the strange case of a television license granted to KFRE, after the FCC examiner, Basil Cooper, had recommended the license for KARM, with the Committee wanting to establish what part Mr. Chotiner had played in changing the FCC vote on the matter, with the license worth a million dollars in revenue. After Mr. Cooper had recommended that KARM receive the license, three FCC commissioners had voted for KFRE, while two others had voted not to award it to either station, and two more voted for KARM. At the last minute, however, commissioner Robert E. Lee, a close friend of Senator McCarthy, who had been investigated for the part he had played in the McCarthy purge of Senator Millard Tydings of Maryland during the 1950 election, had switched his vote to KFRE, thus giving the necessary majority of four votes for the latter station. As Mr. Chotiner had declined, on the basis of attorney-client privilege, to provide the names of his clients to the Committee, Senate investigators had gone to Fresno and examined the books of KFRE to see how much, if anything, Mr. Chotiner had been paid as a man of influence to secure the television license, prompting complaint from Mr. Chotiner.
Washington officials did not know, when they had received former King Michael of Rumania, that a Portuguese court had just decreed that he had no rights to the throne or any of the rights to the fortune of his father, that court having determined that his half-brother, the first son of King Carol, had been the lawful heir, having been born after King Carol had eloped to Odessa, though the marriage was later annulled and the King had married Princess Helen of Greece, the mother of former King Michael. But the couple had separated and Carol had taken up with his famous mistress, Madame Lupescu, to whom he was finally married. The latter now lived modestly in Portugal and had been seeking to obtain Carol's one-time fortune, producing the litigation to determine the rightful heir to the throne. Michael had appealed the Portuguese court's decree, but had lost. Now 35, he was married to Princess Anne of Denmark, had three daughters and made his home in Switzerland, would not attend his father's funeral and would have nothing to do with Madame Lupescu, was engrossed in airplanes and things mechanical.
Stewart Alsop comments on the testimony of General Curtis LeMay, head of the Strategic Air Command, and General Earle Partridge, the transcript of which had been released the previous Wednesday after having been taken in executive session the prior April, Mr. Alsop suggesting that it ought be required reading for every policy-maker within the Administration, especially the President. The President had recently remarked that people who compared U.S. and Soviet air strength were only indulging in the "numbers racket", but anyone who had read the testimony of Generals LeMay and Partridge had to come away with a different view.
General Partridge had stated that Soviet fighters were superior to anything in the U.S. Air Force, that the U.S. had a good system to fight the Soviet TU-4, the obsolete bomber no longer being produced, but that the Soviets had "introduced the jet bombers and the Bear more rapidly than was forecast," with the result that the U.S. would find itself in the years ahead through early 1959, not in "too good shape". Mr. Alsop interprets the latter remark to mean that under present programs of development, U.S. fighters would not be able to reach the altitude of the new Soviet bombers until the new "hundred series" fighters were delivered in quantity about three years hence. The General had said that the U.S. was presently weak at high altitude and at low altitude.
General LeMay stated primarily that by about 1958 or 1959, according to present programs, the Soviet "long-range bombers … will be a little over twice what we have, so the advantage will be with the Russians." He predicted that by 1960, SAC might not be able to carry out its mission. The mission, says Mr. Alsop, was to provide a retaliatory force sufficient to deter the Soviets from attacking.
Senator Stuart Symington, chairman of the Armed Services subcommittee investigating air power and before which the testimony had been taken, had asked General LeMay in what year and at what time, under the present program, would the Soviets be in a position, should they attack, to destroy the U.S., and General LeMay responded that he did not like to guess about such things but if the subcommittee insisted on an answer, he would guess 1960 would be the point at which the Soviets could do so by surprise attack, that by that date, therefore, SAC might not be able to carry out its mission because all of its bases could be knocked out by surprise attack. Mr. Alsop interjects that the basis for General LeMay's guess had been the "national estimates" regarding Soviet air power, those estimates having been prepared by the CIA and approved by the National Security Council, of which the President was chairman.
Mr. Alsop finds that the testimony of the two generals suggested certain questions, that if Generals Partridge and LeMay, in a fit of hysterical parochialism, were simply misinterpreting the meaning of the national estimates, then the question arose as to why they were being retained in responsible positions, and that if their interpretations were correct, the question arose as to what would become of the twin doctrines of massive retaliation and mutual deterrence, supposedly forming the basis of U.S. defense policy.
He suggests that perhaps it did not matter, that perhaps the Soviet rulers had no intention of using their new weapons for the purpose of an offensive attack, but that even so, it was worth pondering an additional question as to what would occur to the Western Alliance and to the U.S. firmness of purpose as leader of the West, when the Soviets were aware, the U.S. was aware and the world was aware that the Soviets could destroy U.S. cities and its ability to retaliate at any time by surprise attack.
The Congressional Quarterly indicates that Adlai Stevenson had started the last part of his drive for the Democratic presidential nomination by cracking the uncommitted and favorite son bloc of 729 convention votes, having finished the primary campaign, after winning the California primary the prior Tuesday, with 264 convention votes openly committed to him, virtually eliminating the hopes of Senator Estes Kefauver in the process.
But the latter remained a factor in the nominating process because he had 173 votes, a potent bloc, especially in the final bargaining stages when a decisive ballot of the delegates representing the total 1,372 votes would occur.
In addition, Governor Averell Harriman of New York had 102 votes. Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri had 45.5, followed by Senator Lyndon Johnson of Texas, with 56.5, Governor Frank Lausche of Ohio, with 54, Governor G. Mennen Williams of Michigan, with 44, Governor Abraham Ribicoff of Connecticut, with 20, Representative John McCormack of Massachusetts, with nine, former President Truman with one, and a half-vote each for Senators Harry F. Byrd of Virginia, Wayne Morse of Oregon, Richard Russell of Georgia, and for Representative Francis Walter of Pennsylvania.
For the Republicans, the President had received assurances of support and pledged delegates sufficient to give him the nomination on the first ballot, with 662 votes necessary to win nomination, the President already having 718 votes.
It lists several states where there were uncommitted delegations, and indicates that Mr. Stevenson could argue for support in the states where delegates had been chosen but had remained uncommitted, having awaited the outcome of the Florida and California primaries after his loss in the Minnesota primary to Senator Kefauver the prior March 20. It lists those states where there were ten or more uncommitted votes, including North Carolina, with 20.5 and South Carolina, with 17.5. Mr. Stevenson would have to attract two-thirds of those votes, or about 405, to achieve an early ballot victory.
By rule, the bulk of Senator Kefauver's votes were bound to him on the first ballot and for as many succeeding ballots in which the delegation would believe he had a reasonable chance to obtain the nomination, and the remainder of his votes had to stay with him as long as he polled at least ten percent of the total convention vote.
Democrats opposed to the nomination of Mr. Stevenson were facing a problem of preventing a first or second-ballot victory, plus at the same time trying to form a coalition behind another candidate, such as Governor Harriman. The votes of Senator Kefauver could switch to Governor Harriman in later ballots, if the vote counting were to go that far.
It indicates that the Stevenson supporters could argue that their candidate had outpolled Senator Kefauver in the primaries and that the total Democratic vote had exceeded that provided the President in the same states in the Republican primaries. Overall, Mr. Stevenson had polled 2.5 million votes to Senator Kefauver's 1.8 million, while the President had polled 4.1 million against the total Democratic vote of 4.3 million.
It concludes that some observers had persisted in the belief that the Democratic convention would be wide open, while others, since the results in Florida and California, had seen the pendulum rushing to Mr. Stevenson, that regardless of the interpretation, Democrats were justified in advertising their proceedings at the convention as being "interesting".
Wait 12 years
for another Chicago convention if you want to see something
"interesting"
Robert C. Ruark, in Palamos, Spain, indicates that his friend, Pat Patterson of United Airlines, had just forwarded a report concerning getting high with the high and mighty on liquor at 20,000 feet, that a lot of people had registered indignation about the presence of alcoholic beverages being served on aircraft. There were even some statutes which had been enacted to prevent serving alcoholic beverages while flying over a dry state. Mr. Patterson had polled his 100,000 Mile Club and forwarded the report to his Million Mile Club, which would include, Mr. Ruark adds, himself. The report showed that 77 percent of the respondents felt that liquor ought be served aboard planes and that 88 percent felt that they would "usually" or "sometimes" accept a complimentary drink or two if offered.
Mr. Patterson also reported that 90 percent of the United Airlines flights were without the presence of liquor, with Mr. Ruark remarking that he had better send him a schedule so that "us old airborne tramps can avoid them." He indicates that after nearly two million miles of gallivanting through the air, he could say that he had never seen any trouble caused, at home or abroad, by a passenger wanting a drink. He had never witnessed the equivalent of a Third Avenue barroom brawl or anyone becoming sick from taking a drink, and indicates that a snort of brandy was good for airsickness. He had also never seen teetotalers debased by contact with someone who admired martinis or a stewardess led astray by having to fetch someone a stout scotch and fizz.
He concludes that drinking aloft had never concerned him much because of a handy shoulder-bag which he carried, containing a couple of jugs of "liquid exuberance, a candy bar or so, a carton of cigarettes and two new books and a magazine."
"Let the airlines dispense their charity to the improvident, is what I say, but don't come hinting around for a nightcap when the hostess has cut off the bar service. Us old codgers in the business have learned to look after ourselves."
The editors note that the question of getting high in the sky had been receiving the sober attention of Congress, with a House Commerce subcommittee having taken a dim view of it, and during the current week, a bill to prevent the serving of alcoholic liquors to airline passengers on flights within the U.S. was before the full Committee.
We might remark to Mr. Ruark that one should wait until one has to fly from New Jersey to New Orleans, after having flown across country on a redeye flight, in February, with those venturing to Mardi Gras getting high with the stewards and stewardesses, not on alcohol but on something quite different, permeating the cabin with a strong, pungent odor of same, while one is trying to catch a little bit of sleep in the wee hours of the morning, as the revelers proceed to dance in the aisles, shouting and yoo-hooing to the top of their lungs, all with the approbation and even participation of the airline personnel. We were sorely tempted to hijack the aircraft to stop the high revelers, and direct it instead perhaps to a more sane destination, but we were too tired and so endured, not having anything with which to perform the hijacking anyway other than our index finger and perhaps one other digit.
But it was not
any fun and Mr. Ruark's contention that people drinking on aircraft
disturb no one else is often belied by what actually occurs, at least
in our more modern experience. And that one incident on the
long-since unfortunately demised airline was another experience
altogether, and we had to restrain our writing hand from sitting down
at the typewriter afterward and setting forth a long letter to the
FAA, which, because the incident occurred during the Reagan
Administration, might actually have garnered some attention and
traction. But, then, would have gone by the boards, as they
eventually did anyway, cheap airline fares, and so we left it alone,
made room for the fact that revelers going to Mardi Gras by way of
the Easy Rider Express probably were due a little rope
But it be not cool.
A letter from the co-chairmen of the 1956 Mecklenburg County American Cancer Society fund-raising campaign thanks the newspaper and the many people in the county who had helped them in their efforts.
Framed Edition
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