The Charlotte News

Friday, May 4, 1956

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President, at his press conference this date, had stated that the U.S. would feel a lot better about its air power position when the full story had been presented to the Senate, indicating that the country had a very powerful Navy with a powerful air arm, of which people had lost sight in comparing the relative strength in air power to that of the Soviet Union. He said that the U.S. did not try to match Russia in ground power and should not necessarily seek to match the Soviets in the rate of output of such things as intercontinental bombers. Earlier in the week, General Curtis LeMay, head of the Strategic Air Command, and Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson, had testified before the Senate Armed Services subcommittee, examining air power, stating that current U.S. production of intercontinental bombers capable of carrying hydrogen bombs was lagging behind the output of Russia. General LeMay had predicted that Russia was likely to surpass the country in intercontinental bombers between 1958 and 1960. The President said that it was disappointing that some B-52 intercontinental bombers had been rejected temporarily because of defects which were being corrected, but added that there was still much testimony to come in the Senate investigation, then making his comments about the Navy and its air wing. He said that he would not necessarily favor increased production of B-52's to try to match Soviet increases in production, that production of such planes had already been increased twice and he did not know what the Defense Department might recommend next.

The President also said that he had no reason to believe that any member of his staff had violated his orders as to ethical procedures or had been guilty of any indiscretion in contacting attorney Murray Chotiner, campaign manager for Vice-President Nixon in 1952, who had testified that two members of the White House staff had provided him information on client cases pending in the courts.

The President also said that his doctors had told him that he could continue indefinitely his present work schedule. Democrats had criticized what they called the part-time activities of the President since his heart attack the prior September. He said that he had eliminated normal official social functions except those with heads of state visiting Washington and that he intended to resume some of the normal social functions in time. He said, however, that no President could delegate his constitutional duties, which he alone had the responsibility to fulfill. He could order others to do things for which he would take full responsibility. He was asked about published reports that he had told a friend at the time of his February 29 announcement of seeking re-election that he had to do so because they had told him that if he did not, the party would not have time to build up any other candidate, the President replying with a grin that he had heard so many stories about his announcement that he could not remember them, that if he had said anything like that, it had been said facetiously, that as he had always stated, there were many good Republicans who could be nominated. He was also asked about a survey of high school students in which a majority had expressed their support for him, and he said that he would have been less than human had he not gotten a lift from it, but that the important point was that youngsters were taking an interest in government. He was asked about a statement by Representative Dean Taylor, the Republican national committeeman from New York, that former Governor Thomas Dewey would have to accede to any Presidential request that he run for the Senate seat in New York, the President responding that it was the first time he had heard about the matter. He was also asked why there had been a change in timing for the announcement by Vice-President Nixon that he would run for a second term, with the President being reminded that previously he had said he did not expect to have anything to say about the nomination for the vice-presidency until about the time of the Republican convention in August, but had commented during the week that he was happy with Mr. Nixon's decision. He replied that he had not said what the convention would do about the nomination. He also said in response to another question that he did not know whether a Federal law would be effective in regulating spending and other campaign activities, that everyone wanted to take corruption and graft out of politics, but he was not sure that a Federal law would do the job. He noted that campaign spending and such matters were regulated by the states in many instances.

The Civil Aeronautics Administration said this date that it would deny Federal funds for construction of airport facilities which were to be used on a racially segregated basis, indicating that its order provided that the Government would not contribute any money for that part of a building from which persons would be barred for reasons of race, creed or color. It said that the new rule would apply in construction and remodeling and repair of existing facilities of airports, and to single dining rooms or restrooms, as well as to construction of duplicate facilities provided for different races. The policy had been formulated the previous October and was put into formal wording in a memorandum issued April 6, but had not been made public until this date.

Julian Scheer of The News reports that an emotional evangelistic fervor had swept over one Charlotte high school, with parents, teachers and some students having expressed concern to school officials over what they considered an over-emphasis of religious activity at Myers Park High School. The situation had reached the point where Thomas Glasgow, chairman of a committee which sponsored Bible teaching in the public schools, had indicated that retreats, Bible clubs and other religious activities might have to be abandoned. One complaint had been addressed to the superintendent of schools, Dr. E. H. Garringer, which related to spontaneous religious meetings being held on the Myers Park campus, with some parents reporting that their children had arrived home after the meetings in a highly emotional state, the superintendent stating that after investigation, he had found the meetings to be electives in the curriculum, and were not sponsored by the school or a school official. Much of the activity, it was believed, had come from junior high school students who were not yet enrolled in Bible classes, which were electives at Myers Park. Students had reported being approached by fellow students and faced with the question, "Have you been saved?" Mr. Glasgow said that the schools had not sponsored any of the recent "crusades" which had excited some, but that the meetings and interest, he believed, had been a spontaneous demonstration on the part of the students. He said that the classes on the Bible in the schools, which presently had an enrollment of between 2,500 and 3,000, were elective and had students of 38 denominations, was not tax-supported and was offered in grade schools only to pupils at the request of their parents.

Charles Kuralt of The News reports that a farm had the imposing title, "Mecklenburg County Juvenile Detention Home for Negroes", but did not live up to that title, as it was just like a lot of other farms, having pigs, chickens, horses, cows and a sturdy, clean old farmhouse, with the difference being that eight boys, all under age 16 and all in trouble with the law, lived there. They did not stay long, as they were awaiting court hearings or transfer to a State training school or to their own homes or the homes of relatives. But when they left the farm, others would take their place. Almost every black boy under age 16 who got picked up by the police spent a few days at the farm while legal and social workers determined what to do with him. The farm was one of three such detention facilities in the county, with the other two being for white boys and girls, respectively. There was no home for black juvenile female offenders, except in Welfare Department foster homes or with relatives. At present, the farm in question filled the need for the county, with its capacity of about 12 boys, there being rarely that many present. But Juvenile Court officials, looking to the future, wanted to see a larger facility established nearer the city for the temporary detention of black children who got into trouble. The problem of runaways plagued the farm, something a new center might solve. Chief of Police Frank Littlejohn said that the two black teenagers, ages 13 and 15, whom he was holding in jail for want of space at the Morrison Training School, would not stay at a place like the farm, as there was nothing to keep them from ducking into the woods and leaving, which some did. The farmer said that some of them cried like babies,however, when they had to leave. The lure of three good meals per day, a clean bed, four dogs and a barn full of livestock were enough to keep most of the boys present on the farm.

Dick Young of The News reports that the juvenile detention home proposed by a special subcommittee the previous week would not duplicate such facilities as the farm, but would be an added facility for the Welfare Department's temporary "security care" and evaluation of youngsters who had violated the law. The explanation was provided by Wallace Kuralt, superintendent of the Department and chairman of the Mayor's committee on juvenile delinquency. That committee had said that the detention facilities had to be more than a place for security detention of a few children, but had to provide space and staff to care for the children and to screen and evaluate their problems. Mr. Kuralt gave further explanation of the purpose of the proposed home, saying that it would be a place where a child could be held if he were picked up in the middle of the night, a place where he would stay perhaps for a few hours or a day as investigation was being made of his situation. It would also be a place where proper examination could be made of the child's physical and mental condition as they attempted to throw light on his case and to evaluate his problems and arrive at a proper decision affecting the disposition of his case. That might take a few days or a week. He said that the detention home would not take the place of any of the existing foster homes where youngsters were presently placed for rehabilitation. It would also not provide long-range training, such as was presently available in State institutions, and thus would not invade State responsibility, as that would be an expensive proposition unwanted by the local community. Mr. Kuralt said it would not be a "children's jail" but a place of detention while the detainees' cases were being investigated and their physical and mental conditions determined. The home would have a psychologist on staff and would offer additional facilities for the Juvenile Court and the Welfare Department to do a better job in probing the child's problems, home conditions and other factors which might contribute to the delinquency. With that information, Mr. Kuralt said, caseworkers would be able properly to evaluate the situation and take the steps necessary to correct the difficulties and restore the child to his proper place in society.

Harry Shuford of The News reports that the County Board of Commissioners this date had earmarked $25,000 of the general fund for a juvenile detention home, with the appropriation contingent on similar financing by the City. Mayor Philip Van Every appeared before the Board at their budget session during the morning to propose to them the detention home for juvenile delinquents, assuring them that the City Council was in favor of such a project.

In Gastonia, N.C., a 15-year old polio victim, conscious the entire time, had spent 15 minutes pinned under a wrecked car in the rain the previous night, while a Highway Patrolman, who had witnessed the accident, flagged down cars until enough volunteers were found to lift the automobile off of the girl from which she had been thrown. She had made no outcry and was being treated this date for severe chest and head bruises, and might be transferred to a Charlotte hospital for further examination. Two other Belmont High School students had been injured in the single-car accident on Wilkinson Boulevard. The Highway Patrolman said that the teenagers' car had suddenly veered off the road and gone into a spin, before hitting the north side embankment, with both girls having been thrown from the car, before it then toppled onto the girl who was pinned. A 15-year old boy in the car was thrown into the back seat by the force of the spin. The other girl, listed as the driver, told officers that she had no idea what had happened, that the steering wheel suddenly appeared non-responsive. The patrolman said that the car was being operated at a reasonable rate of speed at the time of the accident and that there was no evidence that anything was wrong until he saw the car start to spin. The youngsters had been to a high school party and were on their way to Gastonia for ice cream at the time of the accident. The patrolman said that the car had spun at least three times, with its entire body being dented.

Emery Wister of The News indicates that Charlotte would be a key point on a new transcontinental network which the Civil Aeronautics Board had been asked to approve, that North American Airlines, a group of non-scheduled airlines, had asked the CAB for permission to operate a network of scheduled routes, with one such route being between Boston and San Francisco, stopping in Philadelphia, Washington, Charlotte, Dallas, Fort Worth, Amarillo, El Paso, Albuquerque, Tucson, Phoenix and Las Vegas. Alternate routes were proposed between Charlotte and Birmingham by way of Atlanta and between Charlotte and Dallas. North American presently flew passengers between Los Angeles and New York and other cities, with its headquarters in Burbank, Calif. It had asked for authority to transport both passengers and cargo, but not mail unless the Government wanted them to do so. The previous day, Capital Air Lines announced that jet powered turbo-prop airplanes would begin service in Charlotte around mid-August, with two flights north and south each day.

In Midland, Tex., the deputy district railroad commission's supervisor had picked up a can and oiled his calculating machine, and a few minutes later, two-foot flames had leaped from it, as the commission supervisor found that he had picked up a can of lighter fluid instead of oil. Damage was minor.

In Little Falls, N.J., it was reported that third-grade pupils might have trouble figuring out who their teacher was the following fall, as the board of education had appointed identical twin blondes to teach the third-grade classes.

On the editorial page, "Taxes: Poor Timothy and Rich Raleigh" indicates that judging by the optimistic tax forecasts emanating from Raleigh, the State Government was about to suffer another embarrassment of riches, with tax dollars expected to produce a 20 million dollar general fund surplus for the fiscal year. A year earlier, every conceivable tax source in the state had been sought by the General Assembly to raise an extra 9.75 million dollars for the year, which was raised, levying 19.5 million dollars in new taxes for the ensuing biennium, which, as it turned out, was unneeded as there would have been plenty of tax money without it.

The legislators had not known that fact, as the Advisory Budget Commission had originally set a goal of 52 million dollars in new taxes for the biennium, but by late April, 1955, that had been scaled down and compromised to the 19.5 million dollar figure.

The result was that "Timothy Tar Heel" paid too much in taxes, something which had occurred before. The Legislature, the Governor, and the State revenue experts had not properly predicted the availability of tax revenue, and the Advisory Budget Commission had worked on its recommendations in the fall of 1954 when trends in various collection categories were down.

It concludes that what was needed was a better system of forecasting revenue by having a shorter forecasting period, that the General Assembly should meet annually instead of biennially, at least to consider finances. The state was a giant business and its affairs could not be efficiently handled every other year.

"The Sensitive Season and Local Affairs" tells of City Manager Henry Yancey indicating that it was difficult to prove that a dog was legally running at large. It reserves comment on running dogs, as it appeared to be more of a summer subject. The pros and cons in such cases had to be kept in mind, with one taking pains to point out that the paw which unearthed a petunia was actuated not by malice but by joie de vivre.

A. G. Brown had told the Mayor and City Council that they had no business zoning property in the perimeter area, and that he intended to stop it.

Sam McNinch of the County Board of Commissioners had told the Mayor that he had no business trying to set up a juvenile detention home with ABC funds, and that he intended to stop that.

Mr. Yancey had told Mr. McNinch that the City-County health officer really belonged to the City, which was sharing his services with the County.

The Park & Recreation Commission chairman had told the City School Board members that they had no business forbidding use of Park Center by the Central High School athletic field as an auxiliary parking lot. The School Board's attitude, according to the Commission chairman, had set back relations between the Park and School boards "to the point where it would be a long time before they are mended."

It finds it therefore, the "sensitive season in government", with the lesson being that early May was no time to bring up the subject of dogs running at large, that it was better to wait until late summer "when sovereignty has quieted down, and boards, commissions, councils and candidates have taken to their hammocks in peace."

"The Quality of Mercy Revisited" finds it worthy of more than casual note when the shapes of mercy, charity and love appeared on the front pages of the newspapers, as it had been in the case of the fugitive from Georgia justice, who had lived as a model citizen in Gastonia for 14 years after escaping a Georgia road gang, following his conviction four years earlier, in 1936, for the murder of a police officer and sentenced to life imprisonment. He had married after his escape and had two children, taking on a new life as a responsible citizen, until an anonymous tip to Georgia authorities had enabled them to catch up with him a couple of weeks earlier. He had then been returned to prison the previous month.

The people of Gastonia, however, had written letters, petitions and expressed sympathy, and State Senator Pat Cooke had coordinated a drive to persuade Georgia authorities to free him. The Gastonia Gazette had printed "Free Roy Baliles" coupons and they were clipped and signed by thousands of people, with the petitions containing more than 10,000 names.

It indicates that it had heard a lot about "Georgia justice" in the past, and the memories were coupled with chain gangs and man's inhumanity to man. It finds, however, that during the week, Georgia justice had consisted of something far different and finer, as the Georgia Board of Pardons and Paroles had released Mr. Baliles to the jurisdiction of North Carolina's parole board, enabling him to return to Gastonia and resume his life as a responsible citizen, where his job in a mill was still waiting for him.

It concludes that the people of Gastonia and the authorities in Georgia, and Mr. Baliles knew a lot about the quality of mercy and that everyone was a little better for it.

"'They' Are Everywhere—Watching" indicates that everywhere New York Times reporter C. L. Sulzberger had gone in the Soviet satellite nations, he found people fearing the omnipotent "They".

A citizen in Prague had told him: "For the people life is poor. Everything is too expensive. Pawnshops are full of goods. I can't get enough for my three children. Food is dear. But I know that They live well."

When he had been asked by two Poles on a train why Americans did not like the present Government of Poland, he had read them, in German, excerpts from the funeral oration by Pericles, with one Pole replying: "Ninety-nine percent of our people agree with that. But we don't dare talk. They might overhear."

A Rumanian had told Mr. Sulzberger: "They are everywhere and everything. None of us dares to speak frankly anymore. I talk freely to no one. I don't even trust my brother and sister. All of us have been degraded. Prison doors are opening—but thousands are still inside. We believe nobody. That is the heritage They gave us."

The piece finds that They also lived in America, with the difference being that the American could banish the whole pack by asking: "Who the hell are They?"

But in the satellite nations, They had a real identity, with Mr. Sulzberger indicating that They were "the apparatus of control, the stultifying bureaucracy that embraces life. They are the top dictators of Communist government and the anonymous machinery that dictates even to them. There is a They at every level of existence."

A piece from the Dallas Morning News, titled "Bizmac Is Born", indicates that there was a fascination in the accounts of the assembling of the Army's new, giant electronic brain, Bizmac, made by RCA and being installed in Detroit for the Ordnance Tank Automotive Command. Crews had been working around the clock to get it into operation, and the Associated Press had reported that there were 16 bosses for 13 workers, 16 experts to supervise each step taken by 13 electricians who were hooking up the machine's inner workings.

It concludes: "Yep, it sounds like the Army, all right."

Drew Pearson indicates that on May Day two years earlier, the U.S. had received its first shock indicating that Russia was on the way to forging ahead of the U.S. in air power, with the exhibition of Russian military might, including a giant jet streaking over Moscow at an altitude of only 250 feet, so large that its shadow spanned the entirety of Red Square. American observers quickly noted that its four intake vents appeared larger than any they had seen in the U.S., and that the heavy plane easily kept up with the swift jet fighter squadrons. Messages of shocked reaction immediately were transmitted to Washington, but Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson had refused to be alarmed, dismissing the new bomber as merely a one-off prototype assembled by the Russians to scare the Western world into more defense spending, noting that the plane had only four engines, and appeared to be an underpowered showpiece. Air Force generals, however, disagreed, but Mr. Wilson had overruled them.

The real shock had come a year later, in 1955, when the Russians had flown their prize bomber across the skies of Moscow again, there having been 18 more big bombers by that point, with 13 of them bearing routine Red Air Force markings while six had no markings, apparently so fresh from the factory that they had not been assigned to combat units. Each had a bulge in its underbelly, which experts identified as extra room for the hydrogen bomb.

U.S. intelligence agencies had gone to work compiling technical data and assembling all available facts about the bomber, which were secretly supplied to U.S. manufacturers who were asked to figure out how long it would take the Russians to produce such a plane. A re-examination of the Soviet air build-up had been undertaken such that it was determined that in 11 years, the Russians had not only caught up with the U.S. in design, but had outstripped the U.S. in production of jet planes. Numerically, the Soviets at present had the world's largest Air Force, with more combat planes than the U.S., its factories producing them faster. It had accomplished that feat secretly such that U.S. intelligence had repeatedly been caught unaware of it.

U.S. technical intelligence had made detailed examinations of 14 Soviet planes since 1945, showing that Soviet technology lagged behind the U.S. until 1952, but that since that time, the Russians had equaled the best efforts of the U.S. in air weaponry, and in some categories were superior, while in others, the U.S. was slightly ahead.

U.S. manufacturers had concluded from their secret study that Russia's Bison jet had completed the cycle from the drawing board to military service in just four years, compared with the eight years which the U.S. had spent developing the B-52. The first Bison had appeared over Moscow two years before U.S. intelligence thought it could be possible, and when the Russians had flown 19 in formation in 1954, the U.S. had only two complete B-52's.

Marquis Childs discusses the concerns of economic specialists in Washington that there might be an "adjustment" coming in late summer or early fall, which could undermine the claims of prosperity by the Administration prior to the election, the claim that "Everything's booming but the guns." That possibility had not escaped those who believed that the President's re-election was essential to assure continuation of the boom.

Differences over the most recent rise in the re-discount rate of Federal Reserve banks, a controlling factor in the supply of money, entered into the discussion regarding whether there would be such an "adjustment" to the economy. Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey, the most knowledgeable and persuasive member of the President's team, opposed the latest increase in the re-discount rate because he believed it was not properly timed. In long and friendly arguments with William Martin, Jr., Fed chairman, Secretary Humphrey had contended that inflationary forces had been checked and that to apply a further brake would risk an economic downturn. But he readily conceded that he might be wrong and that Mr. Martin might be correct. Members of the financial community were beginning to believe, however, that Secretary Humphrey had been correct.

When the President was asked about the matter at his last press conference, he had said that if money became too tight, the Federal Reserve banks could quickly move in the other direction. The brake on inflationary forces through increasing interest rates had been applied five successive times during the previous year.

But Secretary Humphrey pointed out that there were other factors besides inflation, one being automobile sales, with trade publications reporting that on March 1, there were 903,000 new cars either in transit or in showrooms, an all-time record, dropping slightly to 896,000 on April 1, with spring sales likely to reduce it further. But the inventory remained huge and had to be reduced substantially before new models would come out the following September.

During the first quarter of the year, automobile production had been cut back by 21 percent below the first quarter of 1955, with the range of the reduction being from 7 percent for G.M. to 39 percent for Packard-Studebaker, with Chrysler production off by 36 percent.

A second important factor was steel, with production of steel at a peak pressure point as mills operated at full capacity with industry seeking more steel. But that demand had an element of artificiality, as on June 30, the present contract of 172 steel-producing firms with the United Steel Workers would expire, the president of the union, David McDonald, having sent notices to those firms indicating that he wanted to negotiate a new contract. That could result in a strike, and if there was no strike, it would almost certainly mean a wage increase, which would in turn raise the price of steel. Present buying was spurred by a desire to store steel so that fabrication could continue even in the event of a strike or to obtain lower cost steel before a price rise would go into effect. The demand for steel could fall sharply during the ensuing 60 days. A strike beginning after June 30 would relieve the industry of making unpleasant decisions and might even be welcomed, as during the period of the strike, excessive steel inventories would be consumed and the situation brought down nearly to normal.

During the present boom in the economy, with almost daily announcements of new capital investment for plant and equipment by the big corporations, and with Congress working toward completion of the largest highway appropriation bill in history, even an "adjustment" in the economy appeared out of the question, with all the pressures appearing still to be in the direction of inflation rather than deflation, the view of Mr. Martin when he responded to the urging of all 12 of the Federal Reserve system banks to raise the re-discount rate.

The fact remained, however, that the previous year and a half had seen such an overwhelming boom, particularly in the automobile industry, that buyers were not as plentiful as they had been. There was a limit at some point to installment credit, which continued to increase, but believed to be at a slower rate. The latest Federal Reserve figure for installment credit outstanding was 27 billion dollars worth, the total for all consumer credit being 35 billion.

Mr. Childs concludes that the booming peacetime economy, in the view of those who kept it under close and constant scrutiny, was more delicately balanced than would seem possible at first glance. The never-ending struggle to keep the forces of inflation and deflation in a rough balance for full employment took on additional meaning in an election year when every sign was studied for its political as well as economic significance.

Doris Fleeson tells of General Curtis LeMay, head of the Strategic Air Command, having to confront the Russians on the first, and probably last, frontier of nuclear combat in the event that the worst ever would happen. With bitter calm, he had given a Senate Armed Services subcommittee his view from the barricades, one which was not new, saying that the Russian striking power would exceed that of the U.S. between 1958 and 1960 unless the U.S. got more bombers, more tankers and more bases. He said there had, however, been no changes of consequence in the Air Force program of 1953, though the country had to admit that Russian offensive and defensive air power had increased far beyond expectations.

The General appeared a little baffled, having run into the greatest phenomenon of the Eisenhower Administration, its optimism tending to engulf anything which was hard or difficult or unhappy. It was reliably said that General LeMay had testified, ready to take a firm stand against the present drift, regardless of what it might cost him personally at the Pentagon.

Ms. Fleeson indicates that if that were true, he was suffering from a sense of anti-climax, that no one was very interested in bad news or martyrs.

Senator Stuart Symington's subcommittee studying air power was making a record, and it would be careful and important, but the subcommittee was caught in a vicious circle of its own, wanting to be responsible by clearing everything in advance with the Pentagon for security reasons, cutting down on the headlines and thus also on public attention being paid to it. But without public attention, governments rarely changed their policies, especially when there was a high cost attached.

From a propaganda point of view, she finds the General thus far emerging as just another complaining military commander, joining the scientists who had been warning that the Soviets were surpassing the U.S. in the training of technicians of all kinds. Their warnings had been equally ominous and had received the sanction of Atomic Energy Commission chairman Lewis Strauss, but nevertheless had not elicited from the Administration any crash program to remedy the problem. Meanwhile, the long record of U.S. underestimation of Russian capacities continued.

Robert C. Ruark, in Nairobi, Kenya, indicates that the late Thomas Wolfe, in his 1938 work, You Can't Go Home Again, published posthumously in 1940, had written, under the guise of fiction, of the difficulty in returning to a place of which an author had written honestly and truthfully, indicating how, after he had published in 1929 his first novel, Look Homeward, Angel, he had gone back to his hometown of Asheville, N.C., and was flayed by the outraged townspeople who had seen themselves in the novel.

Mr. Ruark says that he had some of the same feeling after writing a basically true account about East Africa, the Mau Mau, the white settlers and Nairobi in general, believing that he should steer clear of the area forever, having heard threats of his being lynched, punched in the nose and similar public embarrassments.

Walter Winchell had said: "His chums urge Robert Ruark not to return to Nairobi, and environs. Or suffer assassination. Not by the Mau Mau but by the white settlers, who are in a rage over his book, Something of Value. Even his friend, Harry Kilby, to whom the tome is dedicated." He says that he appreciated Mr. Winchell's solicitude but that the fact was that when the piece had run, he had already been in Nairobi for two weeks and had just returned from a week in Mombasa with his friend, Harry Selby, not Kilby, and was attending the second birthday party of his godson, Mr. Selby's son. He also corrects that the book was dedicated to Mr. Ruark's wife, not Mr. Selby.

He indicates that he had not been lynched or otherwise affronted, that the Nairobi press had been very kind to him and his old friends had flocked around, and he had been invited to the homes of strangers. With the exception of one drunken Englishman who had spent less time in the country than he, he had run into no nastiness. A few of the hard-core settlers had not liked sections of his book, which he finds understandable as it got too close to the truth, but he had not met very many people of that type thus far.

He liked the people, but indicates that they drank, fought and shot each other, and there was a Mau Mau emergency, and his book was not on the order of Peter Pan.

A couple of ladies, who had a severe encounter with the Mau Mau and who accounted for quite a few, had offered their house to the MGM film company filming his work, for a reconstruction of the event.

He concludes that he was afraid that Thomas Wolfe had been wrong, that he had been in the country for awhile and had still not been punched, and it was a country where they punched first and reasoned why later.

A letter writer indicates that Americans were running short on service for $100,000 per year, that for the previous 37 months, there had been a downhill drag, with an uphill push from those in the driver seat. He believes that the ballots of Democratic voters in 1952 for General Eisenhower might change in 1956, as there was a need to "get that bad odor removed for the breeze has been very rancid for more than three years." At present, the public did not know what the President was doing while his substitutes carried on for him, or at least as it had been reported. He asks "half-Democrats" what they were going to do in November, urges them to vote wisely, as they had gone astray in 1952.

A letter writer indicates that he had discovered that there was a "grapevine" means of communication among candidates and their supporters insofar as determining how the candidates were progressing in the campaign, who was supporting them and what the chances were that each candidate would win, turning out to be surprisingly accurate. It had been reported, however, that someone was busy tearing down the posters of Arthur Goodman, running for judge of Superior Court, which he finds hitting below the belt, urging that the activity cease at once. He says that Mr. Goodman, through a long career of public service, had built a reputation for unselfish service to the community and doing humanitarian deeds for others, thus deserving of better treatment. He indicates that if anyone could provide the names of those taking down the posters, he would see to it that they were dealt with according to the law.

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