The Charlotte News
Monday, April 23, 1956
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page
reports from Birmingham, England, that Communist Party Secretary
Nikita Khrushchev had said this date that the Soviet Union would soon
have long-range guided missiles capable of carrying hydrogen bombs,
and warned the West: "Never shake your fist at a Russian."
He apparently had been annoyed by jeering crowds who had met him and
Premier Nikolai Bulganin in Birmingham, and made the statement to a
Chamber of Commerce luncheon, claiming that Russia had been the first
nation to explode a hydrogen bomb dropped from an airplane, that the
U.S. was only presently intending to do so, that its first hydrogen
bomb detonation had been from a ground installation. He added that he
was sure that Russia would quickly have a guided missile with a
hydrogen bomb which could "fall anywhere in the world". A
translator had read the speech in English sentence by sentence as it
was being delivered, with most Western newsmen present not hearing
the translator read out the clause "that can fall anywhere in
the world", but a British Industries Fair official text, based
on a shorthand reporter's version of the oral translation, had
included that phrase. Premier Bulganin had said the prior December
that the Soviets already had guided missiles capable of
intercontinental flights. Earlier, jeering demonstrators carrying
anti-Communist banners had heckled both Premier Bulganin and
Secretary Khrushchev during their whirlwind tour of Birmingham. Mr.
Khrushchev said that he had seen placards attacking them and Russia
and that they had heard the cries of many people, and seen fists
shaken at them, indicating that he would remind "the man with
the fist that attempts have been made previously to speak to us in
that manner. Never shake your fist at a Russian. Hitler tried to
attack us with a clenched fist and now he is in his grave. Is it not
time that we became more intelligent and not shake our fists
In Munich, West Germany, it was reported that the free world's first international conference on guided missiles had commenced this date with a dual study regarding how to bring about safer and cheaper travel and how to kill people. With the Soviet Union pushing hard to develop an intercontinental ballistic missile, NATO had called the unusual session, to last one week, including scientists from all 15 NATO nations, as part of NATO's Advisory Group for Aeronautical Research and Development. The conference brought back to Germany for the first time since World War II many of the scientists who had developed the V-rockets which had poured thousands of tons of destruction on London during the war, the scientists since working on rockets for the U.S. One of the returning German experts, Dr. E. M. Fischel of Caldwell, N.J., said that the Germans had been hard at work on an anti-aircraft rocket of their own, the Wasserfall, in the latter stages of the war, and that had the project been completed in time, the mass Allied air raids could have been seriously hampered if not completely halted.
Senator Allen Ellender of Louisiana, chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, had said in an interview this date that the President could obtain quick Congressional action on another soil bank bill "if he agrees to a few additional provisions," which would include a ceiling under cotton acreage allotments at about the level of the current year, 17.4 million acres, plus special protection for small cotton farmers, an increase to 51 million acres in the basic commercial corn allotment eligible for price supports, and some compromise system of supports for oats, barley, rye and grain sorghums, the chief livestock feed grains in addition to corn. He indicated that those provisions would offer a fair compromise for the vetoed bill without including mandatory rigid price supports or dual parity, the provisions to which the President had objected in the vetoed bill. The provisions Senator Ellender had set forth had been included, along with the soil bank, in the bill which the President had vetoed a week earlier, the President having expressed in his veto message opposition to the provision for higher, rigid price supports and other price-raising requirements which he contended would increase surpluses. The soil bank program provided for payments of up to 1.2 billion dollars per year to farmers to keep crops in surplus out of production. Meanwhile, in the House, Republicans sought to include authorization for the soil bank program in a bill to appropriate 1.2 billion dollars for Agriculture Department operations during the year, contending, based on a 1935 conservation law, that no further authority was needed, after the House Appropriations Committee had approved the previous week the appropriations bill. Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson, in a television appearance the previous day, had said that in its present form, the appropriations bill was "a sort of gold brick that has been handed to us."
Supporters of Adlai Stevenson apparently believed that if he could win the California primary, where 68 convention delegate votes would be at stake, all of which would go to the primary winner on June 5, he would be able to obtain more first-ballot votes at the Democratic convention in mid-August than any other candidate. Some of his friends indicated this date that while they were not relaxing their efforts, they were not counting heavily on the May 18 Oregon and the May 28 Florida primaries, in the latter of which, Stevenson supporters would apparently be happy to obtain a virtual tie with Senator Estes Kefauver in any division of the state's 28-vote delegation, and said that they were fighting an uphill battle in a write-in contest with Senator Kefauver in Oregon for its 16 delegate votes. As California would be the last contested primary before the convention, it could have a strong psychological effect on the delegates chosen in conventions in other states thereafter. Other first ballot strength for Mr. Stevenson would come largely from Illinois, with 64 votes, Pennsylvania, with 74, New Jersey, with 36, and Massachusetts, with 38. He also had scattered delegates strength from some other states, which would assure him 300 or more first-ballot votes, with nomination requiring 686.5 votes. Even if Senator Kefauver should win all of Florida's 28 votes and Oregon's 16, it appeared unlikely that he would reach the 300 threshold on the first ballot, as his present strength lay primarily in Minnesota, with 26 votes, New Hampshire, with eight, Wisconsin with 28, and Tennessee, with 32. A California victory for Senator Kefauver, however, could make him the first-ballot leader if many states would cast "favorite son" votes instead of voting for either of the principal two candidates.
Mr. Stevenson had brought his campaign to Washington for an indirect clash with the President over the weekend regarding foreign policy, and would proceed to New York later in the week after a day of rest in Washington. He gave only a lukewarm endorsement to the President's proposal for establishment of a kind of brain trust to advise the Government on foreign policy, accusing the President the previous night of "misleading" the people, saying that "the idea of taking advice where you find it is sound", but that he was not sure it would be a good thing to set up such an advisory body.
In Mansfield, Conn., an 11-year old
boy in the fifth grade, aiming awkwardly because of his poor
eyesight, had shot to death his entire family, including his mother,
his father and older brother, telling police that his family had
picked on him and he feared that he would be sent to reform school.
He told police that he had killed his three family members late on
Saturday afternoon at the family's rural home, 30 miles east of
Hartford, that he had slept in the farmhouse that night and then
reported the killings to a neighbor on Sunday morning. He said that
because of his poor eyesight in his right eye, he had to sight the
rifle with his left eye. He said that he had reloaded the .22-caliber
rifle after every shot, carrying spare bullets between his teeth,
that he had first killed his brother, after walking into the barn
where his brother was milking a cow, saying to him that he would
shoot him, but that his brother had paid him no mind and snapped,
"Get out of here," at which point he had resumed milking
the cow. The boy then fired a shot into his brother's hand, at which
point his brother had thrown a milking can at him and the boy then
fired again, hitting his brother in the stomach. He then backed out
of the barn with his brother stumbling after him, again fired
repeatedly and again hit him in the stomach, at which point his
brother had crumpled to the ground where the boy shot him for the
last time in the head. Reloading, he had then gone into the farmhouse
where he saw his mother through her bedroom window, and indicated
that when she had seen him aiming the rifle, she shouted something
that sounded like "hey", at which point the boy shot her
dead with one shot just above the heart. He then reloaded the gun and
saw his father run out of the house toward him, at which point he
said, "Hi, dad," and then fired a shot into his stomach,
at which point his father told him to give him the rifle, prompting
the boy to load once more and shoot his father in the head, whereupon
he fell to the ground dead. After telling his story to police the
previous day, he was committed to the State hospital at Norwich for a
30-day mental evaluation
In Chicago, a two-year old boy who had fallen against the gas pedal of his mother's car had set off a chain reaction which killed a nine-year old boy playing behind a six-foot brick wall, the mother having told police that she had been driving her three children home from church the previous day when the youngest boy fell onto the floor and hit the accelerator, causing the car to bounce over a curb and strike the brick wall at the entrance to a housing project on the Far South Side, with flying bricks from the wall hitting the nine-year old behind the wall. The mother was charged with reckless homicide.
Near Fukui, Japan, it was reported that 4,000 persons had lost their homes this date in a fire which had destroyed 600 of 2,700 houses in the hot spring resort town of Awaramachi, with one person having been killed, one missing and about 20 injured.
Emery Wister of The News reports that during the morning, Osmond Barringer, who turned 80 this date, had walked into the Barringer School carrying a big box in his hand, announcing that he had ice cream for the children. His wife had accompanied him to the school to help him celebrate his birthday, but no one would tell him how to run his own party, as he said that he was doing it. The principal of the school rushed over to the clock and pushed a button, and within a minute, the children were pouring out of the building into the spacious yard, the principal indicating that it was not really a surprise as the children knew all about it. But what they probably had not known was that the beautiful new school had been named for Mr. Barringer, his father, General Rufus Barringer, and his brother, Dr. Paul Barringer. Mr. Barringer had been born in Charlotte and had owned the first automobile in the city, as well as in the entire South, a steam car which he had bought in 1900. He said he had the first of everything, had taken the first Kodak picture and the first X-ray picture in the entire country. By that time, the children were eating ice cream bars and Mr. Barringer was cutting a cake which a teacher had baked. The children then sang "Happy birthday" to him and someone had asked whether someone ought to say, "Thank you", at which point the boys and girls responded in kind to Mr. Barringer, and he and Mrs. Barringer had returned their thanks with smiles. It was time for the children to return to classes, but a little girl named Sugarfoot and a little boy named Butch had hung around long enough to thank Mr. Barringer again. The principal told the little girl to wipe her mouth and go back to her classroom. Mrs. Barringer said that it was really her husband's party, that he would not allow her even to bake a cake for him, but believed that someone had invited him out to dinner this night. Mr. Barringer apparently was not hearing what his wife was saying, as he was busy cutting another slice of cake and thanking the teachers for the sport shirt they had given him as a gift.
Dick Young of The News reports that an appeal for cooperation in providing auxiliary parking facilities for the new Park Center on the Central High School athletic field had been made this date by the chairman of the Park and Recreation Commission, and it was hoped that the City School Board would act at its next meeting on the park board's request for permission to use the high school field. Several weeks earlier, a formal request for use of the field had been presented to the School Board, and the matter was referred to the board's athletic committee. The new Park Center was being constructed on the foundations of the fire-destroyed Armory-Auditorium building.
In Conowingo, Md., a yacht had been stolen, valued at $12,000, along with a rowboat, according to State Police, the rowboat having been stolen on Saturday night from a boat yard ten miles up the Northeast River, apparently used by thieves to row to the yacht, which was moored down river and was last seen off Turkey Point on Chesapeake Bay, towing a rowboat.
In Los Angeles, when an organ began playing the traditional wedding tunes, the guests in a packed church craned their necks to see the bride walking down the aisle, while at the altar, the groom fidgeted on one foot and then the other, with the minister present with his book opened ready to marry his son, 24, to a 19-year old young woman. But the bride never showed up, and an hour later her mother explained that her daughter had been scared and that the wedding had been called off indefinitely, that her daughter was home in bed and had almost had a nervous breakdown, adding that she was pretty sick, herself.
In Charlotte, because of the increase in the squirrel population on City Hall Square, four new houses had been built and were placed in trees this date by firemen to accommodate the squirrels, with the firemen saying that in several instances, the squirrels could hardly wait for the new housing to be nailed to tree limbs before they rushed in. The four new houses were gaily painted in light green and had been built by the City Hall custodian, M. M. Harris, who said that the present population of 22 squirrels had been increased by nine since the previous year. An annual expenditure of $10 was made from the public treasury to provide peanuts for the squirrels, and each day at around 4:00 p.m., the City Hall janitor, Joe Melton, went through the ritual of feeding the squirrels populating the City Hall trees. They knew when feeding time had arrived at the approach of Mr. Melton, and came scampering from all directions. Mr. Melton knew all of them.
On the editorial page, "Yankee Reporters & the Southern Front" says that it wanted Northern reporters neither to condemn the South nor praise it, desiring only accuracy, fairness and honesty in their reporting.
It finds that too often, there was an unwarranted attack on a black entertainer, a boycott in Orangeburg, S.C., or a White Citizens Council meeting in Mississippi, items to be reported for Northern and Southern "readjusters" alike, as it was part of the big picture. But it reminds that there was also another story, which the "Yankee reporters" had, for the most part, missed "in tumbling over adjectives to tell the world about this restless region and the strange people who inhabit it." It tells of it being a region of many foibles, many mistakes, injustices, and that if such reporting continued, of even more misunderstanding. All was not mint juleps or magnolias as the South had passed suddenly from the Northern concept of the plantation and the cotton field, the barefooted people, to a region of new landscapes and old anxieties. While there remained definitely hate and some violence, those aspects were not all there was to report, merely being "a corner of the kaleidoscope".
It indicates that for the first time since the carpetbagging reporters of the Reconstruction era, and the warmongering writers of the 1850's and 1860's, Northern editors had wisely sought first-hand answers to the region's pressing problems, which were not confined to state or sectional lines. But too many reporters had traveled south with preconceived ideas. "We don't want the whiskey ad South, for sure, but we need and demand a South which would include some voices, large and small, of Frank Graham as well as Herman Talmadge, of Hodding Carter as well as John Temple Graves, of Lillian Smith as well as W. E. Debnam, of Howard Odum as well as Theodore Bilbo, of Paul Green as well as Tom Linder, of Albert Gore as well as Harry Byrd, of Thomas Wolfe as well as Henry Grady, of Harry Golden as well as Charles J. Bloch."
It suggests that the region did not want to be left alone as it was not just a Southern situation at present, as the anger pervaded many areas. It thus wanted Northern editors and reporters to come and see for themselves, "but the maudlin, surface sketch is not the whole picture."
"In the South today a picture of quiet progress in human relations—in some areas—can also be painted as a backdrop to the harsh highlights of narrow-mindedness and bigotry. There are courage and morality and tolerance here too. There are southerners who are dedicated to the law and human decency. There is economic progress—and the promise of social progress. Don't leave us alone, but look us over closely. This is a chameleon South, one which shouldn't be whistle-stopped to obtain the obvious. It must be reported with care."
"Flexible Tool for a Better Future" tells of Life Insurance Education Week taking place in Mecklenburg County, to educate people, for instance, to the fact that life insurance policyholders drew more benefits every year than did beneficiaries after death.
It tells of life insurance being synonymous with personal security for all policyholders, plus being a good investment which always served as a damper on inflation and as a major source of the economy's working capital and thus its strength.
The life insurance system had started in 1759 for relief of widows and children of deceased ministers, and had since become the means for retirement, travel and education, as well as for safety and security of survivors of the insured. Insurance ownership was up 170 percent since the end of World War II and coverage would no doubt increase as more of its advantages were understood.
Charlotte had 60 life insurance companies, employing more than 300 salesmen, who would be performing a distinctive public service as they spread the word during the Education Week.
"Double Pride" indicates that the election of John Paul Lucas to the board of directors of the Chamber of Commerce of the United States had added another gold star beside Charlotte in the roll of American cities, as Mr. Lucas of Charlotte was now one of many distinguished U.S. business leaders, bringing to the most influential business organizations the enthusiasm and ability which had marked his activities and achievements on the local level. It indicates that Mr. Lucas was no Babbitt, that his background was broad and his social consciousness deep, concluding that the National Chamber was fortunate to have him in a position of leadership.
"Ruskin vs. Lockheed and Relativity" tells of an individual who collected limericks having called to ask whether he could be of assistance in supplying an editorial slant on the news of the new Lockheed F104A Starfighter, a manned missile plane which had been clocked at more than 1,000 mph. The newspaper had declined the offer, but the man had persisted: "Remember back in the twenties when Einstein's theory on relativity was a popular subject to speculate on?" to which the editorialist again replied in the negative, while actually recalling the fact. The man had said, "Well, this one blossomed then: There was a young lady called Bright,/ Who could travel much faster than light;/ She went out one day,/ In a relative way/ And came back the previous night."
It found it charming but only vaguely relevant, and it already had its own pet references for news stories about new speed records, whether on the ground, in the air or on water, that having been from John Ruskin, who said:
"There was always more in the
world than men could see, walked they ever so slowly; they will see
it no better for going fast… The really precious things are
thought and sight, not pace. It does a bullet no good to go fast; and
a man, if he be truly a man, no harm to go slow; for his glory is not
at all in going, but in being."
A piece from the Richmond News Leader, titled "Bigdome on the Wire", tells of it having been two years since the newspaper had hollered about the "Mr. Bigdomes" of the community, and finds that once again pomposity rode the telephone wires, that three times in a single day, they had answered the telephone only to hear a sweet feminine voice reciting, "Hold on, please, for Mr. Bigdome."
Ultimately, after continued waiting, Mr. Bigdome condescended to come onto the line, being "Too Big and Executive" to make his own telephone calls, and "Entirely Too Busy" to dial a number himself, that being "Beneath Him". He would command his secretary to do the chore of dialing the number for him.
The piece finds it aggravating and not doing anything to improve public relations, that if the Mr. Bigdomes of the world were aware of how their petty conceit aroused snickers and promoted ill will, they might be persuaded that it was not so terribly difficult to dial the desired number for themselves, and with practice, would become quite easy.
Drew Pearson tells of ongoing intense political jockeying, both among Republicans and Northern Democrats, to obtain credit with the large mass of black voters for passing a civil rights bill to protect voting rights in the South. It had become so weird that in a closed-door meeting of the House Judiciary Committee the previous week, New York Congressman Kenneth Keating, an Eisenhower Republican who claimed to favor civil rights, had helped to sidetrack the Democratic civil rights bill by failing to use his three Republican proxy votes against nine Democrats and five Republicans who voted to recommit the bill to the subcommittee, with the vote having been 14 to 13 in favor of sending it back to the subcommittee. Mr. Keating had voted against recommitting it, but could have saved it had he used his proxy votes. The five Republicans who had aligned with the Democrats were Representatives Ruth Thompson of Michigan, Shepard Crumpacker of Indiana, Usher Burdick of North Dakota, DeWitt Hyde of Maryland, and Richard Poff of Virginia.
It had angered Northern Democrats who had been seeking to pass the civil rights bill for months and could have done so with some Republican help. Mr. Keating and the Republicans, however, were seeking to block the broader civil rights bill introduced by Congressman Emanuel Celler of Brooklyn on January 5, in deference to the late-arriving bill submitted by Attorney General Herbert Brownell on April 10, following months of backstage haggling over drafting of the bill inside the Justice Department, regarding how far the Administration ought go on civil rights. Mr. Keating had proposed to adopt the Brownell bill, but that effort had failed, and it had appeared that the Celler bill would succeed until a filibuster had been started by Representatives Edwin Willis of Louisiana and E. L. Forrester of Georgia, at which point the Republicans lapsed into silence, seeing their opportunity to allow the Democrats to suffer from their regional split. Mr. Willis had insisted that the Celler bill, which made it a criminal offense to deprive citizens of their voting rights, was unconstitutional, "an invasion of the Federal Government into a field that's purely the province of the states." Representative Charles Boyle of Illinois said that Northern Democrats had expected that sort of "pettifogging argument" from the Southerners in view of their record in seeking to negate the Brown v. Board of Education case. Mr. Willis then moved to recommit the bill to the subcommittee and was seconded by Representative Robert Ashmore of South Carolina. The nine Democrats who had voted to recommit the bill to the subcommittee were, in addition to Messrs. Ashmore, Willis and Forrester, Representatives Francis Walter of Pennsylvania, James Frazier of Tennessee, Jack Brooks of Texas, William Tuck of Virginia, Frank Chelf of Kentucky and Woodrow Jones of North Carolina.
After the bill had been returned to the subcommittee, chaired by Thomas Lane of Massachusetts, it had been redrafted to please both sides, with some portions of the Celler bill having been adopted along with some portions of the Brownell bill, with the chief difference having been that the Celler bill provided for tougher criminal sanctions in the event of death or bodily harm as a result of a citizen seeking to exercise their voting or other civil rights, while the Brownell bill proposed no changes from present law on that point. The compromise bill included the stiffer criminal penalties but adopted the Brownell plan for establishing a civil rights division within the Justice Department.
Stewart Alsop discusses the view of a minority of Democrats, who believed that with the veto the prior week by the President of the farm bill, they might muster enough votes to upset the President in November. While most Democrats regarded the prospect as being as likely as beating George Washington were he on the ballot, Mr. Alsop finds it useful to offer the major reasons for that Democratic optimism.
First, the public opinion polls showed the President easily winning, but so had the polls shown Governor Thomas Dewey winning over President Truman in 1948 and so had the polls shown Adlai Stevenson easily beating Estes Kefauver in the recent Minnesota primary, which the latter had won.
Second, the Democrats had won elections since 1952, having won a higher proportion of the popular vote in 1954 than in any other midterm election since 1934, and having won seven of eight special elections, and nine gubernatorial elections to none lost, plus 500 seats won in state legislatures while losing only five.
In addition, in the recent primaries, Democrats had gained over 1952 totals, when compared to the vote by Republicans for the President. In Minnesota, the vote had been two to one Republican in 1952, reversed in the recent primary. In Wisconsin, The Republican vote had dropped 20 percent versus that in 1952. In Illinois, Democrats had improved from about a third of the vote in 1952 to about half in the primary. In New Jersey the prior Tuesday, the Democrats had risen from 27 percent of the overall vote in 1952 to 43 percent.
Furthermore, Democrats were encouraged by the slim chance that any third party would manifest itself in the South, as the DNC claimed no major party leader in the South was for it, while Alabama Governor Jim Folsom and Georgia Senator Walter George were openly discouraging such an effort. Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, who had delivered to the convention the 1948 civil rights plank, prompting the Strom Thurmond-led walk-out of the Dixiecrats, had said that the party hoped to avoid a split at the convention on the civil rights plank by endorsing the Brown v. Board of Education decision while refraining from mentioning Federal enforcement of it. Should that appeasement work to preserve the solid South behind the Democratic candidate, the party would start with a base of 170 electoral votes, needing only another 96 to win, and Democrats believed they could achieve those votes from the disgruntled farm states and from other voters displeased with Administration policies.
Democrats had also begun attacking the President directly, with a headline in the current issue of the Democratic Digest having been, "Ezra Takes the Blame ... But It's Ike's Farm Depression". Democrats would attack the President for broken campaign promises on farm and labor issues, as well as for being a part-time President presiding over a "rich man's administration". That could prove effective, though some Democratic claims were exaggerated, as one major reason for the Democratic gains in relative strength had been the result of the fact that the President had no opposition in the primaries and thus the Republican vote turnout had been reduced. Yet, Mr. Alsop recognizes that the Democratic successes since 1952 had been impressive.
He suggests, however, that it was still hard to imagine any Democrat beating the President, while, he cautions, Republicans might be over-confident as they had been in 1948 when Governor Dewey had unexpectedly lost to President Truman.
A letter writer says that, as an interested property owner, he had sat in on the City Council meeting pertaining to the zoning reclassification of the 2500 and 2600 blocks of Independence Boulevard, the property adjacent to the Coliseum, and had come away from the meeting with the feeling that he had been stabbed in the back by a majority of the Council, finding the chief opposition to reclassification of it to business property to have come from the City Planning Commission and the City School Board, the Commission indicating that the two blocks were not ready for reclassification and the School Board having said that it would create a hazard to Chantilly School, located a block off of Independence. He finds that if the Commission believed it was not ready, he did not know when it would be, as the residents were facing an intolerable situation caused by traffic at the Coliseum and its adjacent parking lot, making it impossible for residents to get in or out of their driveways, having to contend with the noise of trucks, buses and automobiles backed up bumper to bumper during performances at the facility. They had also to contend with rock 'n' roll fans who could not get into the Coliseum and therefore proceeded to put on their own show in the parking lot and along the sidewalks, complete with five-piece bands of a nondescript variety, playing until midnight. He says that the School Board's sudden interest in the matter left him a little cold in his feelings for them, having stated through an attorney that they had sought to locate schools away from congested areas, causing the writer to wonder why Chantilly School had been located so near Independence Boulevard, at a time when it was known that the highway was already under construction. He indicates that the Council had initially voted to reclassify the property to business, until two members had lost their nerve and voted against doing so, causing the residents to feel like they had been "slapped with a wet sack". He extends an invitation to any member of the Council, the Planning Commission and the School Board to spend the evening at his home when a major show was in progress, promising "an educational evening, including perhaps a charcoal broiled steak garnished with sand from the Coliseum parking lot."
A letter writer wants to ask candidates where they stood on the lien law and old age assistance, that people saved a few dollars for their old age, and, as a last resort, appealed to public welfare, an organization paid by taxpayer money, and, after being questioned on personal details, were then told to provide a lien on their homes, all of their Social Security, all of their home rent, any money they might have in a bank, and that they would then be placed in a boarding home for the rest of their days, provided six dollars per month for medicine, and a few clothes. They had been paying taxes to support others who would not try, and yet when they needed aid, they had to pay for it. So she wants to ask the politicians who were seeking their votes where they stood on the lien law. She indicates that the old, the feeble and the helpless children were not too well cared for in the state and the poor had no one to lobby for them in the General Assembly, that the poor had to be grateful for pinto beans, cornbread and cabbage, that while being fed at taxpayer expense, a lien on the home was not too bad, but taking every cent was.
A letter writer says that he had filed on April 13 to become a candidate from Mecklenburg County for the State House of Representatives, and that the people who worked in the Board of Elections office had been so nice to the candidates that it removed any misgivings one might have, making one feel that it was a grand thing to be a candidate, which it was, and worth the $13.50 filing fee just to be received so graciously on such an occasion. He says that the things to be dealt with by the 1957 Assembly had to be done in a "bold, sincere manner. Deliberation, understanding, tolerance, and good will play a great part in the various relationships among peoples in a city, county, state, nation or the whole world. These qualities must be utilized in large portions if we would continue to progress and get along with the other. 'An honest and sincere man or woman is God's noblest handiwork.'"
He is a man taking firm stands on the issues, not caring whom he might offend.
A correction is printed regarding a letter which had been published the previous Friday from a couple and another individual, wherein the published version had stated that their home had been purchased by the State as a five-room house, while it should have read that "one home" had been so purchased.
That changes the whole framework for the events of the day, and could necessitate in consequence major changes in foreign policy regarding the Commies and the Middle East, whether the Soviet leaders' visit to England would end in a positive program for peace or a continued competition to provide aid to one side or the other, eventuating in war, also perhaps irrevocably impacting the formal wedding of Princess Grace and Prince Rainier III which had taken place on Thursday. Thus, we have to urge your copy readers to get it right the first time to avoid such calamities, for the sake of world peace and convivial domestic relations.
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