The Charlotte News

Saturday, April 14, 1956

ONE EDITORIAL

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Cairo that U.N. Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjold had left the city this date with the optimistic statement that he had accomplished in his peace mission what he had come to do. Maj. General Edson Burns, the chief U.N. truce supervisor, said that the Secretary-General expected to get a closer look at the Egyptian-Israeli border situation with a brief stop at Gaza in the Egyptian-held Gaza Strip. He was en route to Beirut in Lebanon, where he had established his headquarters. Before leaving Cairo, the Secretary-General had talked again for 30 minutes with Egyptian Premier Gamal Abdel Nasser and for more than an hour with the Egyptian Foreign Minister, Mahmoud Fawzi. His mission appeared to have succeeded in effecting at least a temporary cessation of the smoldering situation in the frontier, as both Israel and Egypt had given him written assurances that they would refrain from hostile acts, though Israel had excepted acts in self-defense. Quiet had generally prevailed since the prior Thursday when there had been a brief aerial exchange of border fire. Egypt was said to have given further assurances that it would remove Arab commandos from Israel. Israel had accused the commandos of killing 14 Israelis and wounding 32 during the previous week. Mr. Hammarskjold, who was expected to spend a month conferring with Arab and Israeli leaders, was scheduled to go to Israel on Monday, following a weekend of staff work in Beirut. He said that he had sent Israeli Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion a message asking for further assurance that his nation had given orders to stop the shooting across the border, saying that Egypt had promised to issue such orders. He was expected to take to Israel a plan to withdraw troops of both sides about a third of a mile back from the border. Premier Nasser had originated the idea the previous summer and had received endorsement from the U.N. Security Council, with the plan at the time having been rejected by Israel, but unconfirmed reports out of Cairo now said that Israel had agreed to the plan in principle. One of the most dangerous aspects of the frontier situation, in the opinion of many observers, had been the heavy concentration of troops there over the previous six months.

Meanwhile, five scattered new incidents had been reported by Israel, although relatively quiet since Thursday. At a point close to the Jordanian border, the Israelis had reported that an Israeli shepherd had been ambushed and wounded by a shot fired early during the morning, that five Israeli soldiers had been injured by a land mine east of the Gaza Strip, that shots had been fired at an Israeli police vehicle near Meron, close to the Syrian border, with no one injured, that a child had been wounded in the Israeli section of Jerusalem by a shot fired from the Arab section, and that a shooting directed at a group of Israeli workers had occurred in the central Jordan valley.

The Navy this date commissioned its mightiest ship yet, the aircraft carrier U.S.S. Saratoga, bigger, faster and more powerful than any ocean fighting vessel afloat. It was the second ship to be launched out of the class of carrier with the U.S.S. Forrestal, but had advances over the latter ship. Both were 60,000 tons, but the Saratoga, at 1,039 feet in length, was three feet longer than the Forrestal, and also was swifter and more potently equipped, with its 250,000 horsepower engines having the highest propulsion force of any ever installed on an American vessel, about the equivalent of a hundred locomotives. Its top speed was secret, but it cruised at an average of about 34 knots, the equivalent of a little more than 38 mph.

Representative Chet Holifield of California, a member of the Joint Committee on Atomic Energy, said that there had been some encouraging developments toward realization of an atomic-powered airplane, but no promise of immediate success, that there might be a breakthrough in a couple of years or that it could be seven years, that no one knew the timetable.

Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, chairman of the Armed Services Committee, said this date that Congress should enact the new Government health care plan for the wives and children of servicemen, in basically the same form as that which had already been approved by the House. The Committee had completed public hearings the previous day on the Administration-supported bill, and Senator Russell said that he expected the Committee to act on it promptly. The bill provided that immediate families of men and women of the armed forces had a right to free or virtually free health services. Previously, they had been treated only to the extent that facilities were available. Patients would receive many free services, but would pay nominal outpatient fees, and the first $25 of major hospitalization costs. The Defense Department, supporting the measure, had testified that it would provide dependents with better health services than were presently available from any private group plan. The Department had set the maximum cost of the plan during its first year at 76 million dollars. The House version had authorized the Department to require maximum use of military facilities before paying for civilian care, a feature which the AMA and American Hospital Association had opposed, demanding that dependents have complete freedom of choice between military and civilian care.

In Fulton, N.Y., a letter from Marine Private Charles Reilly of Clyde, one of the six Marine recruits who had drowned in a swamp near the boot camp at Parris Island, S.C., during a forced march by their drill instructor the previous Sunday night, had told of his being punished for drinking a bottle of pop. The letter had been dated April 8, the day of the tragedy, and was made public the previous day by a lifelong friend of the dead Marine. Private Reilly, 18, had written that a drill instructor had made him drink 19 bottles of pop as punishment, after he had been caught drinking a bottle in the post exchange, where it was available for purchase but recruits were forbidden from consuming it. His funeral was to be held this date in Clyde in western New York.

In Augsburg, West Germany, U.S. Army Maj. General Derrill Daniel, commander of the 11th Airborne Division, had ordered every officer and man in his division restricted to their posts for the weekend because of a wave of brawls in German beer halls, involving some members of the division, saying that he had taken the measure "to protect the reputation of the division and to maintain harmonious relations with the Germans." It was the first time that a U.S. commander in postwar Germany had restricted an entire division to their posts as a disciplinary measure, the order pertaining to between 10,000 and 15,000 men. A spokesman said that disciplinary action against individual soldiers involved in the fracases had already been undertaken, but details of the incidents were not made public. German newspapers had reported that some of the incidents had involved both soldiers and Germans. General Daniel had said that the incidents were "damaging our reputation and endangering our relations with the Germans." He said that there was a small number of personnel within the division pulling down the reputation, prestige and casting reflections on the entire division.

In Augusta, Ga., the President, still on his week-long working vacation, was said by White House press secretary James Hagerty this date to have not yet decided whether he would veto or sign the farm bill passed by the Congress, but would announce his decision early the following week, possibly on Monday. The President and Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson had discussed the measure for more than two hours, with Mr. Hagerty afterward saying that the President still wanted to study all the technical details of the bill prior to making his decision. The President and Mr. Benson had both stated that they did not like the bill and Mr. Benson had termed it "unacceptable". There had also still not been any decision on whether the President would provide a nationwide television and radio address the following week to explain whatever action he might take on the bill. The President would fly back to Washington the following afternoon.

In Southern Pines, North Carolina Democratic leaders were planning to greet Adlai Stevenson when he visited the town early the following week to visit his sister, Mrs. Ernest Ives, for four days. He had originally planned to arrive this date, but friends had said the previous day that his visit had been postponed for a day. Governor Luther Hodges and other high state officials and party leaders had been invited to a reception and dinner for Mr. Stevenson on Monday afternoon, with the hosts for that meeting being the director of the State Department of Conservation and Development, William P. Saunders, and the State Highway commissioner, Forrest Lockey, to be held at a rural retreat of Mr. Saunders near Marston. The Governor had repeatedly endorsed Mr. Stevenson for the 1956 Democratic nomination. The only public function on Mr. Stevenson's itinerary was an "open house" in the Aberdeen school gymnasium on Monday evening, sponsored by the Moore County Stevenson-for-President Club. He was expecting to rest and work on campaign speeches during the remainder of his visit.

In Milwaukee, a strike of bus and trolley workers had continued this date, as Federal mediators continued a determined effort to resolve the strike, though efforts to arrange new settlement discussions the previous night had failed after both sides, though not refusing to meet, said they had nothing new to offer. The strike had begun the previous early morning, when 1,570 drivers and 530 maintenance men, members of division 998 of the Amalgamated Association of Street, Electric Railway and Motor Coach Employees, had walked off their jobs demanding more money.

In New York, doctors said that the eyesight of syndicated newspaper labor columnist Victor Reisel was failing and that the ensuing several days would be crucial in his fight to save his eyesight, following an unknown assailant having thrown sulphuric acid into his eyes in the early morning hours of April 5 after Mr. Reisel, 41, had left a Broadway restaurant.

Emery Wister of The News indicates that the Charlotte Municipal Airport manager this date had proposed a new parking plan, which would mean the end of free parking at the field, as he said they had to do something because of the number of cars being parked at the field having increased greatly during the previous few weeks, prompting many complaints that there were no spaces available. He was proposing that parking meters would be installed in all spaces in the main lot just in front of the building.

In Los Angeles, Carl Lamb had been chosen to head the local Lions Club.

For those who have not yet learned to read, Elvis had again come to town, this time unannounced and driving a nondescript Pontiac, causing all the girls to congregate around his car, inside and out.

On the editorial page, "Virginia Plan: Idle and Unfortified", a by-lined piece by Robert C. Smith, formerly of North Carolina, prize-winning staff writer for the Norfolk Virginian-Pilot, tells of Virginia's Gray Plan having been "allowed to idle, unfortified, menaced by segregation extremists and the enigma of the courts." It was the only plan toward or away from desegregation which the voters of the state had approved, and yet one observer had remarked recently, "If the interpositionists don't get it, the NAACP will."

He indicates that backers of the plan's "moderate approach to the tangled skein of problems created by the Supreme Court's 1954 edict on school segregation" had been unable to win even designation of a specific date for a special convention of the General Assembly, considered crucial in view of the NAACP's avowed intention of taking the Prince Edward County prototype case, a part of the Brown v. Board of Education decision, back into court at any moment. Observers wondered how Virginia could show any good faith when nothing had been done to set the plan in motion.

The Legislature, in its regular session, had narrowly defeated a resolution introduced by the State House Speaker, E. Blackburn Moore, which would have scrapped the Gray Plan for another year of continued, total segregation.

State Senator Mills Godwin, Jr.—future Governor of the state—, had recently told a Rotary Club meeting that to put the plan in effect would "lead the way to breaking down segregation throughout the South." He had urged holding the line against any integration and praised Governor Thomas Stanley for "not being rushed" into calling a special session to act on the plan. The statement was significant because Mr. Godwin had been one of the Gray Commission's most potent members.

The Governor had withstood the pleas of State Attorney General J. Lindsay Almond, Jr., and T. Justin Moore, counsel for Prince Edward County, to supply the state with at least the implication of action. After the NAACP had announced that it would petition the court to force Prince Edward County to desegregate the ensuing fall, the two men had gathered to discuss the situation, emerging without letting the press know their intentions, as the Governor had departed for a Florida vacation the following day, with no announcements left behind for reporters. Thus, the Gray Plan was in a precarious state.

It called for a pupil assignment system to reduce the impact of desegregation on a statewide basis, and the use of public funds to provide private education so that no child could be forced to attend a desegregated school. The principal difference between the Virginia plan and that of North Carolina, put forth the previous week by the State Advisory Committee on Education, was that North Carolina already had a pupil assignment plan, which had survived the test of one appellate court, while Virginia had none. In Virginia, that absence made supporters of moderation fearful that the state had nothing to take to court except negative action. The private tuition plan was regarded as a reserve feature from the outset, but there was some thought that it had now found more favor in some quarters despite its practical problems, as it at least offered reassurance against enforced desegregation.

Mr. Smith suggests that it offered another contrast with the North Carolina plan, as the latter contained the assurance that "if a public school situation becomes intolerable to the community, the school or schools in that community may be closed." The Virginia Constitution provided that the State had to maintain "an efficient system of public schools"—as did, essentially, the North Carolina Constitution—and Governor Stanley had been persuaded to protect that part of the Constitution from any amendment. (The special session of the North Carolina General Assembly to be called during the summer would take up the matter of a State Constitutional amendment to permit school districts to vote to close their public schools.)

The Gray plan had been approved by the voters the prior January 9, at least to the extent that the electorate had approved calling a constitutional convention to amend the state's law to allow use of public funds for private tuition, which North Carolina would also have to do in its special session if the recommendations of the Committee were to be implemented.

Significantly, legislators in Virginia attending the PTA-sponsored panels in Norfolk, Richmond, and other metropolitan areas had conceded that adoption of the plan would bring "some" desegregation. While the plan had been opposed by church opinion and a few integration-minded groups, there were many votes for it which were not votes against "some" desegregation. So there was some consternation when the Moore resolution had nearly passed. The Legislature had concluded its regular session, however, with no further action on the school issue except for an interposition resolution which had diluted the terminology of protest against the Brown decision, from calling it "null and void" to the adopted view of it as "illegal encroachment".

He indicates that the spark for resistance to the Gray Plan came from Virginia's 24 Southside counties, where black school enrollment ran from 50 percent up to 77 percent of the total, with the legislators and other public officials having set themselves firmly against any integration. The editor of the Farmville Herald, J. B. Wall, had said recently that they had been pushed as far as they were going to be pushed. It was from that area that the spirit of delay and dependence on interposition was fostered, the "vulnerable underbelly" of Virginia's school system.

The contrast of attitudes in the state could be developed through comparisons of actions taken by various local bodies, the Norfolk School Board, for instance, having approved the principle of desegregation, insofar as obedience to the law of the land, some time earlier, but no plan for integration had been developed independent of state policy. In Arlington County, in northern Virginia, the school board had announced in mid-January that desegregation would begin the ensuing fall, precipitating thereby a storm of protest which had virtually beaten that proposal to the ground. The board had then hedged its position somewhat the following month, but the General Assembly had then passed a bill stripping the county of its unique power of naming its own school board by popular vote, and voters in the county defeated a proposed 9.4 million dollar school bond issue supported by the school board, in what was widely regarded as a vote of "no confidence" on the board.

Meanwhile, the Southside counties had indicated an unwillingness to consider alternatives to segregation. Prince Edward County, one of the five school systems involved in the test cases in Brown, had proposed to spend a record amount for school operations in 1956-57 on a strictly segregated basis, with officials of the county having signified their intention to close the public schools rather than submit to desegregation.

Drew Pearson tells of Time, Life and Fortune publisher Henry Luce, a close friend of the President, having run into difficulty with the White House over an article in Fortune regarding the National Security Council, with the magazine having bowed to White House pressure to make about a hundred small changes to the article, after several thousand copies had already been printed, costing the publisher quite a lot of money. The changes had altered specific details about meetings of the Council so that the inner workings, which the original article had described in detail, would be set forth only more generally.

The President had not ordered the changes and he knew nothing of them, but they had resulted from his aides having been concerned that the President would become upset when he saw the article in print, as he was quick to lose his temper regarding publication of anything about the inner workings of the Council. He presided over it, along with Vice-President Nixon, Secretary of State Dulles, Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson, and other top-ranking Cabinet advisers. The article had shown the new power provided the Council to make decisions which in previous Administrations had been made only by the President.

The most significant aspect of the incident was that the Luce organization, though violating no security strictures, had been willing to stop the presses and make the heavy expenditure to revise the entire April issue to accommodate the changes. Mr. Pearson comments that the Luce publications had become virtually the house organs of the Administration. In addition to Clare Boothe Luce serving as Ambassador to Italy, Fortune publisher C. D. Jackson had previously served as psychological warfare adviser on the White House staff, while Emmett Hughes, the President's best ghost writer during his first year in office, had now rejoined the Luce publications.

Recently in the President's talks with Prime Minister Louis St. Laurent of Canada, he had placed first on the agenda the Canadian tax on American publications.

Overlooked by newsmen, a top Republican spokesman had made some frank remarks recently about the President's decision to run again, that Minnesota's influential Congressman Walter Judd, a physician, had told the Republican women's club in his district that the President had agreed to run at the risk of his health, saying that he knew better than most that the President would like to be rid of the burden of the office, urging that people needed to forget small things just as the President had put them aside and "walks perhaps to his doom, to his death."

A quote appears from Democracy in America, by Alexis de Tocqueville, published in 1838, in which he addresses the subject of elections in America, finding that the ardor of faction was redoubled at such times and that all the artificial passions which the imagination could create were agitated and brought to light, with the President absorbed by the cares of self-defense, no longer governing for the interest of the State but rather for his re-election, paying homage to the majority, and, instead of checking its passions, as his duty commanded, frequently courting its worst caprices. He found that as the election drew near, the activity of intrigue and the agitation of the populace increased, that the citizens were divided into several camps, each assuming the name of its favorite candidate, with the whole nation glowing with feverish excitement. As soon as the choice was determined, that ardor was dispelled "and as a calmer season returns, the current of the State, which has nearly broken its banks, sinks to its usual level: But who can refrain from astonishment at the causes of the storm?"

A letter writer says that she had attended her first City Council meeting recently and had come away from it despondent because the subject matter had related to the petition for reclassification of zoning to business by residential property owners bordering the area of Independence Boulevard, where the Coliseum and Auditorium were now located. The property owners could not sell their property as residential dwellings because of the noise created by the patrons of the Coliseum shows, unable on such nights even to get in and out of their driveways. When a rock 'n' roll show occurred, she indicates, the patrons rocked and rolled along the sidewalks for two blocks and in the parking lot until well past midnight. Yet, at the meeting, the attorney for the School Board objected to the reclassification on the basis that it would harm their model school in the area, claiming that the Board deliberately located schools away from business areas and easily accessible to the residential areas they served. But the writer points out that the Board had been fully aware when they located the school that there was a major thoroughfare planned for the area. She also indicates that the City had not been mindful of either the school or the residential dwellings when they chose the area as the locus for the Coliseum-Auditorium complex. She wonders, even though she lived only on a nearby street and was not on the petition for reclassification, where the average citizen could obtain a square deal.

A letter writer objects to the summary firing of WBT disc jockey Bob Raiford during the week, after he had violated station policy by broadcasting material which he had been forbidden to broadcast, consisting of recorded interviews, including those of students at a local high school, obtained without permission of the principal of that school, and without prior clearance generally by the station management, the interviews having consisted of opinions on the assault during the week of Nat King Cole in Birmingham while he performed on stage. The writer considers the station's justification for the firing, based on the need for "objectivity" and "impartiality", to be so much drivel, that in fact they were simply using the multi-million dollar newspaper and radio station monopolies in the market to stifle freedom of opinion, which "all Americans once enjoyed when disseminators of news were honestly partisan." He believes that it would "take a mighty low-grade moron to be ignorant of the political and social philosophy of the station in question." He posits that the serious question implicated was whether the public demand for truth and information was best served by multi-million dollar corporations "mouthing phrases about their 'impartiality' and paying cynical Madison Ave. ad writers to extol their virtues in the slick magazines." He cites, in contrast to the furor aroused regarding Mr. Raiford's "meek expression of opinion on a minor matter", the BBC, which served the British public, never being afraid to broadcast decidedly unpopular opinions, as in the case of a recent series against Christian dogma by a renowned humanist, as set forth in The Listener, a magazine which printed talks and speeches broadcast over the state-owned network. He says that the Listener had carried such a vast assortment of diverse opinions that it merited the highest of praise for its devotion to freedom of speech and its catholicity. Certain radio stations in Charlotte, however, suffered horribly by comparison, "no matter how many stuffed-shirts they hire to dwell on their hallowed 'objectivity.'" He concludes that Mr. Raiford would likely secure a better position and the city owed him a debt of gratitude for consistently viewing his vocation as a public service in the noblest sense of the word, suggesting that some comfort might be taken in the notion that Thomas Jefferson had likely turned over in his grave to hear his name, the very symbol of freedom to any American, "prostituted in such a shameful episode of narrow-mindedness"—referring to the Jefferson Broadcasting Co., which owned WBT and WBTV.

A letter writer expresses interest in the feature article by News reporter Julian Scheer, quoting the Yale Studies Report that Charlotte had the lowest rate of alcoholism in the country among cities of 100,000 population or more, based on the rate of chronic alcoholics per 100,000 adults. He believes that it also should be pointed out that the low rate of alcoholism in the community was the result of the excellent work done, not only by Alcoholics Anonymous, but also by the Mental Health Clinic. He expresses his appreciation for the work of the director of the Clinic, Dr. Marshall Fisher, and his staff "for their intelligent approach to the solution of what is always a difficult problem."

A letter writer from Hamlet encloses a letter he had sent to the commandant of the Marine Corps, General Randolph Pate, regarding the incident the prior Sunday night at Parris Island, S.C., in which a staff sergeant drill instructor had taken his platoon of 78 men into a tidal stream in the swamp adjoining the base, "to teach them discipline", resulting in the drowning of six of the men. The writer says that he was an ex-Marine and believed that the previous few days had to have been hectic for the relatives of the six drowned Marines, as well as for Staff Sergeant Matthew McKeon, the drill instructor, whom he finds had "also suffered even more" because everyone was pointing an accusing finger at him, with some editorials in newspapers condemning the entire Marine Corps for the action. He says that during the Korean War, there had been many days in which the press had seen no need to place anything about the war on the front page of the newspaper, yet having placed this story on the front pages for three successive days. He suggests to General Pate that the press was presenting to the public a story of brutality and horror, even referring to the matter as a "death march", and that for a person who had never been in the Corps, it was hard to grasp the deep fraternal feeling that a young man had toward the fellow members of his outfit once he had finished his "boot" training. He tells the General of his memories of the shaved heads, the insults of the sergeants, the hard training, the reason behind that training, and the day they had become full-fledged Marines. He says that Parris Island was not a tourist resort, but rather was the place where they separated the boys who had the desire to be Marines from those who did not, and that to take a platoon fresh from civilian life and mold them into presentable Marines by the end of eight or ten weeks was a job which was not enviable. He finds that the sergeant had orders to train his men and that there was no doubt in his mind that he had been performing that duty to the best of his ability and knowledge when the tragedy had occurred. He thus could not condemn the sergeant, as he had been the first man on the march and the last man back out of the water, at least among those who had survived the ordeal. He suggests that the press ought visit Parris Island and take time to grasp the real meaning behind the actions of the men and their training.

A letter from Cheraw, S.C., finds that the Government had a policy of trying to buy the friendship of other nations at the expense of the taxpayers in the amount of billions of dollars per year, and yet there was no friendship but instead hatred from those same people, as all people resented outsiders trying to tell them how to run their lives. He objects to the proposed request to Congress to appropriate 4.6 billion dollars for foreign aid, finds that the threat of the President's veto on the current farm bill to be in dramatic contrast as a matter of domestic policy, when the farmers only wanted a fair price for their produce. He thinks the foreign policy was a policy of giveaway for very little, if anything, in return. He says he agreed not only with the proposal to lower the age limit for Social Security for women, but also generally, from 65 down to 60, and to pay compensation to anyone, regardless of age, when they had no income and were disabled. He finds that there were those opposed to such a policy while voting for billions for others overseas. He recalls that during the Truman Administration, every time the President or the Congress had mentioned doing anything for the people at home, they had been called Socialists and Communists, but that nothing of the kind was heard regarding the current Administration because they were not doing anything for the people. He says he admired President Eisenhower as a great soldier and admired his spirit, and believed he would be a better President if his health and advisers would permit it, but feared for the President, as he was not a well man.

A letter writer says that most Southerners agreed that integration of the races in the public schools was undesirable for numerous reasons, and that the question was therefore how to avoid integration without denying anyone their constitutional rights as interpreted by the Supreme Court. He suggests setting up private schools to be financed through voluntary contributions of up to 90 percent of a taxpayer's tax assessment, and that when the taxpayer paid their taxes, a receipt from the proper school authorities would reduce taxes by the amount contributed, whether at the local or state level. He says he does not believe that the Supreme Court could tell a city, county or state from whom it could collect its taxes or how much it could collect.

Sorry, but that would still amount to state action, merely a subterfuge by which a state or local government would fund private schools to try to circumvent Brown via tax credits for "voluntary" contributions to the private schools.

We know how you could do it. Go out and get you a whole mess of that Pomade and slicker down your ha'r real good, double and triple-slicked, so that none of the black students will be able to stand to be around you. A little dab 'll do her.

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