The Charlotte News

Saturday, March 24, 1956

FOUR EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Secretary of State Dulles this date, in a statement via television and radio, reported to the nation of his first-hand impressions regarding conditions in Asia, where he had visited ten countries during the previous three weeks, saying, "If we wish to see the free world preserved and enlarged, we must help, or forces of despotism will take control," and that he was "encouraged" about the future of Asia despite "Soviet and Chinese economic tactics" being a danger. He said that the one spot in the Far East where "conflict most threatens" was in the area of Formosa and that the U.S. was working "patiently and persistently" to obtain agreement with the Communists on a renunciation of force there. He said that he had returned convinced more than ever of the "vital importance" of U.S. foreign aid, both past and future, but assured that the country had no desire to dominate other nations, did not seek ties of mutual defense with any country unless that country wanted such ties, and wanted only the independence and improvement of the free nations. His address was designed both as an appeal for American support of Administration foreign policy, particularly the foreign aid program presently before Congress, and partially as a reassurance to Asian peoples of American respect for their aims and way of life. The President had asked Congress for authority to pledge up to 100 million dollars per year for the ensuing decade to long-term foreign construction projects, with that request, along with the increase in the size of the program, drawing sharp Congressional criticism. Mr. Dulles also said that Russia was trying to insinuate its technical experts into key positions in lands which the Russians hoped to dominate, and that they were playing on Asian fears of Western colonialism, while holding out bright promises of economic assistance and industrial development. He said that he had found that the leaders were quite aware of the danger of penetration by international communism and of the fact that Soviet and Chinese Communist "economic lures generally had a hook and line attached" which led to Moscow or Peiping.

In Paris, Premier Guy Mollet declared to a group of about 20 visiting American editors and commentators this date that "some kind of arms embargo" had to be established for the Middle East under the auspices of the U.N. The group had toured North Africa, the Middle East and through part of Europe, with some of them expecting subsequently to visit Russia.

In New York, it was reported that Marshal Tito, President of Yugoslavia, was a big winner from Communist Party Secretary Nikita Khrushchev's earlier denunciation of Joseph Stalin, as diplomatic sources in New York indicated that Tito could have played a key role in persuading top Soviet leaders to denounce Stalin for his rule of terror. Later in the year, Tito was scheduled to visit Moscow, though he had been one of the few Communist leaders who had ever defied Stalin and lived. Only a little more than three years earlier, prior to the death of Stalin in March, 1953, Soviet newspapers had depicted Tito in cartoons as a dog and an executioner in a Gestapo uniform. Pravda, the Communist Party newspaper, now referred to him respectfully as "Comrade Tito" whenever it discussed the events in Yugoslavia. The rapprochement between Tito and the Kremlin had begun soon after the death of Stalin, at first moving slowly, until diplomatic relations were normalized with Yugoslavia. Eventually, Premier Nikolai Bulganin and Secretary Khrushchev had visited Belgrade the previous year, a trip initiated by the Soviets and accepted by Tito. Upon arrival, Mr. Khrushchev had made a statement at the airport taking the blame for the Soviet Union having caused the difficulties between the two countries, saying that it had been the fault of the executed police chiefs, L. P. Beria and Victor Abakumov. That trip had resulted in a general understanding between the two men and it was believed that Tito had made it clear to Mr. Khrushchev that there would have to be an open break with Stalinism before Yugoslavia could consider moving closer to the Soviet camp.

In Tunis, it was reported that opponents of the powerful National Front had called for massive abstentions the following day, when Tunisia would elect its first legislature under its new status of enlarged home rule. The National Front was expected to sweep all 98 seats in the new National Assembly, as other principal groups had refused to offer a slate of candidates. The Communists had put forth about 20 candidates, primarily for propaganda reasons. Tunisia had 750,000 eligible voters, all males.

In Rising Sun, Ind., two husky woodsmen battled each other with an ax, an iron coal stove shaker, a hatchet and knives the previous night, before one of them was stomped to death by the other. The deceased, about 60, had been hit on the head with the back of an ax, slashed across the throat with a pocket knife and beaten with a coal shaker before being stomped on the head, chest and stomach, according to the sheriff. The other man, 40, was being held without charge, and he had also been hit in the head with the backside of an ax but was not injured seriously. He had gone to a neighbor's house carrying a partially filled jug of wine and told the neighbor that he had been in a fight with his friend, the deceased. A deputy said that he had found a third man, 65, asleep in the bedroom of the three-room home where he lived with the deceased. He told deputies that he had witnessed the fight but then had gone to bed, indicating that it had started with an argument, the origin of which he was unaware. He said that the three men had been drinking heavily for about three days.

In Whiteville, N.C., an unemployed carpenter was charged with robbing a branch bank in Jacksonville the prior April 14. The man had once driven a laundry truck in Jacksonville. He was also charged with kidnaping a Whiteville woman. Almost half of the robbery loot, $12,800 of $28,900, had been recovered by FBI agents at a hiding place in Bladenboro, after the man had disclosed to the agents where it was, in a safe. A .22-caliber revolver, the type used in the holdup, had been recovered in a cardboard box with the money.

A storm out of New England, which had brought a forecast of 5 to 10 inches of snow, was moving down the Atlantic Seaboard this date, threatening the Carolinas with more cold weather the following day, with the Weather Bureau indicating that temperatures were already beginning to drop, forecasting a low of 30 degrees the following day in Charlotte. It was the third storm in nine days to hit the Northeast. By midmorning, 5 inches of snow had been recorded in northern Connecticut, 3 inches in Rhode Island and in Boston, with 8 inches in Jamestown, N.Y., and 5.1 inches at Syracuse, bringing the season's total in the latter city to a record 131.4 inches. Rain changed to snow in New York City, where the temperature dropped from 40 to 30 early in the morning. The streets of the city had only recently been cleared of the previous weekend's 18.1-inch snowfall, with the Weather Bureau predicting that the current snow would quickly melt after 2 to 4 inches had fallen.

In New York, it was reported that NBC had announced that evangelist Billy Graham and his group would appear on its radio network as a sponsored program starting April 22. Previously, all religious programming on NBC had been presented on a noncommercial basis, but the Graham program would be heard on a weekly series, called "Hour of Decision", which would last for half an hour each Sunday morning and would be sponsored by Walter F. Bennett Co., a Chicago agency which handled religious accounts. NBC said that its decision to accept the program on a commercial basis had been made after the network had polled member and affiliate stations. The network did not disclose how many stations had agreed to broadcast the program.

Charles Kuralt of The News follows up on his story appearing the previous day on the front page regarding 19-year old Sung Nak Pil of Pusan in South Korea, who had befriended a former G.I., Jack Pentes, a local commercial artist in Charlotte, while the latter had been a soldier in the Korean War. After the story had appeared, Mr. Pentes was overwhelmed with telephone calls from people who wanted to pay Sung's $100 entrance fee to Pusan National University, which Sung had sought in a letter from Mr. Pentes, who had explained to Mr. Kuralt in the earlier story that he would like to provide but had his own obligations in establishing his new business. As a result of the inquiries, however, a cabdriver, a salesman, a business executive, a former G.I. and a group of civic club members, plus many other Charlotte residents, were going to pool their resources to provide the $100 needed by April 1, with enough left over for Sung to purchase his student uniform, books and to pay a month of tuition costs. The special children's fund of the Variety Club had volunteered the $100. A cab driver said that he would contribute two dollars so that someone else could obtain the education that he had never received. A woman had called to say that she would try to raise some money at her church circle meeting. A salesman had offered to contribute $10, and a Korean War veteran from Belmont, who had once been stationed in Pusan, said that he would like to contribute $25. A Charlotte businessman, after learning of those gifts, said that he wanted to contribute the $100 anyway, so that Sung could have tuition funds for the weeks to come. The crucial $100 was to be mailed or cabled this night so as to arrive on time by April 1.

Helen Parks of The News reports that a 15-hour nightmare had ended for the Mozarteum Orchestra from Salzburg, Austria, after early in the morning, a three-state alarm had gone out for the Orchestra's wayward truck bearing its instruments, which had failed to arrive in Greenville, S.C., for the scheduled performance the previous night, forcing its cancellation and the full house to be sent home. The truck was eventually located in Charlotte, where the driver had come when he gave up trying to find Greenville, N.C., which he mistook as the destination. The Orchestra was scheduled to perform in Charlotte during the afternoon and the members said that they did not have anything with them except their toothbrushes. The booking agents had arranged for the local Symphony and Opera Association musicians to provide their instruments at the Auditorium for the performance in case the truck had not been found, and also planned to call Greenville radio stations to have them broadcast an invitation to this night's performance for any of those who had not been able to attend the performance in Greenville the previous night. The all-Mozart program was in commemoration of Mozart's 200th birthday, January 27, 1756.

In Washington, it was reported that David Walter, chairman of the board of the Symphony of the Air out of New York, had stated that there was no basis to allegations of Communism against some of the orchestra's members, the charges having caused the State Department to cancel a projected good will tour by the orchestra, which the Department had sent to Asia the previous year. Mr. Walter said that there may have been one or two disgruntled people who were "peeved and set the thing in motion". Robinson McIlvaine, deputy assistant Secretary of State for public affairs, had testified in an executive session before the House Appropriations Committee the previous week that the FBI had uncovered derogatory information about 30 persons of the 100-member orchestra. The group had formerly been under the leadership of Maestro Arturo Toscanini and was heard on the NBC network, but was now playing on a freelance basis.

Emery Wister of The News indicates that with public ice-skating having been a success in its first week at the new Charlotte Coliseum, the chances were good that more such skating time would be allotted the public the following month. Ice up your skates.

If you can't ice skate, you can always dust off your old horn and seek to hit the high note.

In Tokyo, the influential Tokyo Shimbun newspaper suggested this date that local governments had missed one source of income, a tax on golfers, with the newspaper saying that local governments had taxed dogs, pigs, automobiles, timber cutting and had plans to tax cats, cameras and electric fans, urging that the Japanese who played golf considered it as a sign of a privileged person and that they should be taxed, stating that, generally speaking, taxes ought be taken from those who could afford them.

In Santa Monica, Calif., a Superior Court judge decreed that three cats could not inherit the $1,600 willed to them by their late mistress, who had 17 cats and had left the major portion of her $50,000 estate in trust to her sister. A contest of the will was filed by a couple, whose relationship to the deceased is not provided by the story. The judge ruled that the bequest was invalid because California law did not permit animals to inherit money.

On the editorial page, "Stopper Needed for a Legal Loophole" finds that there was a need to plug the loophole for the state's financial responsibility law, permitting drivers who had an accident and had not been able to show financial responsibility to continue to drive, notwithstanding the provision mandating loss of the driver's license for a year, while a petition was pending before the Superior Court, to challenge loss of the license.

It opposes the loophole and asserts that either it should be completely eliminated or that any required hearing be docketed for the next term of court, or have the outcome of the hearing determine whether a suspension of the driver's license would occur, or requiring the petitioner to post a bond, thus discouraging frivolous petitions.

It urges that the 1957 General Assembly ought take up the measure.

"South Saddling a Pale Gray Horse" finds that Democrats had wasted no time following the Minnesota primary in bringing forth Senator Lyndon Johnson as a dark horse candidate for the August convention, with House Speaker Sam Rayburn having initiated a favorite son movement on Senator Johnson's behalf, followed by endorsement by Senators Richard Russell of Georgia and George Smathers of Florida.

It finds that it portended a dark horse convention, with Adlai Stevenson fading and Senator Kefauver charging toward the same combination of Southern resentment and organization distrust which had resulted in his loss of the nomination in 1952, following Senator Kefauver' surprise victory over Mr. Stevenson in Minnesota the prior Tuesday.

The legislative skill of Senator Johnson had verged on legerdemain, and he had served as an increasingly needed bridge between the Northern and Southern wings of the party. It finds, nevertheless, that he appeared as a "pale gray" in his dark horse role.

For if he were nominated, the health issue of the President, one of the Democrats' major campaign themes, would be eliminated, as Senator Johnson also had suffered a heart attack the prior July 4. Furthermore, the regional tag hung on him just as much as it had on Senator Richard Russell in 1952, nixing his candidacy. It finds that was so, despite the fact that Senator Johnson had not signed the so-called "Southern manifesto", issued March 12 in protest of Brown v. Board of Education, vowing to use all lawful means to reverse the decision or circumvent it. The fact that Senator Johnson was strongly attached to the gas interests and the fact that he had not created for the Democrats any campaign issues during the current session of Congress weighed also against him. While he could attract at least the same support which Senator Russell had four years earlier, enough to heavily influence the platform and choice of the candidate, it would be insufficient to win the nomination.

It concludes that if a dark horse were to win the nomination, it would have to be darker than Senator Johnson, and able to pull together the voters as well as the convention delegates.

"Old Story" indicates that Time publisher James Linen had brought to Charlotte the news that "taking an economic fix" was Madison Avenue's new way of saying "making a survey of business conditions."

The average American already knew all that was needed regarding "economic fixes", it comments, having been in and out of them for years.

"A Land of Hucksters Stubs Its Toe" finds that America often betrayed a distressing lack of interest in selling its civilization abroad, as shown by the lack of public enthusiasm for a plan to prove to foreign neighbors that the country was not full of cultural barbarians, as claimed by the Soviets.

The project was called "An American Bookshelf", started by the State Department and taken over later by CARE, consisting of 99 paperback books, sold at $30 per set, to be sent abroad to any location which the purchasing individual specified. The titles included Moby Dick, The Red Badge of Courage, A Farewell to Arms, The Great Gatsby, The Catcher in the Rye and the like.

According to Harvey Breit of the New York Times Book Review, during 1955, only 1,286 bookshelves had been sent abroad by American organizations and individuals, having been sent to 47 countries, thus spreading appreciation of American culture somewhat thin.

It concludes that it could not help thinking that a fresh copy of A Farewell to Arms would have been a better contribution to the peace and tranquility of the Middle East than the light tanks sent to Saudi Arabia.

A piece from the Richmond News Leader, titled "Oh Yes, the Giants…", indicates that the Giant's fan was a hopeful pessimist, expecting nothing and hoping for anything. The Giants fan had been tested by years of adversity until the light had finally come in 1951 and was blessed beyond belief in 1954. He had neither the cocky belligerence of the Dodger fan nor the naïve optimism of the Yankees fan.

He looked toward the opening of the major league season with optimism.

Drew Pearson indicates that there was more than met the eye behind the victory of Senator Estes Kefauver in the Minnesota primary over Adlai Stevenson, that his Senate colleagues had thrown every possible roadblock into the Senator's path, with Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson having conspired to delay the farm vote from Saturday to Monday so that Senator Kefauver would miss the final vote on it in the lead-up to the primary on Tuesday, a ploy arranged at the suggestion of Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, who was aware of the bad reaction in Minnesota should Senator Kefauver have missed the final vote on the farm bill. The Senator, however, had flown all night from Minnesota, arriving early in the morning in Washington Monday, voted on the bill, and then returned to Minnesota on Tuesday to be with his supporters.

Senator Kefauver had financed his campaign in Minnesota on a shoestring, having obtained $8,750 from his Washington campaign headquarters, another $5,000 from a few close friends, and between $7,000 and $8,000 in dimes and dollars through passing the hat in Minnesota. The Senator could afford only one telecast, whereas Adlai Stevenson had spent an estimated $100,000 on television time. The Eisenhower forces had spent four times as much money on radio and television as had Mr. Stevenson, but got only half of the combined Democratic vote.

Senator Kefauver's advisers had urged him to stay out of the Minnesota primary, with the campaign treasurer telling him that he could not make the run unless they had $25,000 and that they did not have it, with the Senator having replied, "God will provide."

Republicans had to reckon with the fact that their vote was less than half the total Democratic vote, possibly explained by the fact that there was no real contest on the Republican side. But it created a fear by Republican leaders that the farm revolt was deeper than they thought and that Republicans who had crossed over in large numbers to vote for Senator Kefauver might stay crossed over in November.

The supporters of Mr. Stevenson now had to face the Florida and California primaries, with the situation in California already shaping up like that in Minnesota, where Mr. Stevenson's organizers had gotten in early to line up the major leaders of the state Democratic Party, only to have that strategy backfire.

The Democrats who wanted to stop Senator Kefauver from getting the nomination were led by Senator Johnson, Speaker Rayburn and Senator Russell, and once included former President Truman, who now said he was for the best vote-getter. They were inspired partly by personal jealousy and partly by the fact that the Senator would take party control completely out of their hands. Some remembered that he was the only Southern Democrat who had voted for cloture of debate, the only means for killing filibusters against civil rights measures.

Stewart Alsop discusses the disastrous results of the Minnesota primary for Adlai Stevenson, shaking up the race with the unexpected victory of Senator Kefauver. Mr. Stevenson's supporters claimed that he could rise again, but most observers on the sidelines, including Democrats friendly to him, suspected that he was finished.

He posits that Mr. Stevenson's own mood might become factor in the equation, as friends who had sat with him on the night of the primary said that he had become increasingly angry and embattled as the evening wore on, with his parting words having been: "Damnit, bring on the next one, and we'll show them." The next primary was in Florida, and the one following that was in California. Mr. Alsop suggests that if Mr. Stevenson's embattled mood was sustained, he might "show them" in both primaries, which he had to do to remain in the running.

His greatest weakness thus far was that despite the admirable style and content of many of his speeches, he had been unable to convey to voters any sense of emotion about the issues. Crowds, according to one observer in Minnesota, had listened to him politely as though he were a professor, while Senator Kefauver had spoken simply, even boringly, and then answered questions and went into the audience and shook hands, something Mr. Stevenson hardly ever had done. The latter would be the underdog in both Florida and California and if he were able to demonstrate the fire and fight he had thus far lacked, he might pull off the victories. But one Stevenson admirer had remarked that it would be difficult now to get people to work for him at the precinct level, as well as being difficult to raise money.

The converse was true of Senator Kefauver who, while previously having money problems, now no longer had that concern. His basic campaign formula was the little man against the bosses and something for everybody, a formula which had worked well. Yet, that formula had drawbacks in that wherever he went, he was a threat to the established order. The Northern professional politicians and the Southerners were united against the Senator and so it was difficult to see how he could obtain a majority of the delegate votes at the convention, one reason why Tammany Hall and the supporters of Governor Averell Harriman of New York had been privately happy over the Minnesota primary results, with the current word being that Governor Harriman could be expected to change from an inactive candidate to a fairly active one soon, though he would not enter any primaries.

Some experienced observers believed that Governor Harriman was now the man to beat in the race, and that the chances of dark horses, as Senators Lyndon Johnson and Stuart Symington, had been commensurately increased also, with a knowledgeable supporter of Governor Harriman stating his belief that Senator Symington, not Senator Kefauver or Mr. Stevenson, now presented the real danger to the Harriman candidacy.

The heavy farm vote for Senator Kefauver in Minnesota had been in part a protest vote and thus dire warning to the Administration and the Republicans. Democrats would conclude that the style of moderation being used by Mr. Stevenson was not productive. Senator Kefauver had gone all-out on the farm issue, civil rights, repeal of Taft-Hartley, aid to Israel and just about every "gut issue" there was.

Mr. Alsop concludes, therefore, that the Kefauver victory in Minnesota appeared as a portent for a rough, name-calling, vote-catching campaign, different from the "democratic dialogue" which Mr. Stevenson had once envisioned.

Marquis Childs also looks at the Minnesota primary, finds that Senator Kefauver's victory indicated that the Democratic Party, already deeply divided by the conflict between North and South on the issue of race and equality of opportunity, was now facing the possibility of a candidate who would certainly split the dissident elements apart in the fall.

Senator Kefauver's managers were now claiming that he had shown that he was the only contender who could stir true grassroots support and thus could defeat the President. Mr. Childs indicates that if that were the conclusion of the delegates from the Northern states, such that they would give a majority of convention delegate votes to the Senator, then it appeared virtually certain that between four and seven Southern states would bolt the party.

The surprise victory left Adlai Stevenson's recovery seriously in doubt. In Florida, the next primary, registered Republicans could not vote in the Democratic primary, as they could in Minnesota, but many who were registered as Democrats had strong Republican convictions transplanted from the North, and might vote for Senator Kefauver to administer the final blow to Mr. Stevenson.

Rumors had persisted of a plot to kill off the Stevenson campaign and leave the Democrats with a difficult choice. Mr. Childs finds it to be a parallel with the candidacy of the late Wendell Willkie in 1944, when, after his failure as the party nominee in 1940, he had entered the Republican primary in Wisconsin and failed to win a single delegate, eliminating him from the race, it having been said at the time that Democrats had crossed over to vote in the Republican primary for the purpose of ending the Willkie campaign.

Mr. Childs posits that should Senator Kefauver repeat his Minnesota performance in Florida, the candidacy of Mr. Stevenson would be finished.

He suggests that the riddle of the Democratic Party was to find a candidate who could hold the pieces together for the purpose of an election campaign. But there was not much time left prior to the beginning of the convention on August 13 and the delegates had to find in the meantime that person who could hold the party together.

A letter writer finds that wise and successful candidates for the Legislature would make no promises during the year unless they promised to do nothing.

A letter writer indicates that a number of readers of the newspaper had been surprised and disappointed after reading a "whitewash" editorial on the Charlotte Symphony Orchestra, appearing March 17. It says that the courageous and revealing articles by Charles Kuralt had given them hope that the newspaper would continue to delve into the multifaceted aspects of the problem. The letter writer wants the newspaper to equalize the situation by giving equal space to all organizations of high musical caliber, regardless of pressure.

A letter writer says that she had been appointed historian of Mecklenburg County many years earlier and still held the position, had never resigned and never expected to do so.

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