The Charlotte News
Wednesday, March 21, 1956
FOUR EDITORIALS
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that the President, at his press conference this date, had urged the nation not to regard the school integration issue as one which would separate Americans and create a mess, appealing for moderation, saying that while the problem of desegregation was one of deep emotion, he remained confident that progress could be made. The President discussed specifically the trial of the ministers and other citizens of Montgomery, Alabama, charged with participation in an illegal boycott under state law for their boycott of the municipal buses in protest of segregated seating. The President said that he understood that there was a state law covering that situation, but that generally in the South, it was incumbent upon the people of the region to show some progress in good race relations, as the Supreme Court had asked in its May, 1955 implementing decision in Brown v. Board of Education, wherein the Court unanimously stated that desegregation should take place "with all deliberate speed". The President said that the nation should not stagnate and pleaded for understanding between the races.
Meanwhile, in Montgomery, the State had closed its case this date against the Reverend Martin Luther King, Jr., the first of the 90 black defendants brought to trial for their part in the boycott. A bus company official had testified that white passengers and black passengers had been arrested for refusing to comply with the segregated seating arrangements on Montgomery buses. Rosa Parks, who had refused the request of a bus driver that she change seats to accommodate a white passenger, had been arrested the previous December 1 and subsequently convicted on December 5 under the segregation law, sparking the boycott which had begun on December 5. The mayor of Montgomery testified in the case that the City Commission had "offered everything we could" in a futile effort to settle the bus boycott. The mayor defended his membership in the pro-white Montgomery County Citizens Council, saying, "I wouldn't join anything that advocated violence." The defense, in cross-examining the mayor and the bus company manager, had sought to demonstrate that the 17-week boycott had begun as a climax of a long series of complaints from black citizens about conditions on the Montgomery municipal buses.
On other topics, the President said at his press conference that any outbreak of major hostilities in the Middle East would be a catastrophe for the world, and that the U.S. had to regard every bit of unrest in that region as very serious. He had been asked for comment on the U.S. requests the previous day for a U.N. Security Council meeting to seek a solution for the crisis in that region. He said that if the disputing nations could be made to see that mediation was the true way to a solution, then perhaps they might get some place. Regarding politics, he avoided direct comment on contentions that the upset victory of Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee in the Minnesota presidential primary the previous day reflected a revolt against Administration farm policies, indicating that he was unable to provide an analysis of the Minnesota vote but asserted that the state was important politically, and that the large write-in vote he had received in 1952 there had done as much as anything to convince him that he should take the political business a little more seriously.
In the Minnesota primary, Senator Kefauver, in the first head-to-head race of the election year with Adlai Stevenson, had been the surprise winner, obtaining 24 delegate votes to the national convention in August to two for Mr. Stevenson, with four yet to be decided, Senator Kefauver having moved ahead of Mr. Stevenson by a small margin in two of the four districts still being tallied, while the Senator led by a small margin in one of the other two and had cut Mr. Stevenson's lead to only 139 votes in the fourth. The total votes thus far compiled gave Senator Kefauver 217,522 votes to Mr. Stevenson's 167,097. The Minnesota Democratic Party leaders, who had supported Mr. Stevenson, contended that the upset was the result of Republicans crossing lines to vote in the Democratic primary. Senator Kefauver said that if any Republicans had crossed party lines, he supposed that he may have gotten some and Mr. Stevenson may have gotten some. He credited his victory to a "Minnesota revolt against the Eisenhower-Benson farm program." Mr. Stevenson said in Chicago that the "unprecedented Democratic vote" had offset his personal disappointment and that he would continue in the campaign.
Senator Clifford Case of New Jersey appealed to his Republican colleagues in the Senate this date to reject a proposed constitutional amendment which would revise the electoral college system of electing presidents and vice-presidents. Although 30 Republican Senators were listed as co-sponsors of the proposed amendment, Senator Case contended that its "adverse effect on the Republican Party for the indefinite future cannot be questioned." He maintained in a memorandum sent to fellow Republican Senators that the proposal would cause "great and permanent injury to our society and our form of government and to the American two-party system." Debate in the Senate had gotten underway the previous day, and almost immediately, there had been sharply conflicting interpretations of the proposed amendment's possible effects, with the two sides of the aisle being mixed on the question. The proposed amendment would eliminate the present "winner-take-all" system under which individual states operated to choose the recipient of the state's votes within the electoral college. The Constitution provides that each state legislature determines the manner in which electors are chosen.
In Columbia, S.C., South Carolina Governor George Bell Timmerman, Jr., urged this date that Southern Democrats ought "present a united front" to the national party on the issue of racial segregation. He urged the South Carolina delegation to the Democratic convention to take the lead "toward mobilization of our Southern strength", but at no time suggested formation of a third party. He urged a state convention recess and invited Democratic parties in other states to do the same and to join with South Carolina in organizing. He said that recessing their convention would demonstrate clearly that their position transcended mere party politics and would show that they meant what they said when they said it, and were "not putting on a political show for home consumption". He also said, "Racial mixing in the South is a very real and meaningful part of the Communist conspiracy."
Also in Columbia, the new law passed by the South Carolina Legislature barring members of the NAACP from public employment would be taken to court, according to the state's NAACP president this date, calling the law unconstitutional and a "gross discrimination". He charged that it would not stand the test before the courts of the land and that they intended to test it in Federal court soon. The law stated that membership in the NAACP was "wholly incompatible with the peace, tranquility and progress that all citizens have a right to enjoy."
The Westinghouse strike, the longest in the nation's modern labor relations history, had ended after 156 days. At times beset by violence, the strike had probably cost hundreds of millions of dollars in lost wages and business. The settlement had been arranged the previous night when the striking International Union of Electrical Workers had voted to accept a plan proposed two weeks earlier by Government mediators, but which had since been changed somewhat to favor the union. The new contract provided IUE workers annual pay raises ranging from 5 to 22 cents per hour added to their pre-strike average pay of $2.10 per hour, with additional raises up to 12 cents per hour provided to skilled workers, plus improvements to pensions and insurance benefits. Several Westinghouse plants would resume operations this date and the bulk of the 44,000 striking workers represented by the union were expected to return to the job within a matter of days. It would, however, take a month to restore production at some heavy machinery plants. The strike had delayed introduction of the 1956 line of Westinghouse products by nearly six months.
In Raleigh, the State Supreme Court this date granted a new trial to the Charlotte man convicted in Mecklenburg County Superior Court on January 2 of being a "jack-in-the-box" by secreting himself in the trunk of his wife's car with a combination shotgun and rifle, emerging from the trunk after hearing what he described as kissing sounds coming from the passenger compartment between his wife and another man, eventually firing the gun and killing the other man. He had been convicted of second-degree murder and was sentenced to 30 years in prison. He had contended that the gun had gone off accidentally while the two men struggled over it. The reason for the reversal was questions and comments by the judge regarding whether the defendant had actually heard kissing sounds from his position in the trunk, with the Supreme Court having determined that the questions and comments tended to impeach or discredit the defendant and that while counsel could cross-examine a witness, the court could not. It said: "Regardless of how unreasonable or improbable the defendant's story, the court must maintain 'the cold neutrality of an impartial judge.' Though not intended, the trial court's questions may well have influenced the jury against the defendant. The danger is too great to permit the verdict to stand." Shorty will have another day in his short-order, short-fused "jack-in-the-box" killing of the perceived interloper to his marriage and happy home. The judge, it might be recalled, in passing sentence, had stated his regret at having to do so, as he wished he could have sentenced instead Shorty's wife, as her assignation had been ultimately responsible for the man's death.
Also in Raleigh, Governor Luther Hodges this date assured a conference of State Highway Patrol sergeants that there there would be no "ticket fixing" by his office for speeding or other motor vehicle violations. He said that his office recently had received a telephone call from the governor's office of another state, asking that a ticket for speeding in North Carolina be "fixed", with a prominent public official of that other state, with "good connections", having been charged with speeding. The Governor said that a member of his staff had informed the caller that such could not be done, that the staff member had pointed out that North Carolina Senator Sam Ervin, Representative Graham Barden, State Secretary of State Thad Eure and even the Governor's son had been cited for speeding in recent years. The Governor told the patrol sergeants that he believed they were doing an outstanding job and that his office received many letters of praise for the Patrol.
Kidd Brewer, a Raleigh businessman who had entered the race for lieutenant governor the prior Friday, had withdrawn this date, based on a physical condition after he had entered Duke Hospital the previous day.
Charles Kuralt of The News reports on what citizens whose daily routine took them down E. 4th St. regarded as the oldest body of water in Mecklenburg County, a long lake on the sidewalk under the Southern Railroad crossing, which one man said had been there for years and a woman said caused pedestrians to have to walk out in the street and so was dangerous. Water drained from the railway bed above and from a parking lot on the west side of the railroad tracks, to form the large puddle, persisting even when there were infrequent dry spells, when the water dried up in other places. City Manager Henry Yancey knew about the lake and said that a catch basin would solve it, that it was really not the City's responsibility but that they would place a catch basin there as soon as they could get around to it. Mr. Kuralt concludes that it would not be soon enough for the pestered pedestrians of E. 4th St.
John Borchert of The News reports that independent service station dealers in the N. Independence Boulevard-Commonwealth Avenue area of the city were engaged in an unusual battle with an Atlantic service station on N. Independence regarding the price of gasoline, that the owner and operator of the Atlantic station had said that "about 30 independent dealers" had jammed into his station on Sunday afternoon to harass him for his lower price. Another station operator at the corner of Independence and Commonwealth, where the station operators had met on Sunday, said that everyone in the neighborhood had agreed on a standard price, with the exception of the Atlantic station operator, who was selling for two cents per gallon under the agreed price. The Atlantic station operator said that the other dealers would drive into his station and ask for 10 or 25 cents worth of gas, and provide his attendants with large bills forcing them to make change, though he said they were prepared for them and had stacks of change in piles subtracting a quarter from the $5, $10 or $20 bills. He said that his attendants would also clean the windshields of the cars and that the other service station people would drive around the corner and throw dirt on their windshields, then return for more service and more 25-cent purchases. The Atlantic operator said that he finally had to send for the police to keep the cars from blocking the driveways to his station. He said that they all knew that his station personnel parked a lot of cars during shows at the Coliseum and he believed that it was why they had chosen Sunday afternoon to come, as the final performance of the ice show had been that afternoon. He said the action of the independent operators had cost him some money, but that the way he figured it, he owned the merchandise he was selling and it was up to him to do with it what he wanted, that he had been selling gas at his current price for almost a year. He should perhaps contact the Justice Department and have them investigate the independent operators for potential Sherman Anti-Trust Act violations for entering an illegal combine to fix prices, affecting interstate commerce.
A spring cold snap had hit the blossoming peach crop again early this date, but from all indications, the damage had been fairly light in the Carolinas. Reports from both the Spartanburg County area, the world's largest peach-producing area, and the Sandhills of North Carolina indicated that the bulk of the trees had escaped damage. The forecast for this night was for it being not so cold with scattered frost, and low temperatures between 28 and 35, with the following day to be mild, with showers in the western part of the state. The Asheville-Hendersonville airport had recorded a low of 15 degrees early this date, and on Clingman's Peak, in the Black Mountains near Mount Mitchell, the low recorded was 8, with about 15 inches of snow remaining on the ground in that area. Other lows included 25 at the Raleigh-Durham Airport, 21 in Asheville, 24 in Hickory, 27 in Fayetteville, 28 in Charlotte, and 30 at Wilmington and Elizabeth City.
Not on the front page, the 28th
annual Academy Awards took place in Hollywood and New York
On the editorial page, "Daylight Saving: What about August?" relates of William Willett of Chelsea, England, in 1907, having decided that the world needed an extra hour of daylight in the summertime, convincing the Parliament by 1916 to adopt Daylight Savings Time. Farmers had protested bitterly, as it meant that they had to get up in darkness all year round, and that there was too much dew on the ground in the early morning to work.
Now, there were petitions circulating to adopt daylight savings time locally. It indicates that it would not oppose progress and if local residents decided to move the clock forward an hour, "that's the way we set our turnips."
But it suggests that if the City Council was going to tinker with the clocks, it should also straighten out other failings of summer at the same time, that August ought be abolished completely, September shortened by eliminating its first two weeks, and that there was too much of December and not enough of May. January did not bother it anymore, as it had gotten rid of it several years earlier.
"Third Party: Figure without Substance" indicates that Washington columnists, as part of dull days which cursed the craft, had trotted out a third-party phantom again, with columnist Doris Fleeson having suggested that it might arise after a possible deadlock at the Democratic convention in August, with the Southern delegates united behind Senate Majority Leader Lyndon Johnson, producing a deadlock, and Senator Harry F. Byrd of Virginia, whom she had said was the instigator of the "Southern manifesto", issued the previous week by 19 Southern senators and 83 Representatives, protesting the Brown v. Board of Education decision, forming ranks behind Senator Johnson—who had not signed the document.
Marquis Childs also had viewed Senator Johnson as an instrument of Southern solidarity to force a convention compromise on the integration issue, asserting in his column that the Southerners would walk out of the convention should either Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee or Governor Averell Harriman of New York become the nominee.
It indicates that it was easy to see that the race issue would be a divisive one at the coming convention, suggestive at least of the possibility of a third party forming, but that the columnists had not provided the substance to back up that prospect.
It questions whether Senator Johnson, being the leader of the Democrats in the Senate, would walk out of the convention, and whether House Speaker Sam Rayburn, with antipathy for Governor Allan Shivers after he had shifted allegiance to General Eisenhower in 1952, would participate in any walkout, whether Senators Richard Russell and Walter George of Georgia, who had not walked out with the the Dixiecrats in 1948, would do so this time.
It indicates that the only point of a third-party run would be to throw the election into the House by denying both parties a majority of electoral votes. The Dixiecrats in 1948 had carried five states, but had failed finally to influence the election in a close race. It suggests that unless the whole South could be mustered, implying a wholesale desertion by Senator Johnson, Speaker Rayburn, and Senator Russell, chances of throwing the election into the House were even more slim because of the likelihood that the President would handily win the race.
It also observes that there was not much time for any careful organization and the hard work required to establish a third party, and so counts the prospect as very slight that it would form.
"Billy Graham's Good Advice to Ike" indicates that the Reverend Billy Graham had recommended to the President that he visit India, following the evangelist's recent trip there, telling the President that he would receive the greatest welcome there of any man in history.
It believes that the advice might be correct and that such a visit by the President would leave a lasting impression in the Orient of the sympathetic interest of the U.S. in an area where the pride of newly independent peoples was sensitive and susceptible to the compliment of neighborly manners.
With Prime Minister Nehru visiting Washington and scheduled to return aboard the President's plane to New Delhi, it expresses the hope that the President might return with him and repay the visit—a suggestion which the President had appeared diplomatically to sidestep at his press conference this date, saying that he would like to visit India but, as with visiting other countries, he found it difficult to accept one such invitation without accepting others, necessitating too much travel.
"They Laughed When He Juggled" laments the sudden death by heart attack on Saturday night of humorist Fred Allen, who "in the flimsy, rococo world of U.S. show business ... was a giant".
It relates that the story of his start in the theater was now a part of folklore, that his father, a Cambridge, Mass., bookbinder, had gotten him a job as a stock boy in the library, but instead, young Fred sneaked out to watch the shows at the local vaudeville house, where he took an interest in juggling, becoming so proficient backstage that he eventually took his act out front, joining the vaudeville circuit. At one stop, the audience had been less than enthusiastic and in sheer desperation, the manager stalked onto the stage during the act and demanded to know where he had learned juggling, to which young Fred had responded, "I took a correspondence course baggage smashing." The story went that it brought down the house and marked the turning point in his career, from juggler to humorist. Shortly thereafter, he changed his surname to Allen, at the suggestion of his agent, whose surname was Allen.
It says that it remembered with
pleasure his highly successful radio show
Because of bad health and sponsor
trouble, Mr. Allen had not been around much of late, except as a
panelist on "What's My Line?"
It leaves off the fact that he had displayed some comedic acting
A piece from the Tulsa World, titled "Ever Taste Real Persimmons?" tells of an Oklahoma City newspaperman of rural and pioneer leanings who had conducted an experiment late in December, having acquired a big lot of persimmons, finding that the old-timers had gone at them eagerly, while the younger people were somewhat chary, not knowing quite what they were.
It wonders what was the matter with their folks, whether pioneer tastes had disappeared. "Schools of journalism, teevee and highways have somehow worked perversions of taste and almost cruel disregard of rural delights. Too sophisticated, too streamlined, says us."
Drew Pearson indicates that Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson might not know it, but a conflict of interest political blowup was simmering in his Department, involving Carl Hanson, state director of the Farmers' Home Administration in Montana. The FHA was supposed to spend its entire time on the problem of helping the small farmer, going into their homes and aiding with their economic problems, especially in times of drought. But there was conclusive evidence that instead of helping small farmers, Mr. Hanson had been acting as a wool-buyer for a company out of Boston and also helping to direct the affairs of a radio and television station in Billings, KOOK, while charging political long distance calls to the Government. He had also spent some of his time and the Government's money on an abortive attempt to elect Wesley D'Ewart to the Senate, in violation of the Hatch Act, prohibiting Government officials from engaging in politics unless they were of Cabinet or subordinate Cabinet rank.
Mr. Pearson indicates that the matter showed why farmers were so angry at Secretary Benson, recognizing that he had a difficult problem with surplus crops, with which they would be more sympathetic were it not for the manner in which Department officials spent their time politicking and helping large companies rather than small farmers.
In October, 1954, Secretary Benson personally and publicly had demanded the defeat of Senator James Murray of Montana (for whom former News associate editor Vic Reinemer, a native of Montana, had gone to work a year earlier) and the election of Congressman D'Ewart in his stead, prompting those under him to do likewise, rather than working for the small farmer, all having taken place during a drought in 1954. Despite that situation, Mr. Hanson had made more than 100 long distance calls for private or political purposes, all charged to the taxpayers. He says that the column had obtained a record of Mr. Hanson's official phone calls at the time and that they showed that he had phoned Congressman D'Ewart in Honolulu in December, 1954, costing the taxpayers $15, occurring after the defeat of the Congressman in the Senate race. And he provides other such details of Mr. Hanson's activities.
Joseph & Stewart Alsop tell of
the retirement of David Finley as the director of the National
Gallery of Art in Washington, after having built the gallery nearly
on his own, though endowed by the late Secretary of the Treasury,
Andrew Mellon, who donated 50 million dollars for the building
They indicate that Mr. Finley was originally from York, S.C., and had graduated from the University of South Carolina in 1910, had "the almost exhaustingly good manners of an old-fashioned South Carolinian." But when it came to acquisition of art works for the gallery, he had an iron will and usually got what he sought.
On one occasion, the Pennsylvania Legislature had passed a special estate tax designed to prevent Joseph Widener from donating his paintings to the National Gallery. Mr. Finley was able to get President Roosevelt to ask Congress for a special bill to allow the Treasury to pay the tax, and the bill passed, despite the entire Pennsylvania Congressional delegation being alerted to oppose it, it having been called, however, for a vote when they were looking the other way.
On another occasion, Mr. Finley had arranged to obtain a work by Michelangelo from Italy, but an American who was participating in the scheme to sneak the work out of the country had a lapse of courage, believing he might be stoned by irate Italians.
Mr. Finley had made the decision early on that the gallery had to stand comparison with the Louvre, the Prado, the National Gallery of London, the Hermitage in St. Petersburg (then, Leningrad), Russia, and Pitti in Florence. He had planted the idea of such a national treasure as Mr. Mellon's dominating interest in the latter's later years.
The Alsops indicate that the story should be told as to how the Soviets were convinced to sell to the Gallery the masterpieces of art they had inherited from Catherine the Great, how the Kress collection, the pictures of Chester Dale and many more had come to the Gallery. (It should be noted that S. H. Kress, benefactor of the Kress collection, who had died the previous September, had, presumably, nothing directly to do with the racial discrimination practiced at the lunchcounters of the Kress dimestores in Southern towns and cities of the time, the discrimination apparently having occurred, as in most other such public dining facilities in the South, not necessarily through individual store or restaurant policy, Lester Maddox and his proudly segregationist Atlanta Pickrick chickenterias notwthstanding, or company policy in the case of chain stores, but in response to local ordinances or state statutes imposing segregation by law—though not in all such situations, as the partial dissent by Supreme Court Justice John Harlan in the above-linked case pointed out in 1963, predating, of course, the 1964 Civil Rights Act grounded in Congressional power to regulate interstate commerce, based on his finding in some of the joined cases therein before the Court no requisite state action under the Fourteenth Amendment to invoke Equal Protection constraints where there was only private discrimination by the restaurateur and no such ordinance or statute mandating segregated facilities. Presumably, a store which had the effrontery to try to buck the system and not practice such enforced segregation in those communities mandating it would have been denied a business license to operate, the business theory, or rationalization, if you like, of course, having been that, by protesting the system, some other business willing to adhere to local norms and laws would have simply occupied the particular market for consumer goods being sold under the extant apartheid system, being slowly but surely dismantled, case by case through the NAACP, by 1956. Whether any Kress store practiced such discrimination irrespective of the absence of state or local laws mandating it, is not known. If so, and with the blessing of the national headquarters, then the company, itself, certainly then could be properly accused of racial discrimination. Regardless, however, of the donor's views and politics, the art donated is obviously not in the least colored by it, even shaded in slight patina, as a result.)
Except for J. P. Morgan's
Ghirlandaio portrait, which he had sold to Baron Thyssen, the Gallery
had obtained virtually everything Mr. Finley had sought for it, and
they indicate that the one defeat could be forgiven in his long
record of splendid triumph on behalf of the nation
The Congressional Quarterly indicates that as the Congress neared the half-way point of the 1956 session, the prospects for an election-year tax cut appeared slim, though few of the members had abandoned all hope for it. Most anticipated that revenue would exceed Treasury estimates, but there was a growing feeling that estimated expenditures also would exceed estimates, with the final balance showing little, if any, surplus by the end of the fiscal year.
House Democrats had rammed through a $20 individual income tax credit in 1955, in the face of an estimated deficit of 4.5 billion dollars for fiscal 1955 and 2.4 billion for fiscal 1956. They had also passed the annual excise-corporate tax rate extension bill. The previous week, the House again had voted to extend the present excise and corporate income tax rates for another year beyond April 1. The action had taken place without debate and without any attempt to couple to it a tax cut for individuals, even though the Treasury estimated a small surplus for fiscal 1956 and for fiscal 1957. There was little chance that the Senate would act any differently. Nevertheless, sentiment for a tax-cut ran strongly on both sides of the aisle, and if it appeared that a surplus of two or three billion might develop, the Administration probably would take the lead in proposing such a cut before the current session ended. Without a surplus, however, Democrats were certain to urge a cut for low-income taxpayers, to be offset by repeal of certain tax benefits for other groups.
Senate Majority Leader Johnson had backed such a proposal in 1955, when the Senate had taken up the excise-corporate tax rate extension bill, with his amendment to have granted a $20 tax credit to single persons, a $10 credit for each dependent and repealed provisions in the 1954 law relating to accelerated depreciation, dividend credits and reserves for future business expenses. The Treasury would have gained an estimated 357 million dollars. The amendment, however, was defeated by a vote of 50 to 44, with only Senator William Langer of North Dakota among Republicans joining 43 Democrats in support of it. Five senior Democrats, including Senators Harry F. Byrd and Willis Robertson of Virginia, Walter George of Georgia, Spessard Holland of Florida and Allen Ellender of Louisiana, had joined the Republicans in voting against it.
Senator Johnson had included tax relief for low-income families in his proposed 13-point legislative program for 1956, put forward the prior November. Senator George, who had backed a plan to raise the personal exemption by $100 in 1954, said that he wanted to look at tax receipts before deciding what he would do the following year.
Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey, who, like the President, was committed to making a "modest" reduction on the national debt before applying any surplus to a tax-cut, had said that the surplus should reach two or three billion dollars before making a tax-cut worthwhile.
A letter writer from Van Wyck, S.C., says that the publicity given the town in the newspaper on March 16 had been good, but also bad, leaving a very bad taste in the mouths of some of the residents, as the story pointed out all of the dark side of the town and did not mention any good things about it. The story had mentioned two weather-beaten stores in the town, on which the writer agrees, but had also said that rarely did a train stop there, something with which he takes issue, as a train operating from Washington to Atlanta ran the route through the town daily and rarely missed stopping. They also had a local freight train which came through daily. He indicates that there were beautiful homes in the town and that the surrounding countryside was also beautiful, that they had had two beautiful churches, one Presbyterian and the other Methodist, and just a short distance from the town was a beautiful Baptist church.
A letter writer from Winston-Salem, wife of Odis Reavis, who had testified as a friendly witness before the HUAC subcommittee which held hearings in Charlotte the prior week, having posed as a Communist while working as an undercover agent for the FBI, as the editors point out, says that the newspaper had given a clearer report and story on the hearings than any other paper she had read, indicates pride in what her husband had done in aiding the Government, but now wished to forget the matter and settle back into their normal, routine lives.
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