The Charlotte News

Saturday, February 18, 1956

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Moscow that the Soviet hierarchy's growing campaign against the works and acts of Joseph Stalin had taken a dramatic turn this date, as the Russian press and radio had loosed a direct blast against the once revered leader, with the unprecedented attack appearing in the text of a speech by First Deputy Premier Anastas Mikoyan, at the 20th Congress of the Soviet Communist Party, denouncing Stalin's political and economic writings. The speech had not been printed until more than two days after its delivery, indicative of party leaders having given it careful consideration before releasing it to the public. Following the lead of Party Secretary Nikita Khrushchev and others within the Soviet hierarchy, Mr. Mikoyan had extolled the merits of collective leadership. Mr. Khrushchev had set the tone for the Congress in his 50,000-word keynote address of the prior Tuesday, blasting the idea of one-man rule. Mr. Mikoyan said that the writings of Stalin had ignored the history of the previous two decades, calling for new teachings on Communism, attacked the charges of treason which Stalin had brought many years after the fact against the one-time heroes of the 1918 Revolution. He declared that Russian foreign policy had become active, flexible and calm since the death of Stalin in March, 1953. He attacked specifically Stalin's Economic Problems of Socialism in the U.S.S.R. and The History of the Communist Party in the Soviet Union, a Short Course, singling out one passage from the former in which Stalin had dealt with the U.S., Britain and France, asserting that "after the world market has broken up, the volume of production in these countries will contract," Mr. Mikoyan saying that the concept was incorrect and would not help the Soviet cause. His statements had differed markedly from his views expressed at the party Congress of 1952, before Stalin's death, when he had declared the work to have lighted up "with Stalin's genius both the great historical path we have traversed as well as the road toward a more and more tangible Communist future." He had then referred to the works as "a treasury of ideas", wherein "Comrade Stalin illuminates our life with the brilliant light of science," shouting at the end of his speech, "Glory to the great Stalin". Now, he had hailed the new collective leadership of the Communist Party and deplored the 20 years during which he said it had been in eclipse. Mr. Mikoyan would visit the U.S. in January, 1959, being the first high-ranking Soviet official outside the Foreign Ministry to do so. (That visit would be followed by a reciprocal visit to Moscow by Vice-President Nixon the following July, during which the "Kitchen Debate" would occur regarding each nation's consumer technology advances, with then-Premier Khrushchev visiting Washington the following September, that thawing of U.S.-Soviet relations thereafter considerably being cooled following the 1960 May Day U-2 incident involving pilot Francis Gary Powers, formally accused of espionage by the Soviets in a public trial after being captured, leading to the cancellation of the planned May, 1960 Paris summit conference between President Eisenhower and Premier Khrushchev, and then the erection of the Berlin Wall by the Soviets fifteen months later in August, 1961, seven months after the inauguration of President Kennedy and just two months after the Vienna summit meeting between the President and Premier Khrushchev, followed by the Cuban Missile Crisis of October, 1962, bringing the Cold War to loggerheads and nearly to the point of no return, before relaxation of tensions somewhat after the Soviets were forced to back down in their Western Hemispheric offensive by removal of their missiles and launching sites from Cuba, 90 miles off the Florida coast, and the eventual changeover in Soviet leadership to Leonid Brezhnev and Alexei Kosygin in October, 1964 after the perception at the Kremlin that Mr. Khrushchev had become soft in his attitude toward the West. Sundays with "Meet the Press"... Stay tuned.)

The President vetoed the previous day the natural gas deregulation bill, while appending a note to it approving of its principles, keeping it alive for a future Congress. He based his veto on what he called "arrogant" and "highly questionable activities" by persons who had worked for the bill, which risked "creating doubt among the American people concerning the integrity of governmental processes." He added, however, that there was need for legislation "conforming to the basic objectives" sought by the measure, encouraging any future such legislation to include provisions protecting consumers' rights to fair prices. Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, whose similar measure had been vetoed by President Truman in 1950, predicted that another attempt would be made in the next Congress to pass the bill. Senator Patrick McNamara of Michigan, who had opposed the bill, praised the courage of the President, but wired him that he was afraid he was inviting the gas lobby to "try its dirty work again, only more tactfully, in its effort to rob the American people." Senator Francis Case of South Dakota had announced he had rejected a $2,500 campaign contribution from a lobbyist supporting the bill, shortly before the Senate vote on it, in which he had voted against it. Senator J. William Fulbright of Arkansas and Representative Orren Harris of Arkansas, sponsors of the legislation, said that they had no plans for a revised version during the current session. House Commerce Committee chairman Percy Priest of Tennessee said that he foresaw no attempt to override the veto when it would be referred back to his Committee the following Monday. Many members suggested that the veto foretold the intention of the President to run again.

The State Department was now under pressure from all sides because of its White House-approved action in embargoing all shipments of arms and military equipment to the Middle East. Saudi Arabia was urging the Government to find a way to deliver the 18 Walker Bulldog tanks which had been stopped the previous day when the embargo had been imposed. An Israeli Embassy spokesman said that his Government saw little point in imposing a general embargo to stop the tank shipment to Saudi Arabia because the result could have been gained by the State Department's suspending of that shipment. He said that about $110,000 worth of scheduled shipments to Israel were also impacted by the embargo. A Senate investigation of the matter was being demanded by Senator Walter George of Georgia, chairman of the Foreign Relations Committee, who said that he wanted an explanation from Secretary of State Dulles when the latter returned from a vacation in the Bahamas. Under instructions from the President, the State Department was reviewing the situation regarding deliveries of arms to Egypt and the Arab States, with officials indicating they did not know how long the review would take. Some officials argued that the delivery of the 18 tanks to Saudi Arabia, which had no common border with Israel, would not materially impact the Israeli-Arab balance of power, and if that position were to prevail, it was likely that Saudi Arabia would eventually receive the tanks.

In Salt Lake City, Utah, Adlai Stevenson the previous night charged Vice-President Nixon and "other Republican hatchetmen" with carrying on a "smile and smear" campaign which had given the American people a false feeling of peace. He said that they wanted "to everlastingly sell the people on their kind of government, to run down the competition and thereby build up their product. One of the techniques is to smile and smear, and to work both sides of the street, at which I have found the Republicans remarkably agile." He said that Mr. Nixon was "the chief Republican hatchetman" and that "perhaps the Vice-President's speeches are not important as historical documents. But what is important is the tone of smug confidence about the peace which he says this Administration has restored to the world." He might have noted, in giving the devil his due, if not his dew claws, that the Vice-President had done a lot to increase the national popularity of cocker spaniels.

In New York, American Legion commander J. Addington Wagner, in a prepared speech before the New York American Legion meeting in Brooklyn, this date renewed his attack on the Fund for the Republic, with the demand that its president, Robert Hutchins, and his board, be deterred from spending any more of the Fund's millions of dollars. He called for a Congressional probe to see whether the Fund's tax-free status was in the best interests of the people and the Government. He accused the Fund of giving "comfort and aid to the work being done in this country by Communists and their fellow-travelers", and urged cutting off of future projects of the Fund and of any other such organizations. The Fund actually made grants as a charitable enterprise, set up with a 15 million-dollar endowment by the Ford Foundation, with Mr. Hutchins having indicated that it had independent status thereafter. Mr. Wagner said that Mr. Hutchins had recently made the "incredible statement" that "Communism has failed in America", and that those who took issue with the Fund did not know what America was about. Mr. Wagner said that in his opinion, those statements were continuing evidence of the refusal of Mr. Hutchins to see Communism as a "real and present danger" to America.

In Valletta, Malta, a four-engine plane carrying British troops from Egypt had crashed and burned at an airport this date, killing all 51 persons aboard, including a stewardess, the plane having been a civil aircraft on charter to the British War Office, crashing on takeoff, with it believed that there were no survivors.

In Oakland, Calif., it was reported that a Marine Corps transport plane had crashed just below the fog-covered ridge of a tight box canyon southeast of the city, near Niles, the previous day, killing all 38 men aboard. It was the second major military air disaster within 24 hours in the Bay Area, with four men having died Thursday and four others having escaped when an Air Force B-52 bomber had blown up near Tracy, about 50 miles northeast of Oakland. The Marine plane had been about nine minutes from landing at Alameda Naval Air Station on a flight from El Toro and Camp Pendleton Marine Bases in Southern California. It carried five crewmen, with the other 33 aboard being transferred to Treasure Island Navy Base in the San Francisco Bay between Oakland and San Francisco for reassignment, with one passenger being from El Toro and the others from Camp Pendleton. The pilot, Maj. Alexander Watson, had received a Silver Star in the Korean War. Because of the heavy fog and mist, it had taken hours for helicopters to find the wreckage, located 1,300 feet up in the dense brush country southeast of Oakland. A rancher had narrowed the search when he reported having heard a "terrific crash" causing him to run outside of his home. The brush in the area was so thick that the helicopters could not find a suitable place to land and rescue parties had trouble negotiating the rain-slickened hills.

In Montréal, it was reported that "Whitey" Dahl, a much publicized flier of fortune, had crashed to his death in the snow-covered wastes of northern Québec. He had survived a death sentence in the Spanish Civil War and had come through a series of aerial mishaps previously. A Canadian search plane had spotted his wrecked plane the previous day and picked up his body, that of another victim, and one survivor.

In Charlotte, three young people had been killed, two of them instantly, in a post-midnight automobile accident involving three cars at 7th and N. College Streets this date. Two of the drivers were among the three killed while the third driver had been uninjured, having ducked behind the dashboard of his car when he saw the other two cars approaching the intersection, one of them at a high rate of speed. Three other persons injured in the collision were in satisfactory condition in the hospital. Police described it as the worst traffic accident in the city in at least a year. A Plymouth, traveling at a high rate of speed, had crashed into a Chevrolet, and the man who had avoided injury was in a Ford, thus all three major manufacturers being represented in the mishap. The 1950 Chevrolet did not have the new Ford double-latch safety locks, and you can see what happened.

Donald MacDonald of The News relates further of the accident, saying that the man who was driving the Ford had stated that the two cars had "hit like two billiard balls and bounced off" on either side of him. He said that he was paralyzed when he saw that the cars were going to hit, had thrown his arms up in front of his face and leaned over in front of the dashboard, knowing that he was right in the middle of something he did not want to be in, his car having been hit on both sides, on one side by one of the wrecked cars, and on the other by a body which had been hurled from one of the cars. He said that he thanked the Lord that he had not tried to open his door and jump out, as he would likely have been hit. Immediately after the accident, he had run to a call box, along the way encountering a policeman who asked if they needed an ambulance, to which he responded that they needed several. The witness, Merwin Foard, was well known in Charlotte musical circles. A photograph is included. Whether Mr. Foard, given the analogy he had used to describe the accident, was somewhat taken aback the following evening when this program aired, perhaps making a similar, sub silentio analogy to the Cold War, is not reported.

On the editorial page, "Convict Labor: Sunlight in the Maze" tells of Governor Luther Hodges having told reporters at his Thursday news conference that he was beginning to "see sunlight" through the maze of uncertainty regarding separation of prisons from the State Highway and Public Works Commission, stating that he believed there were great possibilities that work could be found for North Carolina prisoners outside road-building.

It finds his comments to have gotten to the heart of the problem, that it was not only a question of elimination of pyramiding bureaucracy within State Government, but that the mass use of prison labor in highway construction was inefficient and costly, having limited value in rehabilitation of prisoners. The Governor's statement that long-awaited estimates of the employment potential of prisoners on state farms and in prison industries were forthcoming, had been encouraging, and it finds him deserving of great praise for prodding politicians into a kind of grudging awareness of the problem.

It ventures that the people of the state had no reason to be proud of its lack of progress in that area, vesting the entire responsibility for the operation and financial support of the prison system in the Highway Commission, North Carolina being unique among the states in that regard.

Maintenance work to which prisoners could be assigned was limited, as were the skills of inmates, especially given that modern road-building was mechanized. Moreover, because of security requirements and limited skills of inmates, projects preferred to hire their own labor. A study had concluded that hired labor out-produced prisoner labor by between 100 and 150 percent and that replacement of prisoners by mechanized equipment was not only possible but desirable from a cost and labor efficiency standpoint.

There was also a problem regarding the humanitarian aspects of the program, as the thousands of prisoners released to society each year could not be expected to go from being imprisoned to unfamiliar employment without the benefit of some training and conditioning, with the state dependent on its road camps to provide that conditioning. But too many of the prisoners were herded into those camps and while road work might benefit some, it would not work to the advantage of all of them, as many needed more complex forms of rehabilitation, such as activities more likely to improve their minds and attitudes, providing them with new skills useful on release.

It concludes that the state could and had to meet that challenge and that as soon as the appropriate data became available, Governor Hodges ought submit a detailed plan to the 1957 General Assembly, both regarding the separation of the prisons from the Highway Commission and the establishment of a new and improved rehabilitation program.

"Packaging Culture for the Provinces" indicates that the concept of a National Theater had received lip service for years, but that leaders of culture in the country had made little progress toward the commendable goals set forth in July, 1935, when a Senate bill had granted a Federal charter to the National Theater and Academy, defining it as a people's project organized and conducted in their interests, free from commercialism, but with the intent of being, insofar as possible, self-supporting.

But the Depression and ensuing war had sapped vigor from the program, until in 1946, there was new optimism. But the executive director of the National Theater and Academy had stated two years earlier that the group was "no nearer to the concept called for in the charter than it was when that charter was granted."

It informs that an obscure news report from Chapel Hill during the week had put forth a more optimistic note, stating that a plan to bring the theater back to the country was being initiated by ANTA leaders, including the chairman of the UNC Dramatic Arts Department, Samuel Selden, a member of the ANTA board of directors, who had reported that a 40-theater circuit was under discussion, with dramatic centers to be established in four regions of the country, and plays produced simultaneously in those areas while there would be a touring company of ten cities in each area. Each regional group would produce their own plays.

It finds that the plan deserved encouragement as the provinces deserved good theater, just as much as New York and other large metropolitan areas. While the Little Theater movement had done much to satisfy that need, the cultural void remained too large, as little theaters tended to confine their efforts to lightweight productions, high in commercial value but low in artistic merit.

It ventures that the National Theater had a responsibility for the educational and cultural growth of the people, that Charlotte was fortunate to have an imaginative and successful little theater, much above the norm, and could also boast of a group such as the Mint Museum's Drama Guild, dedicated to "artier and slightly cozier productions". It concludes that Charlotte, however, deserved one of the touring play groups of ANTA and hopes that it would provide support for it.

"Teeters on a Middle Eastern Brink" suggests that Americans could expect more prudence and common sense from the State Department than that exhibited in the blunder involving a proposed shipment of tanks to Saudi Arabia, hastily postponed after intervention by the White House, concerned over the impact to the Israelis occasioned by such a shipment, especially after the Communists had concluded a deal between Czechoslovakia and Egypt, with munitions being exchanged for money and cotton.

The piece finds it beyond anyone's comprehension how U.S. diplomats could have suffered such a dangerous mental lapse, as sending arms to Saudi Arabia for any reason was unthinkable at the present time, with Arab-Israeli relations having been strained for many months, producing a powder keg in the Middle East. One of the primary reasons for the visit recently of Prime Minister Anthony Eden with the President had been to ensure preservation of the peace in the Middle East.

The State Department had exacerbated the problem by delaying the request of Israel to purchase 50 million dollars worth of U.S. arms, saying that it wanted to avoid an arms race in the region, with the sale of Communist arms to Egypt having upset the balance of power. Had the shipment of tanks been processed, the Soviets would have had an excuse to provide more military aid to Arab armies on Israel's frontiers, as it could have pointed to the U.S. providing arms to the Saudis.

It concludes that the most charitable explanation for the fiasco had been lower echelon stupidity, and finds that, regardless, there ought be better coordination and more enlightened leadership pertaining to such trouble spots in the world.

A piece from the Chattanooga Times, titled "No Time for Work", tells of researchers having found that a third of one's life was spent sleeping, that one used up five months of life simply tying shoelaces, spent five years washing and shaving, two to four years smoking a quarter ton of tobacco, a year on telephone calls, six months playing cards, six years eating and drinking, three years being sick, five years traveling to and from work, with men spending four years in conversation and women, five years.

"Which leaves, as we've suspected all along, very little time for work."

Drew Pearson tells of secret testimony before Congress by missile expert Trevor Gardner, who had charged that the Defense Department had failed to follow up vital scientific discoveries which could revolutionize air warfare, warning that the Russians might be pursuing those scientific concepts and thereby gaining a military advantage which could spell disaster for the U.S. Mr. Gardner had just resigned as Assistant Secretary of the Air Force, in protest against the lagging research program. He had been promptly summoned behind closed doors by a House Military Appropriations subcommittee to explain his position, revealing that scientists had broken through the barrier regarding new propulsion ideas and aerodynamic concepts which held "tremendous promise", potentially boosting the range, altitude and speed of the country's airplanes and missiles, provided that the country was willing to take the financial risk to support it, but indicating that the Defense Department civilian command had refused to go ahead. He charged that military planners were "underestimating the Russians", that intelligence reports from behind the Iron Curtain indicated that the Soviet scientists were progressing faster in atomic and guided-missile research than the U.S. had previously thought, warning that U.S. defenses against enemy attack had been crippled for the sake of economy, that the minimum needs outlined in the Killian report could not be met under the present Air Force budget. Mr. Gardner objected to the priority system of the Defense Department, which placed equal emphasis on the intercontinental ballistic missile and the medium-range guided missile, warning that it could mean that the Russians would obtain an ICBM first. He also charged that the Air Force budget had been dangerously cut, that it would need between three and four billion dollars more than had been budgeted for fiscal year 1957, urging an increase of 316 million dollars in the research budget for that fiscal year. He insisted that there was nothing personal about his charges and still counted as friends Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson and Secretary of the Air Force Donald Quarles, but took issue with their judgment, as they believed in an orderly research program, whereas he favored following up scientific breakthroughs with an all-out effort to bring them to fruition. He charged that Secretary Wilson's approach would take a lot longer and might eventually cost more money, warning that the research and development program, affecting the security of the country, could not be run the way Mr. Wilson had built automobiles at General Motors. He said that the country's most precious asset was time and that while he might be incorrect in his assessments, he would rather see his position proven wrong than see Secretaries Wilson and Quarles proven wrong, "because there is no prize for second place."

Mr. Gardner, a Republican, was asked a few hostile questions by Republicans on the subcommittee, attempting to defend the Administration, with Congressman Errett Scrivner of Kansas having indicated that the Joint Chiefs had told the subcommittee that they were satisfied with the defense budget, whereupon Mr. Gardner showed them a secret document which he had sent to Secretary Quarles requesting more money for research and development, saying that General Nathan Twining, Air Force chief of staff, had been one of the endorsers of that document and had been the only member of the Joint Chiefs about whom he was concerned. Mr. Scrivner then said that the past record showed that more money had been earmarked for research and development progressively each year, with Mr. Gardner responding that it appeared that way, but what had actually happened was simply a major change in bookkeeping, that they had actually received less money the previous year than they had the year before that, and that during the current year, they had received less than the previous year.

Marquis Childs tells of the increasing division regarding integration of the public schools now threatening not only the proposed Federal school construction bill but also other programs under which much-needed aid went to the states, potentially stopping functions of government considered essential to the nation's welfare. With the growing bitterness of extremists on both sides, there was discussion of legislative action to prevent funding for current grant-in-aid programs to five Southern states refusing compliance with the Brown v. Board of Education decision, which could result in stoppage of aid to vocational education, the school lunch program and the Federally-supported hospital construction program. It could also block Federal support for highway construction, as in the South, segregated buses used the highways, and on construction jobs, there was racial discrimination.

Republicans could put Democrats on the spot regarding those issues, but by so doing, could also pit race against race and region against region, in an atmosphere already charged with hatred akin to that which led to the Civil War.

Vice-President Nixon and Governor Averell Harriman might serve their own political ends by their recent use of the issue of desegregation of the schools, but they also would, in the process, do a deep disservice to the country by bringing it up at the current time.

Representative Adam Clayton Powell of New York, who was proposing an amendment to the school construction bill whereby school districts continuing segregation would not receive funding, had suggested that similar action might be necessary with other aid programs. The five Southern states, which had placed their states' rights above Federal authority on the issue, received 75 million dollars per year in grants-in-aid for education and hospital construction, more than the estimated 68 million per year they would obtain under the school construction bill. Mr. Powell had not made a final decision on those other aid programs, but he might feel compelled to offer prohibiting amendments to appropriations for those purposes as well.

The patterned response to Mr. Powell's amendment had been set by Republican leaders in the House, with Representatives Joe Martin of Massachusetts and Charles Halleck of Indiana declaring their support for the amendment regarding school construction, and so, should Mr. Powell pursue such a policy regarding other aid programs, could hardly refuse support on those also.

Southerners led by "violent extremists", such as Senator James Eastland of Mississippi, would respond with a filibuster and kill the legislation.

Representative Stewart Udall of Arizona had proposed a compromise measure which he would reintroduce on the floor when Mr. Powell introduced his amendment, providing that part of the money voted for the school construction would be earmarked for direct aid to areas where the problem of integration was especially costly and difficult because of a large black population and where integration had already been initiated. That compromise amendment recognized that most black schools had been substandard and that to raise or even maintain the level of education in an integrated system, funds would have to be spent for new classrooms. Mr. Udall's plan was to amend a law which had served to cushion the effect in "defense impact" areas where large Government installations placed a heavy and uninvited burden on local facilities. It contained no prohibition against funding to districts refusing to integrate, but under it, legal action could be initiated to challenge the right of the Government to send the Federal money into areas which refused the integration order, with the courts then determining the issue.

The Administration had indicated that it did not have the power to withhold funds without either a ruling from the courts or a specific prohibition in law, as proposed by the Powell amendment. Mr. Powell, in a telegram to the President, had suggested that if he would guarantee in advance of consideration of the school construction bill that no construction funding would go to segregated areas, then Mr. Powell would not need to put forward his amendment. That would relieve the political pressure on the Democrats, but the White House had intimated that it would wait a long time before responding to Mr. Powell's suggestion.

Mr. Childs suggests that at the end of the road was a frightening kind of showdown which could only mean more hatred and violence, causing a reversal of the progress achieved in recent years. But what was not clear was whether a reasonable compromise, which might garner the support of all men of good will, might be reached, as it appeared not to receive very much consideration either in or out of Congress.

A letter writer suggests that the attendance of the University of Alabama by Autherine Lucy, the first black student admitted to that University, suspended temporarily because of safety concerns after mobs had formed to prevent her from attending her classes, was for other reasons than learning, this writer venturing that if she sincerely desired to go to college, she should have sought an "open door to education", such as at Tuskegee Institute, "rather than battering on a closed door." She asserts that a person seeking a higher degree of knowledge would need friendship and love from fellow students and that in placing herself among students not welcoming her, Ms. Lucy had "more or less applied the principle of leper among healthy people." She says that if she had been fighting for the love of man, then the people of the South would lend their hearts and hands to help her. She believes that God helped those who helped themselves, that the NAACP boasted of having quite a few black schools in Alabama, causing her to wonder whether members of Ms. Lucy's race were not fit to help her obtain a college education. "If they refuse, alongside her, to endorse her own color as her teachers, isn't this an indirect method of recognizing 'white supremacy?'" She concludes that Ms. Lucy did not want to go to college.

Obviously, you do not, and probably did not. For your letter is very stupid. You, like some of the other letter writers of your ilk, have quoted Patrick Henry, as somehow being in derogation of the Supreme Court ruling in Brown. Exactly how does that work?

A letter writer disagrees with two other letter writers who had written on the subject of integration, one of whom had asked what would be gained by integration and suggested that persons dissatisfied in a particular environment ought move to where they could be satisfied. This writer suggests such a move for those opposed to integration. The same writer had suggested that black people should be satisfied with what they had, this writer saying that they would, had they access to facilities comparable to those of the majority. He says it was not the desire of blacks to associate with whites, but that they only wanted access to the things which they helped to maintain, and to have jobs for which they were as qualified as any other person. He says to the other letter writer, the next of the same date, that he should think about what he had written, asks who had given him permission to say that men were not created equal, concluding that his opinion was the result of "unsound rationalization" based on a "form of compensatory scapegoating".

A letter writer criticizes Senator Kerr Scott for supporting the deregulation of natural gas, raising gas rates, urges users of gas to remember, when their bills were raised, that the Senator had voted for it and to respond accordingly when Senator Scott next came up for election.

A letter writer says that alcoholism was like smoking, that once one started, one could not wait for another, that alcoholics sought to try to stop the habit, but did not go to the right place, suggests that they fall on their knees and beg God to take away their thirst and make a new man or woman of them, that it was their only hope.

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