The Charlotte News

Tuesday, August 17, 1954

THREE EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Prime Minister Churchill had summoned four of Britain's top diplomats for a dinner conference this night to consider the developing crisis over the European Defense Community treaty, and a British move to inform France of Britain's surprise and disappointment at Premier Pierre Mendes-France's proposed changes to EDC was said to be in preparation. Among the four would be Sir Gladwyn Jebb, who reportedly would fly back to Paris before the Premier took off for the Brussels conference of the six EDC foreign ministers to consider the French proposals, and that Mr. Jebb would tell the Premier or one of his ministers that Britain considered the amendments, if adopted, to change the character of EDC as it was originally envisioned. The belief was growing that the six EDC nations would not be able to work out a formula for acceptance of the French proposals and officials in Washington were fearful that the resulting stalemate would kill the whole plan for a unified Western European Army, on which hinged British-American plans for rearming West Germany within the Western defense framework, considered critical to opposition of potential Soviet aggression from the East.

The Senate voted this date to make Communist Party membership a crime punishable by imprisonment and heavy fine, amending a bill passed the previous day by the House, inserting a provision to make membership in the party illegal. The House bill would strip the Communist Party of its legal rights but would not make membership illegal. The House bill was described as acceptable to the Administration, which had opposed outlawing the party on the grounds that it would upset existing laws dealing with Communists and would drive them underground, making them that much more difficult to ferret out. Senator Hubert Humphrey of Minnesota, who had sponsored the Senate measure, called the House measure a "powderpuff approach" and offered the amendment, consistent with his original proposal, passed unanimously by the Senate the prior Friday, making membership in the party subject to five years of imprisonment and a $10,000 fine, provided that the member undertook an overt act in support of the party. Republican leaders who supported the House bill warned in advance that a vote for Senator Humphrey's amendment would kill the whole legislation. The amendment was passed by a vote of 41 to 39. Prior to the vote, the Senate had given overwhelming approval to a series of amendments by Senator John Butler of Maryland, which tightened restrictions on Communist-infiltrated labor unions, which had also been part of the bill passed Friday, those amendments passing 62 to 19, chief among which had been making it clear beyond doubt that the Communist Party was not a legitimate political organization and removing the word "knowingly" from sections of the Taft-Hartley law dealing with labor unions whose leaders were found to be aiding the world Communist movement, with the consequence being that such a union would be deprived of collective bargaining rights under the auspices of the NLRB.

Opponents of the Administration's farm program planned last-ditch protests of the flexible price supports passed by both houses and presently before a conference committee to work out minor differences in the two versions of the law, but even those opponents anticipated quick Congressional approval, perhaps this date, of the compromise between the House and Senate measures. Senators Milton Young of North Dakota and Representative August Andresen of Minnesota, both Republicans, continued to oppose the flexible supports, but conceded defeat. The toughest battle during the four days of conferences on the bill had been regarding dairy support prices, with final agreement having been reached to establish a level of 75 percent of parity, to which Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson had cut supports the previous April from the previous 90 percent level, based on the millions of pounds of surplus dairy products in Government hands. The confreres had rejected a House-proposed floor of 80 percent from September 1 to the following April, but picked up the House provisions intended to get rid of the surplus by adding an additional supply of milk for schoolchildren and channeling more butter and cheese to the armed forces and Veterans Administration.

At the U.N. in New York, the Committee on Contributions was preparing to send the Soviet Union a larger bill for operating expenses the following year because the Russians had made everything at home sound so prosperous. The U.S. would be asked to make the same contribution, 33.33 percent of the total expenditures, steadily declining from the high of 39.89 percent levied in 1946. The total assessments for 1954 had been 41.3 million dollars. The Soviet Union had been assessed 14.15 percent of the total in 1954, with the Ukraine charged an additional 1.88 percent, and White Russia at .5 percent, a total increase of about two percent over that assessed in 1953.

In Berlin, Dr. Otto John was identified by the Allied powers as Russia's master German spy, following his defection from West Germany, where he had been the security chief, to East Germany the prior July 20. In his previous position, he had learned much about what the Allies did to fight Communist espionage, having been periodically reinforced with new agents and additional money from East Germany. With the benefit of hindsight, Allied intelligence now assumed that he must have been a double agent in Soviet service for many years. It was believed that his fear of eventual exposure had motivated his defection at this time. The British indicated that they had become uncertain about him some ten months prior to the defection, but had never informed the U.S., France or West Germany about those doubts. Dr. John had originally escaped from Nazi Germany to Britain in 1944 following the July 20 failed bomb plot against Hitler, with which Dr. John had been involved along with his brother.

In Evanston, Ill., Bishop John Peter from Communist Hungary declared before the meeting of the World Council of Churches that churches should not bow to any governmental system but rather should stand more resolutely as free instruments of God. There were present at the meeting 20 representatives from Communist countries, among the 1,500 delegates from 48 nations present in the assembly. The State Department had denied Bishop Peter permission to attend a world Presbyterian meeting in Princeton, N.J., two weeks earlier, but had issued a visa restricting his trip to the World Council meeting. A State Department spokesman, when asked regarding rumors that the bishop was a member of the Hungarian secret police, responded only that the bishop's visit should be limited. A World Council leader, Charles Taft of Cincinnati, brother of the late Senator Robert Taft, told members of the press that there were no restrictions on any delegates to the assembly meeting, including Bishop Peter. The Bishop did not praise or criticize the Hungarian regime, but maintained that conditions for health and growth of the church had improved in recent times in Hungary.

In Panmunjom, the U.N. Command this date demanded an accounting of 2,840 missing U.N. soldiers, including 526 Americans, with the remainder primarily being South Koreans. The Communists branded the list produced by the U.N. Command as fabricated, saying that all persons had been repatriated in accordance with the armistice agreement of July, 1953. The list included men whom the Communists had admitted they were holding in China, but the Communists insisted that all prisoners who had desired repatriation had been returned.

In Havana, two bomb explosions the previous night in the downtown area had killed a 32-year old member of the opposition orthodox party's executive committee in Cuba, wounding four others. Police had found a third bomb which was unexploded.

In Los Angeles, a man was shot by a fleeing gunman two hours before he was elected the California Department commander of the Military Order of the Purple Heart, an organization of veterans wounded while serving with the armed forces. He had been to lunch and was returning to the convention floor the previous day to pursue his campaign when he was struck in the groin by a bullet from the gun of a robbery suspect, a 29-year old ex-convict who, according to police, a few seconds earlier, had shot and seriously wounded the 62-year old owner of a downtown watch repair shop and fled with $100. The veteran was passing the shop at the time and was in the line of fire. The veteran was unanimously elected state commander after the incident.

In Cleveland, O., a 24-year old hospital technician, who had made a statement, following the coroner's inquest into the July 4 murder of Marilyn Sheppard, wife of Dr. Samuel Sheppard, that she had intimacies with the doctor during his visit the prior spring in Los Angeles for a medical conference, while Mrs. Sheppard had stayed with friends to the north in the Monterey area, would testify this date before the grand jury considering indictment of the doctor for first-degree murder. She refused to talk to reporters as she arrived at the criminal courts building. Earlier, the Cleveland safety director showed displeasure regarding statements by subordinates and ordered the police to continue their investigation and "stick with it to the finish". Dr. Sheppard had been released the previous day on a $50,000 bail, having been in custody since his arrest on July 30, four days after the conclusion of the coroner's inquest. Though reference had been made at the time of the inquest to the knowledge of Mrs. Sheppard of the relationship between the doctor and the medical technician, the latter did not testify and only stepped forward shortly after the conclusion of the inquest to indicate that she had been intimate with the doctor, who had denied during the inquest any such romantic relationship. A friend of the Sheppards, who, with her husband, had been the last to see Mrs. Sheppard alive, departing the Sheppard home shortly after midnight on July 4, just 3 to 5 hours before the estimated time of death of Mrs. Sheppard, at a time when Dr. Sheppard was asleep on the living room couch, had testified that she had discussed the alleged affair with Mrs. Sheppard the prior April, and Mrs. Sheppard had dismissed it as something which was not important and was over. Of course, as with all grand jury proceedings, the evidence presented would be held in confidence, unlike a preliminary hearing, which would not occur in the case because of the grand jury proceeding leading to an indictment.

In Raleigh, the State Highway Patrol was concerned about a hazardous wagon load of junk, pushed and pulled by goats, as such was making its way through North Carolina on U.S. 301 from Georgia, with one Patrol report stating that every effort had been utilized to eliminate the hazard from the highway but that the man driving the wagon contended that he had as much right on the public roads as did automobiles. The Patrol had been unable to obtain help from the courts in effecting his removal. Meanwhile, a dozen goats pulled the wagon from the front while another dozen trailed behind, as several more goats rode atop the collection of tubs, lanterns, boxes and streetlamps piled on the wagon. The Patrol was calling on the Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals for help, as some of the hoofs of the goats were worn and bleeding from traveling on the pavement. The wagon had entered North Carolina at Rowland some weeks earlier and by the previous day was somewhere in the Dunn-Smithfield area, with the Patrol saying that at that rate, it would take several months for the man to reach Virginia.

In Annapolis, Md., six men were arrested on Sunday for stealing 13 ears of corn, and were fined more than four dollars per ear by the court.

For those who have not yet learned to read, a picture appears on the page of a man who had adopted a live teddy bear.

On the editorial page, "Why 'Greater Charlotte' Isn't Enough" suggests that citizens of Mecklenburg County might produce a rumble, angry at planning officials who were concentrating on "Greater Charlotte" instead of the long-range future of the entire county.

New developments in aviation illustrated the importance of community planning and the danger of planning for too small of an area. Jets were noisier than propeller-powered aircraft and their initial climb was lower, meaning that jets impacted more ground in approach and take-off. Fast jets flew in a somewhat wider traffic pattern than slower conventional airplanes, also impacting more ground. The result was that the area over which jets flew low would be considerably less desirable for residential areas than the areas outside the flight pattern, with the area inside the pattern more suitable to industrial development, all requiring planning.

It indicates that the citizens of Pineville and other communities which might be sharply impacted by jets would pay a portion of the planning board bill and that it was only fair therefore that they obtain in return some professional help in the problems which were part of the community's rapid growth, that the whole community would benefit if its planning board considered the problems in long-range development of the entire county, instead of only the city and its fringe areas.

"Liberal Arts and Budding Journalists" indicates that UNC's School of Journalism was still pulling itself up by its bootstraps, that it had been the stepchild of the Chapel Hill campus for years, with little money, poor equipment, and inadequate quarters, but that even with those glaring deficiencies, had produced scores of well-schooled newsmen who entered the mainstream of North Carolina journalism, with much of the credit going to veteran educators such as Oscar Coffin, Phillips Russell and Walter Spearman.

Facing a new academic year with Norval Luxon as new dean, the School was now hampered by the same needs, books, building and equipment, the dean having commented that no school of journalism at a major university in the whole country was as inadequately housed and ill-equipped as was the UNC School, and that his immediate goal was to remedy that situation.

It wishes the dean well in his undertaking, states that the School deserved more attention than it was getting at the University and in the General Assembly. A plan for it to take over the pharmacy building if funds for a new pharmacy building were appropriated in Raleigh appeared to be a reasonable solution to the problem, but it questions the procedure used in accomplishing that solution, that being a request by the dean for North Carolina newspapers to support and endorse the Pharmacy School's 1.4 million dollar request for a new building, which, it posits, should be judged on its own merits.

It urges that journalism students should be encouraged to spend as much time as possible in other educational fields, such as history, political science, economics and English, as the journalist would need a broad liberal arts education. Some had suggested that the intricacies of liberal arts had little practical use in modern 20th Century living, but it begs to differ, as liberal arts taught how to use one's mind and perform the mental gymnastics necessary for successful living. "Armed with this mental discipline and a keen insight into the cultural verities, today's students can adapt themselves to any specialty."

"No Relief in Sight for Housewives" urges that housewives who had hoped to have relief on grocery bills after the passage of flexible price supports could forget it, as the price of farm crops would not drop much under the adopted plan and some farm prices would remain the same, that after the middlemen had taken their cut, there would not be any significant price reduction.

The middlemen in wheat distribution, for example, were the grain haulers, elevators, millers, bakers, packagers, freight companies and grocers involved in turning 2.7 cents worth of wheat into a 17-cent loaf of bread. Food processors usually bore the brunt of criticism directed generally at the middlemen, responding that labor costs had risen from the farm to the grocery store, that freight rates had also risen, and that consumers demanded better and more costly packaging in preparation, resulting in higher prices. Those arguments did not impress the wheat farmer who received $2.81 per bushel of wheat in 1948 when bread had been 13.8 cents per pound loaf on average, and who now received only $1.91 for wheat, with bread up to 17 cents per loaf.

But the real reason for the lack of correlation between farm prices and food prices, it suggests, was the increasingly complex nature of the food preparation process, the number of steps involved coupled with the slight increases in costs at each point in the line of production. It indicates that it was never averse to a thorough investigation of the middleman.

A piece from the Milwaukee Journal, titled "The 'McCarthy' of 1861", indicates that it had frequently been noted that the time of the Civil War had a great deal in common with the present era regarding reckless and irresponsible accusations and character assassination. During the Civil War, Representative John F. Potter of Wisconsin had taken up the popular pastime for politicians of branding opponents as Southern sympathizers.

Margaret Leech had written in her 1941 book, Reveille in Washington, 1860-65, that the House during a special session had named a select committee on loyalty of clerks to investigate Government workers and departments, chaired by Representative Potter, who, two years earlier, had been challenged to a duel by Roger Pryor of Virginia and had turned the matter into a joke by choosing bowie knives as weapons. The Potter committee, she continued, formed a sounding board on which every whisper of suspicion was magnified during the latter half of 1861, causing clerks to tremble for their jobs, as some 550 charges were produced by the committee after examining nearly 450 witnesses under oath, including questioning the loyalty of workers at the Navy Yard, the Arsenal and the White House.

It concludes that the year 1861 and the year 1954, with reference to Senator McCarthy, sounded somewhat alike.

Ms. Leech, incidentally, developed something of a penchant for producing books, portions of which became predictive of things to come, as the past, after all, is prologue, making the accurate recordation and study of history necessary to understand the present and to shape the future, eliminating hopefully its mistakes so as not to be condemned to repeat it. In 1959, she would publish In the Days of McKinley, part of which recounted inevitably the fatal shooting in 1901 of President William McKinley. Henry Luce, publisher of Time, Life and Fortune, would recount in 1961, after visiting President Kennedy in the Oval Office and seeing the book by Ms. Leech on his desk, that he was a voracious reader, wondering how he found time to read such a lengthy book. As we have noted before, the local Fort Worth television coverage of the breakfast given in honor of the President by the Fort Worth Chamber of Commerce on the morning of November 22, 1963 included a statement, passing the time awaiting the President's and Mrs. Kennedy's somewhat delayed arrival at the breakfast, oddly remarking at some length, beginning at the 5:50 mark of the above-linked broadcast, on the assassin of President McKinley, Leon Czolgosz, that portion of the broadcast taking place about three hours and twenty-two minutes before the assassination of President Kennedy.

Was it mere coincidence, or did someone involved in a conspiracy to assassinate the President plant with the oblivious reporter the script to be read at some point during the time preceding the arrival of the President at the breakfast? which happened just as the reporter finished reading the script on the McKinley assassination. All, in combination with certain aspects of the presentation, itself, the boots, the Texas hat, the singing of the "Eyes of Texas", to provide that spooky notion of precognition and the realm of the surreal supernatural? so popular at the time with the likes of Jeane Dixon and programs as "The Twilight Zone", it being the centennial of the Civil War and the centennial week of the Gettysburg Address delivered by President Lincoln just off the battlefield, a short distance from the farm occupied by the Eisenhowers after his Presidency. Was it a deliberately conveyed message to the conspirators that the assassination plans remained on for the day? the eve of the Day honoring San Clemente.

While on the subject, some protestants of the notion of conspiracy in the assassination of President Kennedy maintain that it was too much of an inconsistency for the conspiracy theory to withstand that Lee Oswald happened to come to work in the Texas School Book Depository along the motorcade route in mid-October when the Secret Service had not officially determined the route until November 14, 1963 and had not disclosed the route to the Dallas Police Department or the White House until November 18. But the probability of the President's prospective trip to Dallas and other Texas cities was stated in a story published in both Dallas newspapers on September 13, 1963, and was confirmed by White House sources in another story published September 26. Assuming there would be a motorcade through Dallas from Love Field, Main Street would be the traditional route through the downtown area for maximum exposure to crowds, having been so since the time of a visit to the city and motorcade of FDR and Mrs. Roosevelt for opening of the Texas Centennial Exposition in 1936 at the State Fairgrounds. There would be only one logical route to access the Stemmons Freeway to get to three potential locations for a luncheon address, the Trade Mart not having been finally determined as the locus for the address until November 14, and that was through Dealey Plaza, the necessity then of the slow turn onto Elm from Houston after the right off Main Street being made necessary by the median strip on Main preventing direct access to the freeway entrance from Main, that only accessible via Elm after crossing under the viaduct. The other two options for the luncheon considered by the Secret Service were Market Hall, in the same direction off Stemmons as the Trade Mart, and unavailable for the 22nd, and the Womens' Building at the State Fairgrounds, to the southwest of Dealey Plaza, accessible also by Stemmons in the other direction, but also with access only via Elm. Thus, it does not require any significant imagination to eliminate as mere "coincidence" Lee Oswald's presence, either as participant in a conspiracy or as a convenient patsy for it, at the Depository as an employee from mid-October, even though, technically, the motorcade route was not formally determined until mid-November. The building was located at the end of the only logical motorcade route to the freeway and access to the limited number of other potential luncheon address locations after the traditional route through the city from Love Field. Nor is there dispelled the notion that other potential assassination locations had been spotted down by conspirators in advance of determination of the final route, in case plans changed.

Moreover, there were apparent plans laid by a reticulation of nuts to assassinate the President, not only in Dallas, but also, prior to that time, on November 18, during his visit to Miami, the discovery of which led to the cancellation of the motorcade originally planned for Miami, as well as the cancellation of a planned trip by the President to Soldier Field in Chicago for the Army vs. Air Force football game on November 2, 1963, the day after the overthrow and assassinations of the Diem brothers in South Vietnam, following a tip from the Secret Service that an assassination plot appeared to be unfolding in Chicago, two Cuban nationals having been reported to the Secret Service by a motel manager, their room found to contain a cache of weapons, including high-powered rifles with telescopic sights, and a map of the planned route of the President. Thus, assuming a conspiracy, had the Dallas attempt failed or been called off for any number of reasons, including inclement weather, there appeared to have been contingency plans for assassination "in the works" in several cities which the President planned to visit, Dallas simply happening to have been the one where the pieces fell into place without interdiction. Thus, how many other "patsies" in other marked down locations may have been "in the works" is unknown. An alternative or collateral theory might be posited also that the reticulation was effectively wearing down the Secret Service and the White House with false alarms in other cities, leading to a false sense of security that any plot would be discovered in advance and prevented from initiation.

Drew Pearson tells of Joe Farrington, longtime Hawaiian delegate to the Congress, having dismissed his staff one nice Saturday, and then made rounds among seven members of the House Rules Committee trying to persuade them to make Hawaii the 49th state, as that Committee had bottled up the statehood bill, awaiting a joint conference with the Senate, all because the Republican leadership did not want the bill reported out. Having spent all of Saturday morning doing so, Mr. Farrington had returned to his office after lunch, tired and discouraged, and quietly passed away.

Two months then passed and in the interim his widow was overwhelmingly elected by Hawaiians to fill his position, returned to Washington for the closing days of the Congressional session, knowing that the bill remained deadlocked because Republicans had broken their pledge of admitting both Alaska and Hawaii as states simultaneously and because Democrats had refused to act on Hawaiian statehood unless Alaska received equal treatment, on the belief that Alaska would vote two Democratic Senators and Hawaii would vote two Republican Senators into Congress. Mrs. Farrington had gone to the President, saying cordially that she was opposed to having a group of people in the southern end of Alaska controlling the rest of such a vast area important to the nation's defense, indicating that it was sometimes easier for a state to enact laws to defend itself than it was for a territory. She made a plea for both Alaskan and Hawaiian statehood, understanding that they had to be conjoined to pass Congress. She asked the President to tell Speaker of the House Joe Martin and House Majority Floor Leader Charles Halleck that they should let the bill out of the Rules Committee so that it could come to a vote. The President had told her to speak with his chief liaison with Congress, General Jerry Persons, which she then did, afterward having a lawyer draw up a memorandum on the subject, and delivered it to the White House late on Sunday evening.

She understood how easy it was in Washington to pass the buck, and that Speaker Martin had blamed former Speaker Sam Rayburn for bottling up the Hawaiian statehood bill, and so visited both of them. Mr. Martin had first been adamant, saying it was too late in the evening and that the Rules Committee would not meet further just to vote on one bill. Former Speaker Rayburn was a bit more optimistic, but argued that he was not leading the Congress, whereupon Mrs. Farrington countered that all of the Democrats, as well as quite a few Republicans, listened to him. She finally obtained a promise that if she could switch some votes on the Committee and get the bill to the floor, he would not oppose her. She was still trying to do so, though she understood there were only a few days left before the recess.

Gerald W. Johnson, author and television commentator, formerly of the Baltimore Sun, in excerpts from an address to the N.C. English Teachers Association in Chapel Hill, indicates that the first and final moral responsibility of a teacher was to teach the truth, especially weighing on English teachers as they were the chief custodians of "most of the accumulated lies of the world". As language contained lies, teachers of language were the wardens who had to prevent the escape of lies into current usage. Cultivation of taste was one of the functions of an English teacher, but it was not the most important one. He maintains that the English teacher who turned out a cynic or a fop had failed to teach English, though the resulting student might understand grammar, syntax and rhetoric with great facility, and have a highly cultivated taste.

He proclaims to know nothing about pedagogy, only that it alone would not do the work of teaching English, as the teacher had to teach what was meant by the great works of literature, not only the basic pedagogical facts as to who authored what and when. The primary function of the English teacher was the adaptation of thought to the experience of the student, that only by that means was the essential truth conveyed in furtherance of the moral responsibility of the teacher to teach the truth.

"The most delicate task of the teacher of English in dealing with contemporary writing is to determine the moment when the music of a new movement loses depth and character and becomes the mere jingling of cap and bells." The teacher's own taste was an unreliable guide, for if the movement was truly new, that taste had been formed without reference to it. Where there was truth and power, there was literature. Books could lead to an understanding of the truth when it was encountered, but could not lead to the encounter itself. That had to be sought among living beings, either through daily newspapers or, better, by going into the street and talking to people.

When Adlai Stevenson, in a conversation with reporters, had exhorted, "Eggheads of the world, unite! You have nothing to lose but your yolks," one reporter recounted it as: "Eggheads, unite! You have nothing to worry about." That reporter, urges Mr. Johnson, was not familiar with the Communist Manifesto or he would have recognized the parody or pun regarding "yolk" for "yoke" and was not familiar with what Senator J. William Fulbright had called "the swinish cult of anti-intellectualism" which had fitted of late yokes to their necks under which they labored heavily. He asserts that the reporter in question would make a bad teacher of English, regardless of his knowledge of books and acquisition of taste, as he had not realized to whom the exhortation of Governor Stevenson had been addressed. The person who concealed from pupils the meaning of the text was the very opposite of a teacher, was a "dispenser of ignorance, not of knowledge."

He asserts that a teacher of English in 1954 who had no opinion of Senator McCarthy was not qualified to teach, as that person did not know the meaning of the Areopagitica or the meaning of "all men are created equal and endowed by their Creator with certain inalienable rights". Such represented moments when English literature had risen to magnificence, moments of stress in which language achieved greatness to allow the imprisoned truth to go free. Hamlet was not an attack on the institution of monarchy, but rather the effort of a great man to express the truth about divided loyalty. It had not been entirely successful in that effort as no effort to attain the absolute was ever entirely successful, but the greatness of the effort had carried English poetry to a height it had never before reached. He suggests that such, perhaps, was the message of the fraternity of English teachers to the modern world, that struggle was the "matrix of greatness", especially significant at present because it was a time of "appalling stress for young people".

Robert C. Ruark indicates that for the previous few weeks he had been noticing that returning European tourists, especially females, had been looking a little wan and had politely refrained from comment, that it was the newest of the New Looks, making the woman appear as a "Charles Addams version of a house-haunter", the "Natural Look", "shaped to make the girl of your dreams look like all women look in the morning, which is bloody awful."

"What you do is leave the lips pale, see, and make up the eyes big and black, with circles and 'laugh lines' which ain't nothing more than wrinkles honey. Then you hire a tame rat to gnaw the hair off, fore and aft, and then you just let the hair and the rat run wild in all directions. This is known as the Audrey Hepburn influence, and supposedly makes the old lady look like a wistful waif. I got some fashion news for you, kids. You don't look like a waif. You look like a Bowery bum with a nine-day, canned-heat hangover."

And he goes on, concluding, "Freaks are for side shows, and fit badly into either the connubial cot or future plans for same. Holy heaven, won't you ever learn?"

A letter from a representative of the executive committee of Union County Republicans, writing from Marshville, believes that the 83rd Congress had done a good job, reflected in the economy, with unemployment remaining unchanged for the third consecutive month, in the range of 3.3 million and declining, that it had never reached the heights which it had during the Fair Deal of the Truman Administration. The new Administration had cut down on its Christmas parties, but had kept its fuel oil reserves intact, with tideland oil now entrusted to the states where it belonged. If TVA was good for one section of the country, then it followed that it was good for all, and if that were true, then it would be obvious that Federal control of big business would also benefit the people. He agrees that both sides of an issue ought be known by the people so that they could vote with wisdom, that in 1952 government by the people was returned to them, and he feels certain that they would not freely give up that control in November, 1954.

Well, despite your clever sales job, the people would decide come November to return the product which you sold them on spec two years earlier.

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