The Charlotte News

Wednesday, June 16, 1954


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that in Geneva, Western diplomats made plans this date for a standby group to remain at the conference during the expected suspension of the portion of the conference regarding Indo-China, with an authoritative source indicating that a recess in the nine-power conference probably would occur before the end of the week, but that there was no consideration being given to ending completely the Indo-China talks. France reportedly was opposed to any outright adjournment, at least until a new government could be installed, following the vote of no-confidence by the National Assembly to the Government of Premier Joseph Laniel, and his subsequent resignation, the previous Saturday. The U.S. and Britain were understood to be in agreement that France should not be deserted, and believed that military talks in Geneva between the Vietminh and the French should continue. French Foreign Minister Georges Bidault had flown from Paris this date to discuss the situation with British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden and Undersecretary of State Walter Bedell Smith at a dinner this night. Messrs. Smith and Eden had also met with the French Ambassador to Switzerland regarding the situation during the morning, and Mr. Eden planned to meet later this date with Communist China's Premier and Foreign Minister Chou En-lai. A high Western source indicated that the military talks had made very little progress thus far in its task of defining cease-fire lines, that they had exchanged maps giving their initial ideas of where the two rival forces should be assembled in any declared cease-fire, that in the initial exchange, both sides had "claimed everything", but that such was usual in the initial stages of bargaining, that events in the war might become the deciding factor. The U.S. was reported still firmly opposed to any move to divide Indo-China into two zones, that such would mean permanent partition, and the U.S. and France were reported to be pressing for a series of "goose egg" areas where troops would be assembled after an armistice. It does not define what is meant by "goose egg", but presumably it has something to do with zeroes—which you do not want to receive on any tests.

The President had said this date at a press conference that he was giving no thought to whether he would seek re-election in 1956, that his forthcoming conference in Washington with Prime Minister Churchill had been suggested by the latter to combat the perception that there was a great rift between the U.S. and Britain, and that the meeting's primary purpose would be to make the alliance between the two nations as strong as possible. White House chief of staff Sherman Adams had suggested the previous week that the President might not run for re-election if the Republicans were to lose control of Congress in the midterm elections in the fall—as they would. The President, when asked about that prospect, had paused for a moment, then laughed and said that to his knowledge, his plans for 1956 had never been discussed with him, except perhaps in a facetious manner, that he would make no prediction on the matter, prompting laughter from the press. The President also declined to say whether he would veto any bill to continue Government price supports at the fixed 90 percent of parity level, instead of allowing flexible price supports to become effective, as would otherwise be the case if he did veto such a bill.

In the 35th day of the hearings before the Senate Investigations subcommittee regarding the dispute between the Army and Senator McCarthy, the Senator resumed his testimony, saying that he had signed the application for an officer's commission for G. David Schine, an unpaid aide of the subcommittee before his draft the prior November, despite the Senator's previous testimony that he had never seen the application and knew nothing about it, following the surprise production by Army special counsel Joseph Welch of photographs of the application. Mr. Welch had first referred back to testimony of the Senator on June 10, regarding his claim of knowing nothing about the application for a commission, which the Army had rejected. When Mr. Welch then waved the copy of the application before the Senator, the latter said, with a grin and chuckle, "Don't tell me I notarized it," to which Mr. Welch replied that he had not, but had signed it. Mr. Welch stated that he did not believe the inconsistency to be "a devastating thing", but believed it ought to be revealed. The Senator said that he still did not know anything about it, and wanted to make it clear that it had been notarized by Secretary of the Army Robert Stevens. Much of the morning session was devoted to argument as to Senator McCarthy's right to receive secret information from Government employees, with the Senator defending his receipt of a summary of an 11-page FBI document, which he claimed listed the names of a group of espionage agents working at the secret radar research facility at Fort Monmouth in New Jersey, formed by previously executed atomic spy Julius Rosenberg, the document having been provided by an Army intelligence officer whom the Senator refused to identify, contending that executive branch employees had a duty to provide him, as chairman of the Senate Government Operations Committee, information regarding any wrongdoing. The Senator had earlier declared, during examination by Senator John McClellan of the subcommittee, that "everything" in his charges of having been "blackmailed" by undue interference in the investigation from Army officials to induce him to relent in his investigation of subversives in the Army, was true. He had contended specifically that the Army report to the subcommittee in March, indicating that the Senator and his staff members Roy Cohn and Warren Carr, especially Mr. Cohn, had exerted pressure on Army officials to provide preferential treatment to Private Schine under threat that the subcommittee would otherwise intensify its investigation of the Army, with Mr. Cohn and Mr. Carr having contended in their prior testimony that Secretary Stevens and Army general counsel John G. Adams had sought to convince them that the Army should be allowed to take over the investigation and that they could provide the subcommittee with helpful information regarding subversion in the Navy and Air Force, claims which Secretary Stevens and Mr. Adams denied.

There is no transcript available online of this date's hearing, the penultimate day of the hearings.

In Washington, Dr. Edward Teller, credited by many atomic scientists as having unlocked the door to the hydrogen bomb, had said during previously secret hearings before the special three-man Presidential security committee of the Atomic Energy Commission, the transcript of which had just been released, that he would feel safer if Dr. J. Robert Oppenheimer, considered the father of the atomic bomb in 1945, did not have access to the nation's vital atomic secrets. The committee had ruled on May 27 that Dr. Oppenheimer was loyal and discreet, but, in a 2 to 1 report, said that he was, nevertheless, a security risk no longer entitled to security clearance as a member of the AEC, and so recommended that his clearance be permanently revoked, a decision which Dr. Oppenheimer's attorneys had appealed to the full AEC, which had promised a decision during June. Dr. Teller, a University of California professor, who had been described by Dr. Oppenheimer as the "principal inventor" of the hydrogen bomb, said that he believed Dr. Oppenheimer was loyal but that he would like to see the vital interests of the country in hands which he understood better and therefore trusted more. Other scientists, who had worked with Dr. Oppenheimer on secret projects, including former AEC chairman Gordon Dean, had testified that he was a man of complete loyalty, integrity and devotion to his country. But William Borden, former executive secretary of the Joint Congressional Committee on Atomic Energy, described Dr. Oppenheimer as "more probably than not an agent of the Soviet Union." Dr. Oppenheimer had conceded that he had made mistakes in the past, by having dabbled in Communism during the 1930's, that he had been an "idiot" at the time, but had carefully guarded the secrets which he had possessed for a long time. There had been, in all, 38 witnesses who had testified in the matter and attorneys for Dr. Oppenheimer said that 25 of them had voiced no doubts at all about his loyalty and integrity.

In Washington, the case against the four Puerto Rican Nationalists who had wounded five members of the House on March 1, after opening fire in the chamber, each of the five having completely recovered, had gone to the jury this date on ten counts of assault as to each of the defendants. The Government had argued to the jury that the evidence clearly indicated a verdict of guilty, while the chief defense counsel, a former commissioner for the District of Columbia, had sought an acquittal on the first five counts of assault with intent to kill, carrying a maximum penalty of 75 years in prison for each defendant. The judge had instructed the jury that motive was immaterial in the matter, the defendants having claimed that their motive had been to free their country, Puerto Rico, a territory of the United States. At that point in the instructions, the defendants showed some signs of interest, but otherwise remained stoic during the charge to the jury.

From Panama, reports circulated this date that a dozen paratroopers had landed on the Pacific coast of Guatemala a few hours after the Army chief of staff in Guatemala had sought to depart the country for Washington. The Guatemalan Government had imposed tight censorship on the grounds that the regime was being threatened by revolution. The U.S. was concerned about Guatemala because it had recently received a large shipment of weapons from Communist Poland, and was leaning toward Communism. Private sources indicated the previous day that the Guatemalan Army had submitted a questionnaire to President Jacobo Arbenz Guzman, asking him about Communist influences in the country, seeking that he break ties with the Communists and demanding an answer by the end of the week. But Guatemalan radio had denied the previous night, in a series of broadcasts, that the Army had submitted an ultimatum to the President. Reports persisted in diplomatic circles that several Communists had been killed in the previous few nights in outlying districts of Guatemala, indicative of growing resistance to the Government, and that Army officials were seeking asylum abroad. An anti-Communist editor was reported to be seeking asylum in the Salvadorean Embassy in Guatemala. His brother had been a member of the pro-Government Guatemalan Revolutionary Party, although he had been ousted the previous day as head of the Government Tourist Bureau.

In Phoenix, the man who had been selected from a five-man live lineup, presumably without counsel which he had requested at the time, was reported to be prepared to testify in court this date in a preliminary hearing that he had not been the kidnaper of the wife of a wealthy Phoenix industrialist, who had paid a $75,000 ransom, at which time she had been released after 29 hours of captivity in the Superstition Mountains. The man whom she had identified had been arrested about five miles from the ransom drop-off point, claiming to have been prospecting for gold in the mountains, site of the Lost Dutchman mine, before being overcome with delirium for lack of water and had stumbled into a ranch house, seeking water, with only a few pennies in his pocket and without his shirt, which he said he had ripped off in his delirium. Police had been searching for the money, which was finally discovered intact just a few yards from the ranch house where he was taken into custody. The defendant's attorney, a former Maricopa County prosecutor, maintained that the identification of him as the kidnaper was full of holes, that the victim had described her kidnaper, masked at the time, as having bright green eyes and curly hair, whereas the defendant had brown eyes and was nearly bald.

In Seaford, N.Y., a mallard duck, which had held up a construction project for 23 days while it was overseeing its eggs, finally had seen five offspring hatched, but three eggs still remained unhatched in the nest where the contractor wanted to get his bulldozers into action again in building 49 houses, after suspending construction for the cutest wild duck he had ever seen, named by the crew "Trudy", and so would give her a little more time. He said that they had to take the little ones out to learn how to swim this date, that they were not too young to learn in a little pond they had constructed just for the occasion. The duck and her eggs had been discovered in the roots of an overturned tree as a bulldozer and crane had been clearing underbrush from the 25-acre plot. The contractor said that the interruption would cost him plenty.

In St. Louis, tomcats appeared to be observing a week for being kind to parakeets, as a cat owned by one man had brought home in its mouth an unharmed green parakeet, and the previous day, another cat owned by another man had come home from a stroll with a chartreuse parakeet, also uninjured, with, it comments, both cat owners waiting to hear from the bird owners. This story appears to be trying to drum up some sort of dissension between the cats and the birds, or their owners. It just cannot accept harmony.

In Raleigh, a revival preacher and the operator of a drive-in restaurant the previous night staged a duel with music, with evangelist Douglas Poole's amplified sermon on "This Unfriendly World" being heard from the tent meeting, while the jukebox across the street answered with "I'm too young to die." Mr. Poole said that he had been called to preach while serving in Korea and urged his congregation to pray for the drive-in restaurant operator, saying that the opposing amplifier could not stop the work of the Lord. The restaurant operator said that the revival had been ongoing for a week and had become increasingly louder, that it was hurting his business, that it was hard to hear the car-hops when they called in the orders from the curb. The report comments that the duel had ended in a draw after a deputy sheriff advised the restaurant operator to turn down the volume on the jukebox. Meanwhile, the evangelist urged his followers to return for another sermon this night. The jukebox operator does not yet have in his cache the new one coming out soon by the man from Tupelo, the secret weapon in the country's arsenal in the fight against Communism to defeat the Tupolev-37's and 39's of the Soviets, the guidance systems of which had obviously been somehow installed in the drive-in restaurant jukebox to interfere with the evangelistic message, those godless Commies.

As pictured, former President Truman was accompanied on the piano by James Petrillo in Milwaukee at a convention of the American Federation of Musicians, which Mr. Petrillo headed.

On the editorial page, "Words Alone Won't Curb McCarthy" indicates that three Republican leaders had put on a well-timed "puppet show" the prior Sunday on three different platforms, with White House chief of staff Sherman Adams stating in a commencement address at Bates College in Lewiston, Maine, that the graduating seniors should beware of "limelight seekers elbowing their way" across the national scene, that in all the country's history, there had been no "greater combination of insolence and inequity than the sanctimony of that group who assumed the role of sole judge of how to right a wrong, or assumed the holy right to use its own means, however fair or foul, to gain its end."

In New York, Governor Thomas Dewey, addressing a cornerstone-laying ceremony for Albert Einstein College of Madison, said that the U.S. was "allowing a miserable television show in Washington to divert the attention … of the free world from the threats to its very foundation," and that too many were accepting the "smear for truth, charge for proof, opinion for fact", "insinuation as evidence and character assassination as excusable."

In Washington, Attorney General Herbert Brownell had provided a commencement address at American University, saying that "our system of government" could not survive if any person were "allowed to set himself above the laws of the land" or if one branch of government was able to "usurp powers of another branch", that the country had to be vigilant to preserve its liberties from those who owed allegiance to other ideologies and also from those "misguided persons whose zeal may lead them into errors no less destructive."

It comments that if any of the three speakers had mentioned Senator McCarthy's name, the wire services had not reported it, but that there had been no doubt as to the identity of the person to whom they were directing their attack, a part of a concerted effort by the Administration in that regard. It indicates that it could understand the President's reluctance to get into a name-calling contest with the Senator and that it had approved of the policy of talking about broad principles being threatened by McCarthyism instead of about the Senator, himself, but also believes that indirect attacks from lesser officials, as the above-mentioned, was not very effective, that they could put their time to better use by persuading the Senate Republican leadership to bring to a vote the resolution proposed by Senator Ralph Flanders of Vermont to censure Senator McCarthy for contempt and refuse to provide him with any committee chairmanship until he answered questions regarding his personal finances, raised in a subcommittee report, critical of the Senator but reaching no firm conclusions because he had refused to testify before it, during its 1952 investigation.

It concludes that Senator McCarthy followed the old maxim that sticks and stones could break his bones, but words could never hurt him, and the Administration needed to understand that.

"The Churches Speak Out on Segregation" indicates that representatives of the Southern Baptist Church, convening in St. Louis, had overwhelmingly adopted a resolution upholding the Brown v. Board of Education decision, making segregation of public schools no longer viable under the Fourteenth Amendment Equal Protection Clause. The general assembly of the Southern Presbyterian Church, which had met in Montreat, N.C., declared that segregation of the races in the life of the church was a sin. In consequence, the three institutions of higher learning in North Carolina were opened to all races and local churches were asked to practice no discrimination within their fellowship. The executive council of the North Carolina diocese which governed the Episcopal Church between conventions, passed a resolution urging Episcopalians to accept the Brown decision "in the Christian spirit of the brotherhood of man." The Baltimore conference of the Methodist Church had asked members to cooperate in good spirit with school authorities as they arranged the end of segregation in the public schools, and recommended admission of students of all races to colleges supported by the conference. The Unitarian Church of Charlotte reaffirmed its policy of non-segregation. Various other churches had also responded to the decision with similar stands, some having taken those stands prior to the decision being rendered on May 17. The Congregational Christians of North Carolina and Virginia, for example, had declared the previous April that "in the event the Supreme Court rules that segregation in the public schools is unconstitutional, the ruling should be received in good faith and the system of public schools maintained on a non-segregated basis." The previous year, Catholic Bishop Vincent Waters had ordered the merger of white and black Catholic churches in Newton Grove, N.C., saying that segregation was a product of darkness and that the time for it to end had come.

It indicates that the above churches were not the only ones which had taken such stands, but constituted a representative enough group to illustrate a significant aspect of segregation, that church members were finally doing what many of their leaders had urged them to do for many years. A Southern Presbyterian elder had summed up the views of many churchmen when he said: "The great sin of our church is that we have not led on so great an issue as this. The secular world has led—where we have not." It remarks that it was never too late for church leadership to assert itself, for, above all else, the problems ahead would require application of Christian principles.

"A Generation of Young Stoics" indicates that the ten-year old in the household had asked his father whether he had been aware of the air-raid the previous day, to which his father had indicated that he had not, the ten-year old continuing that it had taken place in 40 U.S. cities, which were wiped out, killing over seven million Americans, asking whether, if the country lost that many people very often, it would be weaker than Russia. The father questioned his son on whether he had read the story carefully enough, whether it was not a mock air-raid, to which the son had responded that he had thought it was real and the fact that it was not was different. He then put down the newspaper and went to let the dog out.

The father then reflected a moment and it became clear what was occurring, that a generation of youngsters were growing up with the atomic and hydrogen bombs, so accustomed to jets flying overhead that they no longer looked up, and were almost immune to repeated explosions in the dramatic war scenes in movies, on television and in magazines, that they had become so inured to the alarms of wars and threats of wars that news of an air-raid wiping out 40 cities and killing seven million people made virtually no impression.

There had been a simpler time, it ventures, when the discovery of a school of knottyheads in the pasture creek or a vein of fool's gold along the bank would have brought shouts of elation, and it wonders whether that time would ever return.

We don't know, but you need to get your kid into a remedial reading class, before he decides that the country has already been to the moon, and that there are no more frontiers to conquer. Either that or teach him not to pull father's leg quite so hard.

A piece from the Sherman (Tex.) Democrat, titled "Getting Help", indicates that people were looking for help after becoming behind on their automobile payments, meanwhile having recently returned from an extended vacation in New Mexico, for which they had purchased new clothes and during which they had spent money generously. Recently, a successful banker and businessman, when a public body was about to spend money which was not conveniently available on a fringe necessity, had quoted an old Chinese proverb: "The best place to find a helping hand is at the end of your arm." It suggests that people who habitually could keep their personal budget balanced, could keep accounts paid and enjoy a respectable credit record, would appreciate the proverb.

Drew Pearson indicates that the overwhelming defeat of the Hoover Administration in 1932 had come out of the power of scandals. A Senate investigation of the Federal Power Commission and large utility lobbying had demonstrated how powerful influences had been working to acquire choice water and dam sites throughout the country. Public reaction to that steal had not only contributed to President Hoover's defeat but also had led to the Government-owned dams and Rural Electrification Administration power system of the Roosevelt Administration. He finds that now a similar situation appeared to be brewing inside the Federal Communications Commission, responsible for licensing the limited number of television stations available in the country. That limit on availability had stimulated some of the most powerful lobbying in Washington, while the FCC had become one of the most subservient agencies to the large interests.

He indicates that especially when television licenses were unfrozen in July, 1952, the issuance of them had become faster and more indiscriminate than ever. Current Senate Minority Leader Lyndon Johnson had obtained a television license during that period for his wife, Lady Bird, in Austin, to complement the profitable radio station they already owned, now having an even more profitable television station, something the Republicans were keeping up their sleeve in case the political counter-attacking became too hot.

Doris Fleeson indicates that the Administration, in the most extraordinary of its various reversals of its campaign promises, was preparing for the fifth time to finance a tax cut from the defense budget. The new tax bill, dubbed a "revision of the tax code", which had been approved by the House and was about to be sent to the Senate floor by the Finance Committee, entailed substantial losses in revenue and established techniques, the effects of which not even the experts could adequately forecast. The four previous tax cuts were the expiration of the excess profits tax, a cut in corporate taxes, a cut in income taxes and a billion dollar cut in excise taxes.

Despite the fact that it appeared that the latest tax bill would pass Congress, every member was aware that before they could return home to campaign in the midterm elections, they would have to vote on a request by Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey to raise the national debt limit, a matter postponed from the previous session of Congress ending the prior August. Each member would be morally bound to vote in the affirmative on raising the debt limit as Congress had produced the budget deficit through the tax cuts.

It had been made clear at the Geneva peace conference that the presently shrinking U.S. military establishment, where the cuts had chiefly occurred in the present Administration, had not been impressive to the Russians and Communist Chinese. The Administration was not certain that the present economic upturn was either sufficient or durable. In contrast, Britain, Germany and Canada had been handling their finances the hard way, not by increasing the deficit through tax cuts, the latter being similar to the French system, which had been followed also in Italy.

Congress was beginning to exhibit feelings that the tax-cutting had gone too far, regardless of the upcoming elections, and if the President decided to halt it, he would be surprised at the bipartisan support he would receive.

Ms. Fleeson notes that one of the last Republican Treasury Secretaries, the late Andrew Mellon, who had been a proponent of tax cuts, had been bitterly criticized for the favors he had done for his fellow wealthy, but had done so, at least, from a budget surplus, not a deficit.

Robert C. Ruark says that he had gotten a weird and not especially pleasant sensation when he had read that young Gary Crosby was replacing his father on the latter's show for the summer, until he realized the younger Crosby was quite old enough to do so. He did not know where the time had gone, was resigned to the notion that everyone had gotten old but him. It had been 12 years since he had joined the Navy, 19 years since he had graduated from UNC, wonders what had happened to the intervening time. He had thought for some time that a vitamin deficiency had been turning his mustache blonde, until he realized that it was turning gray. He says that he did not feel any older than when he was scurrying around campus or hustling paste pots in a newspaper office or running a gun crew in a war "that's grown old and musty in the archives." He remained a youth while the world had grown old. For the first time, he understood why women falsified their ages. "It is ridiculous to be fat and 40, when, inside the whalebone stays, a blithe spirit is still filling her spring prom evenings with late, late dates."

You better enjoy it while you can, as you only have 11 years left, thanks to your drinking, which may be why you cannot remember where the time has gone. And exercise is not obtained from a jeep on safari.

A letter writer from Monroe indicates that Senator McCarthy had been lied about for such a long time, both by syndicated columnists and editorialists, that many "good-hearted people" had come to believe the worst of him, and that the opportunity now had presented itself for the truth or falsity of the allegations made against him to be made known. He indicates that there were two issues on which the Senate could take action, Senator McCarthy's declaration that despite former President Truman's directive of 1948, which denied to Congressional committees information concerning the loyalty of individuals in the executive branch—continued, as he does not point out, in the Eisenhower Administration—, he would continue to obtain that information, and the censure resolution proposed by Senator Flanders concerning the Senator's personal finances. The letter writer indicates that if Senator McCarthy were proved wrong in either of the two instances, it was the duty of the Senators to cut off his power, that the Senate was in a better position to evaluate his actions than were columnists or editorialists. He urges putting trust and confidence in the elected representatives.

Don't you worry.

A letter writer indicates that there were many people in the nation who believed that it was un-Christian to maintain segregation, which he believes included those who were sincere in that belief and those who were only agitators who professed the belief but who knew that it was not un-Christian to practice segregation. The latter group knew that there was a vast difference between segregation and discrimination, and included some who had migrated into the South in recent years and, he believes, included those exhibiting strong evidence of Communist affiliation. He thinks that many other "good American citizens" would become the target of organizations such as the NAACP and other organized groups which would seek to undermine and destroy the heritage of the American people. He says that Booker T. Washington, "one of the nation's great Negro leaders", had once said that the races could be as one in all things which were good for the economic, cultural and spiritual advancement of the nation but as separate as the fingers on the hand in all things that are purely social. He finds that the advice had been the greatest words of wisdom ever spoken by a human being. He believes that the Brown decision was the only decision which could be reached through a judicial interpretation, following the advice of "psychologists, high government officials, theologists, theorists, and many others." He finds it tragic that the issue on which they were forced to decide was a social problem and not a moral problem. He asserts that he believes in adhering to the laws of the nation and also believes in states' rights, as well in the laws of God being superior to the laws of man. He suggests to those who had been transplanted to the South from other regions and were unhappy, that they should return to their native habitats.

He goes on babbling, but we are tired of it. It is plain that he is an idiot.

A letter from a minister at Calvary Baptist Church in Goldsboro indicates that the country was living in perilous times, quoting from II Timothy 3:1 in the Bible, that in "the last days perilous times shall come."And he quotes other verses, concluding that everything was wrong with mixing blacks and whites, because it was against the will of God, because Communism was the root of it, because it would cause a revolution in the country, because blacks had good schools and churches, and because blacks were better satisfied as they were.

Somehow, you neglected to cite the passages which say that. You must have the Revised Satanic edition. You give the Christian religion a very bad name. You need to do something else, such as sell soap for a living, which, of course, you may do on the side in any event.

A letter writer indicates that he was glad that there was a newspaper in the Bible Belt which stood for the principles set forth in the most elementary understanding of the New Testament, that it was paradoxical that those whose letters had previously "reeked with Biblical platitudes" were now "exponential of the most vicious racism". He indicates that if there were to be unity in the country, there had to be respect for its laws and that it was unfortunate that the American people had watched a Senator lose his temper and advise millions of workers to disobey the country's laws.

Presumably, he is referring to Senator McCarthy having urged executive branch workers to disobey the executive order of the President not to provide to Congress any information relating to private conversations with other exective branch employees or documents pertaining thereto which might compromise national security.

A letter writer indicates that he had noticed that some readers had become angry and quit reading the newspaper because it had afforded both sides space to express their opinions on the ending of segregation in the South. He thinks the newspaper should be complimented for publishing letters from both races as to how they felt about the question, that in a democracy, both sides should have a right to express themselves fully. He says that he was strongly in favor of retaining segregation as the "best means of good race relations for both black and white." Segregation, he believes, kept white people in their place and black people in theirs, saving friction generated by troublemakers of both races. He believes that the South was correct in fighting for states' rights, so that the majority of the citizens could rule themselves without interference from Federal dictates. But, he also believes, Southerners would have to unite and quit voting only one way if they were to save the South. If blacks were to engage in block voting "to gain their end", then whites would have to unite and also do some block voting.

You're an idiot. But they let you speak your mind, and that is more than you would have gotten the right to do in any Confederacy, unless you spoke the party line, which you have. Now, sit down and shut up. When you talk about keeping people in their places, it is plain you are referring, not to segregation, but rather to the implicit threat of violence to keep people in lockstep behind people such as you. You are not our leader, dumbbell.

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