The Charlotte News

Thursday, May 20, 1954


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Hanoi that evacuation of wounded French Union troops from fallen Dien Bien Phu had reached 110 men this date, as helicopters and light planes continued a steady shuttle back and forth, and a French news agency dispatch received in Paris said that about 120 more wounded were expected to arrive in Hanoi this date. The French hoped to complete in less than two weeks the removal of the 753 wounded whom the Vietminh had agreed to release. French military sources said that they knew nothing about Vietminh plans to release the French Air Force nurse, Genevieve de Galard Terraube, as had been announced by a Vietminh spokesman in Geneva the previous day. Friends of the nurse expressed the belief in Hanoi that she would remain at the fortress, nursing the wounded, until the last of the 753 were evacuated. Meanwhile, the French had increased their air assault on provincial highway 41, over which the Vietminh were shifting troops from the fortress area to the Red River delta, with U.S.-supplied fighters and bombers delivering their heaviest strikes the previous day since the fall of Dien Bien Phu. As bombers hit the highway, fighters strafed long lines of Russian-made trucks and convoys northeast of the fortress, and others had fired rockets the previous night, blowing up trucks loaded with ammunition.

In Geneva, a series of private talks were held this date which could determine the fate of the deadlocked Indo-China portion of the peace conference. The U.S. was reported ready to write off the negotiations as a failure unless the Communists were drastically to change their approach. Formal negotiations were suspended for the day, with the latest deadlock being the result of renewed Communist demands that the Communist "resistance governments" of Laos and Cambodia be invited to participate in the conference. The Western powers regarded those as phantom regimes with no following and no right to representation. A high Western source acknowledged that Western diplomats had given some consideration to the question of breaking off the talks, with the U.S. delegation believing that the discussions were getting nowhere, while also reluctant to break up the conference until the French believed that all avenues had been exhausted. Negotiations had come to a complete standstill the previous night after three long secret sessions between the nine participating delegations. British Foreign Secretary Sir Anthony Eden proposed a one-day "cooling off" period, which was accepted, and the talks were suspended until the following afternoon. Mr. Eden hoped to to find a solution during the cessation, in discussion with Soviet Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov and Communist Chinese Premier and Foreign Minister Chou En-lai. Mr. Molotov invited Mr. Eden to dine with him this night, and in preparation for their talk, Mr. Eden conferred with French Foreign Minister Georges Bidault and U.S. Undersecretary of State Walter Bedell Smith. It was hoped by the Western powers that the Communists might again drop the issue of inviting the rebel groups in Laos and Cambodia, as they had after first raising that issue. The French plan for ending hostilities regarded Laos and Cambodia as being completely separate from the proposed armistice in Viet Nam. But the Communist plan proposed an armistice for all three of the Associated States, to take place after political agreements had been reached, with Mr. Molotov insisting that such a plan had to be the basis for peace negotiations.

In New York, columnist Walter Winchell said this date that he had burned a copy of the secret "FBI letter" given to him under mysterious circumstances at the time it had set off a controversy in the McCarthy-Army hearings. He said the letter had been "very dull reading" and that he had destroyed it after consulting with various Government officials and after Attorney General Herbert Brownell had stated that it contained security data. He said that he had been informed that about 35 copies had been made of the 2 1/2 page "letter", which purportedly had been signed by J. Edgar Hoover, but which Mr. Hoover said he had never signed and that the FBI had not prepared the letter, but had prepared an unsigned 11-page memorandum from which the letter was constructed. Mr. Winchell said that he understood that newspaper people had most of the other copies. He said that there was nothing to the letter and that after all the fireworks, it would be quite a letdown. He regarded it as "pretty routine stuff", only containing a list of names, and that even if he were told he could print it, he doubted he would use it. Senator McCarthy had claimed that the list was a group of espionage agents formed at Fort Monmouth as part of a spy ring developed by executed atomic spy Julius Rosenberg, contending that the Army had ignored it. The Senator said he received it from an Army intelligence source whom he refused to identify.

Senator Karl Mundt, temporary chairman of the Investigations subcommittee during the Army-McCarthy dispute, ventured a "guess" this date that Senator McCarthy would not boycott resumption of the hearings, set to continue the following Monday. He had just come from a closed-door discussion with Senator McCarthy, but said that the issue had not been discussed. Senator McCarthy had left in doubt what course he might follow in light of the order issued by the President to all executive branch personnel not to discuss with Congress any conversations had in private between executive branch officials regarding the Army-McCarthy dispute or to disclose any documents related to such talks. The White House had indicated that the President did not anticipate withdrawing or altering the order despite Senator McCarthy's objection to it as a "cover-up", making it impossible to get at the truth. The particular objection related to th refusal of Army general counsel John G. Adams to testify about a January 21 conference between Attorney General Brownell, Deputy Attorney General William Rogers, U.N. Ambassador Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., White House chief of staff Sherman Adams, and John Adams, a conference at which Sherman Adams had first suggested preparation by the Army of a report regarding the claims of John Adams of threats communicated by Roy Cohn on behalf of Senator McCarthy to step up the investigation of subversive infiltration of the Army unless the Army provided favors for Private G. David Schine, a former unpaid aide of the subcommittee. Senator McCarthy had called the resulting Army report in that regard "blackmail" to get him to drop the investigation of Fort Monmouth, leading to the hearings. Senator McCarthy's statement the previous day, expressing reluctance to continue the hearings with a "stacked deck" against him, had led to speculation in the Senate that he might refuse to testify and boycott the remainder of the hearings.

Senate Appropriations Committee chairman Senator Styles Bridges of New Hampshire said this date that the Committee would make a "searching inquiry" into the extent to which free world allies had agreed to relax bans on trade with Communist China. The plan for an investigation followed Senator McCarthy having made a speech to the Senate the previous day saying that it would be "criminal folly" not to cut off U.S. financial aid to nations which shipped the "sinews of military and economic strength" to the Communists. Harold Stassen, Foreign Aid administrator, responded to Senator McCarthy's statement by calling it "fantastic, unbelievable and untrue." He said that the Senator was "frantically reaching for diversionary headlines after the sorry spectacle of his record in recent hearings."

The House Ways & Means Committee voted late the previous day to expand Social Security coverage, as recommended by the President, to include about seven million additional persons to the 70 million presently covered by the program. The Committee had voted to add about 270,000 more persons than recommended by the President. Compulsory coverage was voted for about 3.6 million farm operators while coverage of 2.6 million farm workers was deferred but expected ultimately to be included in coverage. About 500,000 doctors, dentists, lawyers, engineers, accountants and other professionals were also included in the recommendation, despite some objection by professional organizations, notably the AMA. The Committee also extended coverage to about 3.2 million state and local government employees, provided they voted in state and local plebiscites to be covered. The Committee also voted to extend coverage to firemen and policemen, not included in the Administration bill. The Committee would next focus on increased benefits.

In Dublin, Ireland, John Costello's coalition had toppled Prime Minister Eamon De Valera from power by winning control of the parliament, with the Prime Minister's party having won 61 seats to 74 for the Costello coalition. Four seats were won by independents and eight seats were yet to be determined.

In Raleigh, delegates to the Democratic state convention this date wondered if the subject of segregation would come up again at its biennial gathering following the defeat of a resolution in the Second Congressional District caucus the previous night. That resolution had called on Governor William B. Umstead to summon a special session of the Legislature to decide on the action to be taken in response to the Supreme Court decision in Brown v. Board of Education, holding that continued segregation in public schools was unconstitutional. Irving Carlyle, an attorney from Winston-Salem who delivered the keynote address, urged the 3,000 delegates that "as good citizens we have no other course except to obey the laws laid down by the Court," and that "to do otherwise would cost us our respect for law and order, and if we lose that in these critical times we will have lost that quality which is the source of our strength as a state and as a nation." The rest of the speech was devoted to praise of the records of Democratic administrations in the state and nation and to lambasting Republicans in general, and Senator McCarthy in particular. He said that since the Republicans had assumed power, the country had become a "confused, fearful and frightened people." He said that the McCarthy-Army hearings represented "a disturbing and degrading spectacle" featured by "doctored photographs and shouting voices and fabricated letters", calling to mind "that other tragic era when Nero fiddled while Rome burned." The major topic of conversation among the delegates was the upcoming Senate primary race between Senator Alton Lennon and former Governor Kerr Scott, plus five other candidates. Another popular topic was guessing who Governor Umstead might appoint to replace deceased Senator Clyde Hoey.

In Scottsville, Ky., two small girls who had gotten locked inside a refrigerator in their home were rescued, approximately 15 minutes before they would have suffocated. The girls said that a strange man and woman had come to the house and locked them in the refrigerator on Tuesday, but the sheriff wondered whether they had made up the story to try to escape punishment. Their parents had come in from the tobacco field and noticed refrigerator shelves and food on the floor, quickly opened the refrigerator and found their daughters. The sheriff was searching for an older model green automobile which the girls said that the strange man and woman had been driving.

In London, a British submarine had been reported lost for a short time in the English Channel this date, but had come to the surface under its own power and signaled that all was well.

In Plymouth, England, doctors reported a slight improvement in the condition of comedian Oliver Hardy, ill with pneumonia. His wife said that he was a little better but was still feeling terrible. He had been forced to discontinue an engagement at a Plymouth theater.

In New Delhi, the temperature reached 112 as the season's first severe heat wave swept northern India, and the forecast was for even hotter weather the following day.

On the editorial page, "Look Homeward for New Industries" tells of textiles, tobacco and furniture, low-wage industries, accounting for more than 60 percent of all North Carolina manufacturing. The state's birth rate was high, its employment of women below the national average, and only one state, Georgia, had a larger black population. An unusually high percentage of the state's income derived from agriculture and by various standards of education, the state ranked low in comparison to the other states. Those were the main reasons why the state ranked 45th among the states in per capita income, as provided to the editorial writers in Chapel Hill the previous weekend by Drs. B. U. Ratchford and Frank Hanna of Duke and Dr. S. H. Hobbs, Jr., of UNC. The picture they painted of the present was dark, but with some bright spots around the edges.

The spread among the states in per capita income was decreasing and so the low rank of the state could be misleading. The state was ranked 35th during the Thirties, at a time when its per capita income had been less than half of the national average, while now its per capita income was almost two-thirds of the national average, despite the lower ranking. The state's economy was comparatively stable and not susceptible to cyclical influences, such as the auto industry in Detroit. No matter what happened to the economy, people would continue to smoke and wear clothes.

The principal reason by which per capita income could be increased, improving the tax base and general economy of the state, had been described often as consisting of initiation of new industries, raising wage levels and offering new job opportunities to low-paid black workers. Dr. Hobbs, a rural sociologist, recommended specific projects to implement the means, seeing great possibilities in the food processing industry, as less than 5 percent of the food consumed in the state was also processed in the state. He had also suggested drainage of eastern tidelands and the development there of truck farms to supply the food-processing plants. He also saw potential in the eastern part of the state for the oyster industry. The state was harvesting about 250,000 bushels of oysters per year, only about one percent of its potential. To the west, he saw the potential for utilizing forest products which could outrank textiles and tobacco.

It indicates that he could have mentioned increased opportunities in sheep-raising, as the woolen industry was considering locating in the South. The state could also produce more cattle than it did.

"Forrest H. Shuford—Public Servant" praises the State commissioner of labor who had died suddenly in Washington the previous day while attending an important conference. He had devoted more than 20 years to public service as an officer of the State Department of Labor, having been serving as deputy commissioner in 1938 when Governor Clyde Hoey, who had just died a week earlier, called on him to become the commissioner. He had then been re-elected four different times to four-year terms.

Increasing industrialization in the state in recent years had added to the importance of the Labor Department and Mr. Shuford's fair and able administration had contributed in large measure to industrial peace in the state. He had been instrumental in formulating progressive policies relating to child labor, employment of women, industrial safety, wages and hours, an excellent conciliation service and other regulations affecting the welfare of the state and its people.

State Secretary of State Thad Eure had provided him a fitting epitaph when he said that he had been "the balance that brought about good relations between industry and labor in the state", a "conscientious public official, devoted and loyal to his duties."

"8:10 A.M. on a Charlotte Street" tells of trying to beat a freight train across a railroad crossing, but getting stuck while the train passed, and deciding to try to make the minutes go faster by noting the company names on the cars. One was a New York Central, prompting consideration of whether Robert Young would finally win his fight to take over that railroad. It goes down a long list of cars and the railroads associated with them, with asides for each one. When the caboose had gone by, the reverie was shattered, but the minutes had passed as seconds. Despite that, the motorist was still in favor of a grade crossing program.

A piece from the Wall Street Journal, titled "Isaac Newton in the Box", indicates that Mickey Mantle of the New York Yankees had struck out four out of four times at bat recently in Boston, not a surprise to Arthur D. Little, Inc., of Cambridge. That company's Industrial Bulletin had noted that his hitting troubles plagued all hitters as pitching had become more of a science. Science had demonstrated that a pitched ball could curve several inches and that a fastball could travel almost 100 mph, though a curve was generally slower, at around 45 mph. Physicists, using stroboscope lights, had found that a curveball could spin at nearly 1,400 revolutions per minute. Pitchers had long been aware of those things and had learned to use the basic physical laws, though perhaps unwittingly, according to the scientists. A curveball pitcher preferred to work on days when the air was denser because the ball appeared to curve more, but fastballs appeared to be faster in rarefied air. That, it posits, might have accounted for Mickey Mantle's hitting slump in Boston.

The Bulletin also had a word of explanation about long-ball hitters, such as Mr. Mantle. Newton's third law, that for every force of action there was an equal and opposite force of reaction, helped to explain it, and was the bane to fastball pitchers, as it could be hit faster and farther than a slow ball.

"So the thing to do with long-ball hitters is to let them have the random pressure differentials, aided by gravity (another Newton), which cause the ball to alter course spectacularly because of the differences in the coefficient of air friction. Another way is to walk 'em."

Drew Pearson tells of the Defense Department preparing a budget for war in Indo-China. Privately, Pentagon planners believed that the "new look" defense budget had only been a beginning point and would have to be increased by at least five billion dollars regardless of U.S. participation in the war in Indo-China. Senate Majority Leader William Knowland had given the White House assurance of Congressional cooperation for "eventualities" in Indo-China and Republicans were confident that the Democrats would go along. If the U.S. were to become involved in that war, it would be nasty, a jungled "green hell" where U.S. troops were not accustomed to fighting. It would be against troops who disappeared into the jungle and people who had learned through the years to hate the so-called white conqueror. While the jungles produced tropical products necessary to modern civilization, there were similar jungles nearer home, controlled by friendlier people, which produced the same products. Mr. Pearson suggests that it might be a time again to cultivate friends in Brazil, Ecuador, and Colombia, where tropical products were obtainable, rather than getting bogged down in the jungles of Southeast Asia.

Senator Everett Dirksen of Illinois, he predicts, might emerge as a rival to Senator Knowland for the Republican leadership in the Senate. Senator Dirksen was shifting away from the isolationism of Col. Bertie McCormick, who was ill, and wanted to get closer to the President. The President had entrusted him with trying to end the public hearings in the Army-McCarthy dispute after the President had been unable to get a compromise agreement from Secretary of the Army Robert Stevens. Secretary Stevens had been brainwashed once by four Republicans of the McCarthy subcommittee and was not going to get caught again in one of their compromises. At the time of the earlier compromise, Judge Albert Cohn, father of Roy Cohn, had told friends that it would all be over by noon as Secretary Stevens would "be rolled at lunchtime and the whole investigation will be dropped."

The President had yielded to political leaders and had agreed to make a tour of doubtful states during the fall midterm campaigns. He would speak in Illinois, Colorado, Idaho, Iowa, Massachusetts, Michigan and Minnesota, all areas where Republican Senatorial candidates faced tough battles.

Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson was the only Cabinet member who had not been asked to campaign for Republican candidates in the fall.

Congressman Charles Wolverton of New Jersey had been swamped with letters from the WCTU demanding that liquor ads be banned from interstate commerce, and he had been convinced by the volume of the letters to hold hearings on the matter, though was unlikely to press for any legislation on it during the current session.

Louis Budenz claimed to have made more than $70,000 in lecture fees and magazine articles, most of it since he had been a star witness for Senator McCarthy's subcommittee.

Senator James Duff of Pennsylvania, who was an early supporter of General Eisenhower in 1952, was not happy with the way things were going inside the Republican Party, believing that if the McCarthy split continued, the party would be temporarily washed up.

Congressman Hugh Scott of Pennsylvania, once RNC chairman, faced a tough re-election battle.

Former President Truman had told his former Vice-President, Alben Barkley, presently campaigning for the Senate from Kentucky, that it might do him more harm than good, but that the former President was ready to campaign for him if he was needed.

All parties to the McCarthy dispute were convinced that they were being shadowed and that their phones were tapped by the other side. Mr. Pearson indicates that they might be right.

The latest story around the Capitol was about a man named Reilly who joined the Army so he could "live the life of Schine!"

Joseph & Stewart Alsop indicate that Attorney General Herbert Brownell had determined to investigate Government informer Paul Crouch, a former Communist, for possible perjury, to determine his suitability as a future informant and witness. It was significant as Mr. Crouch was one of the most widely used such informants and was the first, as far as anyone knew, to be investigated for perjury. Mr. Brownell had announced his intention in response to the Alsops' inquiry regarding the testimony of Mr. Crouch in U.S. v. Kuzma, et al., a Smith Act case against several lesser American Communist Party officials, presently ongoing in Philadelphia. He had been the leading Government witness in the early stages of the trial and had testified with specificity about one defendant, David Davis, a member of the Communist Party National Committee, formerly active in the Young Communist League, claiming to have seen Mr. Davis from 1928 through the early Thirties at Communist meetings, observing him making reports, taking notes, and joining him in planning Communist infiltration of the armed forces, among other things. They present a short excerpt from the testimony.

The U.S. District Court in the case had provided the defendants with highly competent counsel from among the most respected, conservative law firms in Philadelphia, with Thomas McBride heading the defense team. They had studied the records of previous cases where Mr. Crouch had been a Government witness, including the second trial in 1949 of West Coast longshoremen union leader Harry Bridges. Mr. Bridges's lawyer in that case had questioned Mr. Crouch regarding his knowledge of all members of the Communist National Committee, including Mr. Davis and another defendant about whom Mr. Crouch had testified in the Kuzma trial, at which earlier time he had testified that he knew neither of the men, denying four times that he had any knowledge of Mr. Davis, even after Mr. Bridges's attorney sought to refresh his recollection with the Communist Party record of Mr. Davis. During the Kuzma trial, after the defense counsel was able to establish Mr. Crouch's supposed clear recollection of Mr. Davis, he impeached him with his prior testimony in the Bridges case. Mr. Crouch was then silent for about half a minute and proceeded to explain that he had no recollection of his denial of knowledge of Mr. Davis in that earlier trial, but then added that he presumed he had so testified, saying eventually that the questioning at the Bridges trial had been so rapid that he did not have time to recall names. But he had also testified at the earlier trial that he knew several Davises in the Communist Party, but no David Davis. On re-direct examination, the Government did not attempt to rehabilitate Mr. Crouch's inconsistencies other than to have him point out Mr. Davis again as having definitely been involved in party activities at the earlier time.

On that basis, Attorney General Brownell had initiated the perjury investigation of Mr. Crouch. The outcome of that case, however, would not necessarily clear Mr. Davis and his co-defendants in the Kuzma case, as they were all known members of the Communist Party and had likely done worse things than those to which Mr. Crouch, originally from North Carolina, had linked them. But since Mr. Crouch was a paid informant of the Government, his performance in the latter trial had raised questions as to whether he should be used in such capacity in the future.

Doris Fleeson indicates that Republicans in Congress believed that they would be helped by the Supreme Court's decision in Brown v. Board of Education, handed down Monday. They expected it to be especially helpful in Senate races in Illinois, Minnesota and New Mexico, where they hoped to be able to beat Democratic liberals, and in Michigan and Massachusetts, where Republican incumbents were being strongly challenged. But Democrats countered that in all the states outside the South where there were important contests, the Democratic candidates had strong civil rights records which would make it unlikely that Republican opponents would benefit from Brown. She indicates that such appeared to be the case.

It was conceded by Democratic political managers that Senator John Sparkman of Alabama might have been hurt in the primary in that state had the decision been rendered earlier, but the Senator had already defeated a vigorous states' rights candidate, Congressman Laurie Battle.

The only likely result of the decision would be to make it difficult for the Dixiecrats in the South to continue to support the President. But the Administration had failed in any event to follow up on its Southern triumphs of 1952. Even in promising Florida, the traditional Republicans, who liked to keep their clubs small and select, were back in control.

Senator Richard Russell of Georgia had surprised his colleagues by the vehemence of his denunciation of the Brown decision, an act which could be fatal to his further presidential aspirations, which he had denied having. Governor Herman Talmadge was considering a run against him in the primary, and so the Senator had to issue a strong statement regarding states' rights.

Observers in Washington wondered how the Supreme Court could have rendered an unanimous opinion on segregation, regarding it as a reflection of their political awareness and experience in social problems. With the exception of Justice Felix Frankfurter, who had been a Harvard law professor prior to being appointed by FDR to the Court in 1939, all of the Justices had come to the Court by way of politics. And Justice Frankfurter had held important political posts, such as assistant to Secretaries of War and Labor. Justices Hugo Black and Sherman Minton had both been Senators, prominent in shaping the New Deal, and Justices Robert Jackson and Tom Clark had both been Attorneys General. Justice Harold Burton had been a Republican Senator before being appointed by President Truman in 1945. Justice William O. Douglas had been the first chairman of the Securities and Exchange Commission and a leading Roosevelt brain-truster, prior to his appointment in 1939. She omits Justice Stanley Reed, who had been Solicitor General prior to his appointment to the Court in 1938.

Senator John Stennis of Mississippi had said that "members of the Court abandoned their role as judges of the law and organized themselves into a group of social engineers," a statement which Ms. Fleeson regards as ringing true. But outside the South, the Court would appear to many to have acted with both political awareness and social responsibility, having postponed the decision beyond the election year in 1952, and also reflecting social responsibility when it delayed implementation of the decision until hearing from the impacted states.

A letter writer believes that doing away with segregation would never work, that there would be a war before people would send their children to school "with colored". She says that there would be more trouble than the world had ever known and wants the public to be given the chance to vote on the matter, as they paid taxes and the majority should rule. She thinks that blacks should have good schools, churches, and hospitals, but finds that "God's word never said mix up together." She questions how some people would like to see their child riding around with a Negro boy, and she is ashamed that people "are that way" and hopes that the people would band together and go to work to "stop this mixing Negro and white". She would never send her grandchild to a school with Negroes.

A letter writer from Fairmont indicates that he had just returned from Brookford, a mill town about three miles from Hickory, where he had been conducting a revival as a black Baptist minister at the Brookford Baptist Church, "a church for all people". He says that his stay at the church had been so receptive that he could not pass the temptation of writing about the unusual incident. During his five days spent there, he never had a moment of dissatisfaction or regret, and the only time he thought about being black was when he looked in the mirror. Each evening, his congregation was white, with two exceptions, and during the week, he had non-segregated meals with white parishioners. The question which was of greatest concern to people was why the Christian church did not take the lead in race relations rather than following the decisions of the Supreme Court. He finds it anomalous that people of different races sat together on buses and trains, lived in the same communities, played on sports teams together, ate together in some restaurants, went to school together, but had to separate in church. He says that the fellowship movement had begun a little more than a decade earlier at Brookford and the pastor, who had been there about 25 years, had been criticized, threatened, burdened and isolated. But he was willing to suffer for the cause of Christ and had gained many disciples in the process. He wants Christians to wake up and lead instead of following, suggests that the pastor at Brookford, W. C. Laney, had set a good pattern.

A letter writer from Newton discusses the "infamous decision by the so-called Supreme Court", requiring the people of the South and North Carolina to fight it with more than "loud-mouthed resistance". He finds some of the headlines on the subject shocking, such as, "North Carolina Accepts Court Ruling in Good Grace". He regards that as a false headline because the people of the state were not surprised by the decision as the entire Supreme Court had been appointed and created by President Roosevelt, "the foolish", and by President Truman, "the damned and infamous". He forgets about President Eisenhower having appointed Chief Justice Earl Warren the previous October. He finds Justice Frankfurter, with his parents having been born in Europe, Justice Hugo Black, "ex Ku Kluxer", and "other enemies of the South", including Justice William O. Douglas, "the extreme liberal", and Chief Justice Warren, "the political catchall from California elected Governor in that state time and again by catering to all voters instead of the Republican or Democratic parties", having been responsible for "the most vicious political attempt that has been attempted since the Civil War against the South."

Where do the moderate to conservative Justices Burton, Minton and Jackson figure into your analysis of the unanimous decision?—not neglecting to realize that during the previous term of the Court, when Brown was also being considered while Chief Justice Fred Vinson was still alive, future conservative Justice and eventual Chief Justice William Rehnquist had been a law clerk for Justice Jackson. They's all lib'rals and radicals, though, ain't they? gettin' nat Commonist indocterunation down 'ere in the law skuuuls. Ever'body knows that when they was passin' that there 14th Amendment that the South wa'n't in 'ere anyway, and those who done it was winkin' or they wouldn't a-passed the separate-but-equal just a few years later, after they done seen what happened with 'em takin' over ever'thing.

Framed Edition
[Return to Links
Page by Subject] [Return to Links-Page by Date] [Return to News<i><i><i>—</i></i></i>Framed Edition]
Links-Date Links-Subj.