The Charlotte News

Saturday, April 10, 1954


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Attorney General Herbert Brownell had said the previous night in a nationally televised speech that the FBI, the Justice Department and the courts were ever vigilant but that the nation needed more stringent laws to dig Communists from hiding. He left the impression that those three governmental organs would be sufficient to get the job done, apart from Congressional committee investigations into domestic Communism. He said that new laws were needed to destroy the Communist Party in the country by legal and orderly processes, enabling elimination of Communist control of industrial organizations or labor unions in vital sections of the economy, and enabling imposition of the death penalty for peacetime as well as wartime espionage. His speech drew praise from both Republicans and Democrats.

At the request of Senator McCarthy, the Investigations subcommittee, set to begin hearings on his dispute with the Army, had agreed to postpone the start of the hearings by one day, to April 22, to allow time for him to make a scheduled Texas Independence Day speech in Houston on April 21. Senator Karl Mundt, acting chairman of the subcommittee during the special investigation, said that closed-door meetings would take place instead on April 21, regarding preliminary matters to the public hearings. Senator McCarthy, in Tucson the previous day, said that he intended to discuss publicly his charge made on the CBS program "See It Now" the prior Tuesday, allotted the full half-hour to respond to Edward R. Murrow's program of March 9 devoted to the rise to power of Senator McCarthy, that there had been an 18-month delay in development of the hydrogen bomb because of Communists or Communist sympathizers within the Government. The President had already responded at his press conference the following day that he knew of no such delay in the development of the bomb.

In Chicago, Senator Hubert Humphrey said this date, before the annual convention of the Americans for Democratic Action, that the ADA had fought Communism in America "long before" Senator McCarthy and "before it became fashionable for a lot of politicians to do so." He said that long before the Senator had made his February, 1950 speech in Wheeling, W. Va., claiming that 204 Communists were present in the State Department, the ADA had inflicted great and decisive defeats on the Communists within the country. He cited the ADA's rallying of millions of Americans to support the programs of resistance to Communist aggression, such as the Truman Doctrine of military aid to Greece and Turkey, and the Marshall Plan, to provide aid to rebuild postwar Europe, programs which the Senator said might one day be remembered as the turning points in the annals of the century. He said that when the ADA had been founded in 1946, the members had to fight both isolationists and Communists. Adlai Stevenson, in a Chicago hospital for treatment of a kidney ailment, sent a message to the convention saying that he hoped attacks on the ADA did not mean that there were people who did not believe that an organization could be for greater freedom, justice and opportunity for all and against Communism at the same time. Senator McCarthy and some other Republicans had attacked the ADA, which generally had supported both the Truman and Roosevelt Administrations. Senator Herbert Lehman of New York said in a letter to Eleanor Roosevelt, the honorary chairman of the organization, that Senator McCarthy was "relatively unimportant" and that his power was waning.

At the U.N., delegates from the West solidly supported a proposal for private talks among the Big Four nations, Canada and Russia regarding world disarmament, with Russia asking for time to study the plan. A British delegate had made the proposal before the U.N. Disarmament Commission the previous day, to take the discussions out of the public eye. U.S. chief delegate Henry Cabot Lodge, Jr., seconded the proposal, as did the lead delegate for France. Ambassador Lodge said that the country would never consent to "any shadow agreement which would gamble with our security", nor would it expect the Soviet Union to do so, that only a "real agreement" was worth anything to either nation. He said that the subcommittee might consider a recent call by India's Prime Minister Nehru for an immediate moratorium on all further hydrogen bomb tests. Most delegates expected the Russians to agree to the secret talks, but some observers wondered whether Russia might be preparing to insist on participation in the talks by Communist China.

Secretary of State Dulles said, following a conference with the President this date, that he was flying to Europe to seek British and French cooperation in forming a united front against the Communist threat to Southeast Asia. He was scheduled to reach London late on Sunday, after departing this date from Washington, and then to fly to Paris on Tuesday, to return to Washington by the end of the following week. He said that the purpose of the U.S. was not to prevent a peaceful settlement at the upcoming April 26 Geneva conference, "but to create the unity of free will needed to assure a peaceful settlement which will in fact preserve the vital interests of us all."

From Hanoi, it was reported by the French high command that troops rallying from the French fortress at Dien Bien Phu had inflicted "heavy losses" on the Vietminh and smashed a network of rebel trenches on the eastern side of the fortress. French infantrymen, spearheaded by tanks and following three hours of artillery bombardment, had attacked the Vietminh, and, at the point of bayonets, driven them from a hill position in the east. They were then driven from a series of winding trenches in bloody hand-to-hand combat. The French high command said that losses of the French troops had been "appreciable". Earlier, the French had announced that the Vietminh had staged a sneak attack on the main airstrip at the fortress the previous night and blown up the northeast section, by placing bamboo poles stuffed with nitroglycerin under the field's steel matting. The damage had been repaired, however, despite a Communist artillery barrage.

In Raleigh, Representative Adam Clayton Powell of New York told members of the North Carolina Teachers Association, comprised of black teachers, that the Supreme Court was tied four to four on the issue of abolishing school segregation, with Chief Justice Earl Warren abstaining from the vote—which, had that been the case, as it obviously was not, would have meant that the lower court rulings in each of the five cases before the Court, from school districts in Kansas, South Carolina, Virginia, Delaware and D.C., all subsumed under Brown v. Board of Education, would have stood. He said that he had a feeling that the Chief Justice would, however, cast a vote in the end which would render a 5 to 4 decision in favor of abolishing segregation. He said that the decision would be the most important governmental action since the Civil War and would come as a "complete shock to whites and Negroes having separate schools", that the shock could be absorbed by spreading integration over a three-year period, during the first year of which white and black children of preschool age and the first three grades would attend classes together, then the next four grades in the second year would be integrated, and the remaining grades in the third year. He believed that such a transition would be as hard for the black students as for the white students, and that the whole question of equality was a moral question, making it difficult. He said that when members of different races wanted to meet socially, they would, and that no law would be needed for it. He stated, "The immorality of America has caused the need of laws to bring about what God ordained", equal rights for all races. He said that it was not a Christian nation but rather a nation of church-goers, and that if Christ were present on the scene, "it would be to be crucified again—or lynched."

In Toledo, O., a house painter, who had been a resident of the city for 18 years and whose only known police record had been a traffic summons for having no muffler on his car, had been identified by police as an escapee in 1936 from a Huntsville, Texas, penitentiary where he had been serving a life term as an habitual criminal, having since successfully deceived his family about his past. He had first come to the attention of authorities two weeks earlier while stopping to get water for his car's radiator, when his young son noticed a red toy fire engine on a sidewalk nearby, picked it up, prompting a man to stick his head out of his house and yell that the boy was stealing the fire engine, whereupon the boy dropped it and ran back to the car, at which point his father drove them away, only to have the angry man who believed the boy was stealing the fire engine take down the license number and summon police about what he thought was an attempted theft. Detectives went to the man's home and after questioning both father and son, booked the father on a charge of contributing to the delinquency of a minor. Police then routinely recorded and circulated his fingerprints, after which they received a telegram from Texas authorities identifying him as the 1936 escapee under a different name, given a life sentence for a series of burglaries.

In New York, a 17-year old, who, for the previous 18 months, had been employed by a Greenwich Village rubber casting firm to cash a weekly payroll check at a neighboring bank and then pick up coffee and sandwiches for fellow employees, had encountered a holdup man who cornered him and demanded "the payroll", then surrendering to the bandit what he had, some change and sandwich orders, as the boss of the company had forgotten to give him the payroll check for deposit.

Harry Shuford of The News reports that the five former members of the Mecklenburg County Draft Board, who had resigned after saying they had received "political pressure" from some unknown source in Washington to delay for 60 days the induction of an unnamed individual from Charlotte, whose identity was being presumed, continued to resist making any public statements on the matter and apparently had no change of attitude. Director of Selective Service, General Lewis Hershey, visiting Raleigh, had said that the matter was between the Board and him, and that they had a perfect right to resign for not liking what he had done, and that he had nothing but praise for the Board, that full responsibility lay with him. The person who was presumed to be in issue was a student at UNC, a former high school basketball star in Charlotte, who was scheduled to graduate from UNC in June, and for whom his father had admitted interceding on his behalf to obtain a 60-day deferment of his draft induction to permit him to finish his college degree. Again, without a war on, what the hell is the big deal?

On the editorial page, "Draft Postponement Needs Explanation" indicates that two members of the local county draft board had been there since it had gone into operation in 1940, while another had served since July, 1952, and a fourth, since September, 1952. All five members of the board were prominent citizens of the community and all were responsible and mature, experienced in administering Selective Service regulations, and familiar with the types of pressure applied at every level of the Selective Service system on behalf of individual registrants facing induction.

Thus, it finds that for the five men to have resigned in protest over "political pressure" applied to them at the national level, constituted prima facie evidence of irregular conduct either by some official at national headquarters or by some outsider, or both.

It finds that there must have been a reason why the Selective Service director, General Hershey, personally had overridden the unanimous recommendations of the Mecklenburg County board and the State appeals board, postponing the induction of the Charlotte registrant. It had been the first time that General Hershey had overruled the local board and finds his statement in Raleigh the previous day that he did not know what political pressure was to be too naïve to go unchallenged.

It indicates that it would become imperative for someone at some level of the draft system to reveal what pressure had been applied and by whom, so that confidence of the people in the impartiality of the draft would continue and elected officials in Washington who had no hand in it would not be blamed.

Hey, droopy drawers, it is not that easy, as you well know as a college graduate, to resume college work where one leaves off, 60 days before graduation, without having to repeat a whole semester of work, whereas, presumably, if an employer has any continuing need for a worker, a worker who was drafted can return to his old job without having to lose wage status, seniority or other perqs—not so the college student having his education interrupted mid-semester. And if the worker encounters such difficulties and is not covered in his reinstatement by union contract conditions or legislation at the state or Federal level, often the case, then the job was probably not worth having in the first place and he is better off with a hitch in the Army. You are appealing to the rank sympathies of the peanut gallery, just to attract readers to Betty Boyer's weekly "Grocery News" column and its sponsored foods, and you know it.

"Wiretap Bill Would Do Little Good" indicates that there was considerable doubt that any law which would permit the use of wiretap evidence in court would be held constitutional, but separate from that issue, it posits, as well as from the moral and ethical questions, such legislation would not serve any useful purpose.

It finds that the bill which had been passed by the House two days earlier had been aimed at spies, saboteurs, persons accused of espionage, sedition or seditious conspiracy, or charged with violation of the internal security or atomic energy acts, and would empower FBI or intelligence agents to wiretap suspects after receiving a Federal court order approving same, and then would permit use of that obtained evidence in court. But the use of such a law had as an assumption that such individuals would conduct their business over the telephone, which the piece believes false, as no spy in their right mind would ever resort to the telephone under such conditions, knowing that the conversation might be tapped and usable subsequently in a court prosecution.

It suggests that such a bill might enable use of evidence already in FBI files in subsequent prosecutions, but no one with lack of access to those files could determine that advantage.

Moreover, such a bill would add another piece to the increasing puzzle before the world's view of a great, powerful and democratic nation, the ideal of free peoples everywhere, so panicked by the threat of Communism and so unsure of its time-tested processes of justice that it was willing to imitate the enemy it opposed. It suggests that if the inability to use wiretap evidence could be shown to constitute a "clear and present" danger to U.S. security, it would not object to the passage of such a law, but that thus far, that danger had not been conclusively demonstrated.

"Higher County School Levy Needed" indicates that the Mecklenburg Board of Commissioners had levied the full 20-cent tax assessment for the County school system, as requested by the School Board, revenue which would help narrow the gap between teacher salaries in the county and those in the city. But a question arose as to whether it would be enough. It indicates that the residents of the county area had shown commendable zeal in petitioning the Board to request the full 20 cents to boost salaries, and suggests that they ought go one step further and petition the County Board of Commissioners for a new election on a higher maximum levy, as the schoolchildren in the county area deserved no less than those of the city insofar as having the best equipped teachers available, and a higher supplement would help accomplish that.

A piece from the Baltimore Evening Sun, titled "Women and Mink", indicates the Senator Paul Douglas, usually sensible, had gotten his women mixed up in his attempt to fight social justification for "purely political finagling" with the excise taxes. Taking aim at the Republican excise tax cuts, which lowered the Federal tax on furs and jewelry but not on household appliances, Senator Douglas had said that it encouraged a woman to wear a mink coat but taxed her if she did not toast her bread in an old oven, use an old icebox or heat her flatiron on a kitchen range fired by wood and coal.

The piece finds the statement to be "baloney", but that it had placed the Senator on the side of his female constituents. He had, however, gotten carried away when he said that he did not think a woman's spirit should be broken and then her back bowed under a mink coat, all in the name of revenue.

It wonders whether Senator Douglas knew anything at all about women, as no female over 15 would consider it punishment to have her back bowed by a mink coat rather than have an electric toaster, electric refrigerator and stove, and suggests that the only reason his arguments carried the day in the Senate must have been because there was only one female Senator.

Drew Pearson indicates that William White, president of the New York Central and spearhead of the battle of the railroad giants for control of the second largest railroad in the country, had fulfilled the American tradition of working up from the bottom of the ladder. He had started as the son of a master mechanic who migrated to the country from Holland, becoming a railroad man at age 16 to support his family, just as Chief Justice Earl Warren had gone to work at an early age for the railroads to support his family following the murder of his father. As one of the youngest railroad presidents, at 55, he had spent 39 years with the railroads, most of which had been spent on the Erie, where his ambition had been to become a division superintendent by age 30, which he had accomplished in 1937. Subsequently, he had become vice-president of Virginia Railway, then president of the Delaware and Lackawanna at age 43, and for the previous two years, president of the New York Central.

Mr. Pearson had previously interviewed for television Robert Young, who was battling Mr. White for control of the Central, and wanted now to get the other side. Mr. White had told him that Mr. Young had made people believe that he had done a great job for the Chesapeake & Ohio, but that, in fact, every one of the things he had started, had been dropped because they were not practical or were too expensive, having opposed the use of diesel locomotives in 1947 because he believed it would use up oil reserves of the country, taking Mr. Young two years to find out that the other railroads had been correct in making the switch to diesel. Mr. White said that he agreed with Mr. Young's idea of putting a woman stockholder on the board of directors if she would add something to the direction of the railroad, but opposed appointment of a woman merely because of her sex. He also said that Mr. Young's suggestion of placing a retired engineer on the board of the Central would not fool the working man, who was no dummy, and that the move played to Mr. White's hands as Mr. Young was attempting to fool the people. When asked about the sale of 800,000 shares of the Central stock by the C & O to Mr. Young's friends in Texas, Mr. White had said that the C & O stockholders had been told that the Central stock was a good investment, but that a few weeks later, it had been sold to Clint Murchison and Sid Richardson, the oil magnates, and so Mr. White's supporters were convinced that the C & O stockholders were just pawns in the situation.

Mr. Pearson notes that there were six weeks still to go before the May 26 stockholders' meeting to determine who would get control of the Central.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop begin with a quote from Secretary of State Dulles: "Sometimes it is necessary to take risks to win peace." They observe that hardly anyone yet seemed to realize how serious the risks were which Secretary Dulles, with the President's consent, was prepared to take, the most serious of which would be the risk of general war. He had said, effectively, that failure to negotiate an acceptable settlement of the war in Indo-China at the forthcoming Geneva peace conference, set to begin April 26, would invite "united action", underscoring that warning by initiating diplomatic talks with France, Britain, Australia, New Zealand, the Philippines and Siam. The Secretary had refused to provide advance detail of just what he meant by "united action", but one key diplomat in Washington had interpreted "action" to mean troops, not just money, to be sent by the U.S. and other free nations to Indo-China to bolster the French and native Vietnamese forces.

France had stated that they could not, or would not, continue the war on its present basis after Geneva, but appeared likely to agree to continue the supply of the main force of non-Asian ground troops, a precondition attached by Secretary Dulles for further aid, made in his recent New York speech. Thus, for the present, no one was predicting the participation of several U.S. divisions in that war, as had been the case in Korea. But "united action" meant, inescapably, direct participation of U.S. forces in the war, causing the risks of a general war, as most French officials, as well as some American and British officials, believed that any direct U.S. participation in the war would ensure full-scale intervention by the Communist Chinese, as had been the case in Korea in fall, 1950. The U.S. was committed in that event to retaliate, and the mildest form of that retaliation would be bombing of the southern Chinese supply lines, in which case the Chinese probably would invoke the Sino-Soviet treaty, placing Russia in the position of choosing between abandoning its Chinese ally or risking world war. It was, suggest the Alsops, because of that nightmarish choice that there was hope that "united action" would never become necessary.

Prior to the Korean truce the prior July, Secretary Dulles had a private talk with Indian Premier Nehru, to use him as a conduit to let the Communist side know that the alternative to a truce in Korea would be an enlarged war. He was known to believe that the warning, coupled with other warnings, had finally enabled the truce.

In the recent Berlin Big Four foreign ministers conference, the Secretary had a similar private talk with Soviet Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov, in which he had told Mr. Molotov, effectively, that the U.S. would fight, however reluctantly, rather than see Indo-China absorbed into the Soviet-Communist empire. The "united action" speech and the diplomatic talks in Europe served to underscore that warning.

The Soviet Ambassador to France, Sergei Vinogradov, for example, recently had told French Foreign Minister Georges Bidault that he was certain that some acceptable formula for peace in Indo-China could be found at Geneva, and a recent speech by a Chinese Politburo member, Chen Yun, had indicated that the Vietminh might have to be abandoned in the interests of world peace. Thus, the warnings of Secretary Dulles could be seen as having an effect. But there were other signs pointing in a different direction, as Soviet diplomats were repeating that China was a sovereign nation with a will of its own, and one Russian diplomat had remarked to a Western colleague that "the American Senate will never agree to send troops to Indochina", which appeared as a hint that the Kremlin believed that the Secretary was bluffing.

But, the Alsops state firmly, Mr. Dulles was not bluffing, though he was gambling in a way which involved considerable risks for both sides. That gamble might turn out badly, as one critic of the Secretary had stated that he was "an amateur poker player who has been inveigled into a chess game for enormous stakes with experts." The Secretary had, nevertheless, undertaken his gamble, convinced that the only alternative was the loss of Indo-China, a loss which could only be prelude to other and progressively more terrible disasters in Southeast Asia. It was comforting, they conclude, to recall that Mr. Dulles had gambled for high stakes before, in Iran as well as in Korea, and had won.

The metaphor of the critic of Secretary Dulles, suggesting him as "an amateur poker player ... inveigled into a chess game", mixed though it is as an amateur at poker could conceivably be an adept at chess, is nonetheless reminiscent of that made by W. J. Cash in 1938 regarding then-Ambassador to England Joseph P. Kennedy in dealing at Munich with Hitler's demand for the annexation of the Sudetenland, indicating that while shrewd at the game of poker in dealing with American businessmen, the Ambassador had been taken in by the nuances of the international game played by foreign heads of state, whereas the more experienced diplomat, William C. Bullitt, Ambassador to France, had sensed the impending sell-out of Czechoslovakia to the Germans by Britain and France. Would Secretary Dulles be hoodwinked or rooked by the Communists at Geneva regarding a negotiated peace for our time in Indo-China? Stay tuned...

By the way, the "indiscernible words" of the 1938 piece, which we could not detect in October, 2005 when we put it online, we may now confidently report, no longer reliant, as then, on faint copies made for a dime apiece on antiquated microfilm-copiers at the Charlotte Public Library—cheaper, however, than the quarter apiece copies then available at Wilson Library at UNC, until, during the summer of 2005, the latter added a couple of computers coupled to their old microfilm readers, enabling free downloads rather than the faint physical copies having then to be transcribed, hence the ability to produce whole pages of The News rather than laboriously rendering two copies, at veinte centavos per diem of print, just to get a semi-readable editorial column, necessitously therefore skipping the rest of the page and front page, that column, despite considerable amplification on the machine, on many such initial replications, sometimes requiring several attempts from the same edition to afford any reasonable discernibility at all, then, in instances of the worst fading, having to be taken out into the yard and viewed in sunlight under a magnifying glass to make semi-sense of the most recondite squigglies, the advance in technology at Chapel Hill thus leading to our change then in format, presenting the whole pages, preserving in the process our eyes from degeneration, and resulting in considerable acceleration of the project, to both of which libraries, notwithstanding their unavoidably old, clunky machines, we remain indebted for providing the sine qua non for this project's birth—, read "facial expressions". As with most technological advancements, however, something of the zen, appreciation for the older, slower means of research, is probably lost in the easier labor.

Doris Fleeson, in Atlanta, indicates that Georgians graded the Administration close to zero with respect to its contributions toward a two-party South. Nationally, Republicans had made only negligible gains in Georgia and had not really tried to make any. Old time Republicans in the state grumbled that they were being ignored on patronage jobs by the Administration, while Democrats still received those jobs. They believed that the gimmick was to become a personal friend of the President or an important Administration figure. There was one exception, Elbert Tuttle, former Republican state chairman and generally well regarded, who was presently counsel to the Treasury Department. But otherwise, the Republicans of Georgia had received no appointments.

Governor Herman Talmadge, who could not run again as Governor, had decided not to contest Senator Richard Russell in the Democratic primary, of importance because Senator Russell was one of the few Senators who could lead his colleagues on both sides of the aisle. Ms. Fleeson indicates that the Senator was expected to revive his candidacy for the presidency in 1956. Governor Talmadge had apparently decided to run against the other Senator, Walter George, in 1956. Despite the latter's advancing years, there was no present indication that he intended to retire. He had assumed the role of mentor toward young liberals and conceded that they were teachable. That which had surprised his conservative admirers even more was his sponsorship of the amendment to raise personal income tax exemptions. He apparently had accepted the flattering role offered him by Senate Minority Leader Lyndon Johnson that he could be the savior who would put the Democrats back in power and re-elect his friends and supporters.

The President had not carried Georgia in 1952, the state instead giving to Adlai Stevenson his greatest majority, despite a lot of money having been spent on behalf of General Eisenhower's candidacy in the major cities of Georgia, such as Atlanta. Governor Stevenson had gratefully acknowledged his support in Georgia by visiting Atlanta, including an appearance before the State Legislature and a visit to the Governor's mansion. Since that visit, Georgia had become the first state to fill its quota for the DNC, a fact which Governor Talmadge related with apparent pride. That was more interesting since the Governor had expressed his willingness to speak for Georgia Democrats for General Eisenhower in 1952, but had been turned down by the Eisenhower Republicans, stating that they wanted a two-party system untainted by renegades.

A letter writer suggests that grouping slower children with brighter students in school did not necessarily encourage the slower children to achieve, that when slow children were grouped together, leaders developed among them, with the opportunity for development of initiative which could never have occurred if they were grouped only with children of superior ability. Research had shown that a child should not be introduced to reading until his or her mental age reached six or seven, that a younger mental age risked failure or slow progress under severe emotional handicaps, that slower children who had problems with reading could only have that remedied through painstaking and systematic teaching of phonetics—probably meaning phonics, that is the sounds associated with the written word and its constituent parts, so as to enable, to the extent the erratic English language affords, some ability to extrapolate from one combination of sound and visual recognition of letters to another when seen as part of another word. (It also helps to keep a dictionary nearby when one is young and learning how to pronounce those funny little squiggles on the page and what some of the more abstruse and unfamiliar forms mean, rather than guessing from context, which the lazy reader will do, often as not being quite wrong. A case in point is the Hollywoodized form of the familiar "homage", pronounced as would be "frontage" combined with "hominy" or by dropping the hard "h", fancied up instead with some neologistic patois of an unknown French word, "o-mage"—pronounced cheesily as fromage—, which isn't. As we have previously confessed, for several years while growing up, having never encountered or been introduced to a Penelope in person, every time we saw the name in reference to Greek mythology or in the context of a story, we pronounced it to ourselves, fortunately never called upon in class to do so aloud, as rhyming with "envelope" or "antelope".) She indicates that there were famous "schoolboy dunces", such as Lord Byron, Sheridan—presumably, based on the principle of ejusdem generis, referring to the General—, Patrick Henry, Wellington and U.S. Grant, who had succeeded in spite of their poor showing. (She leaves out Albert Einstein, who reportedly was rather average in mathematics—probably prompting some of his cruel schoolmates, when he would puzzle them, in his spare time, with his own theorems, to say something like: "Who do you think you are, some kind of Einstein?") She concludes that the point to be maintained in mind was that the failing child was not receiving the right kind of education, that his failure to pass was a failure on the part of the educational procedure used to produce the expected results, and that each failure constituted the demand for education along new lines, that education had to avoid doing the "spiritual injury of branding the child a failure."

But one can go much too far in the other direction, not providing enough limited verbal chastisement to the young child, with sufficient plasticity of mind and character to bounce back from ostensibly rough treatment by well-meaning teachers, just as Maestro Arturo Toscanini was often rough with his quite accomplished musicians, to bring the best out in them, such that coddling of students with promise, who nevertheless show ineptitude in certain areas, can devolve to nothing more than condescending massaging of bad study habits, poor resolve to do better, lack of sufficient curiosity, too many outside distractions, and other contributing factors to poor or only average academic performance by someone the teacher knows can do better, by their accomplishments in certain areas or standardized test results. There is nothing harmful to a child about urging them to do better, as long as the urging does not also involve outright degradation in front of the other students, producing more anger at the academic process than resolve to be more assiduous in academic research and accomplishment.

A letter writer from Marshville, N.C., indicates that on April 2, Adlai Stevenson had revived "a country tired and weary of peace, honesty and good government", with his message of a "Different Deal". He suggests that Mr. Stevenson had, until 1952, been "an unknown outside his own mediocre sphere of influence", while now being a world-wide figure, despite being thoroughly defeated by the electorate, still being "audacious in his ego". He finds Charlotte to have been fortunate in hosting Mr. Stevenson, and that his vocabulary, which far exceeded "the first three letters in the alphabet", had been sufficient evidence of his worth. He thinks that added to "Benny the Big-Hearted", "Cantor the Bachelor", and "Three-Letter Harry"—presumably referring to Jack Benny, Eddie Cantor and former President Truman, respectively, or someone—, was "Adlai the Medicine Man", a "great dispenser of snake-oil cures", which he thinks might be named "Ad-a-li-myo-cin".

That is very clever. You ought to go on the Marshville stage, where, we are certain, you will receive an enormous amount of laughter. But perhaps, by the summer of 1974, a good deal of that laughter will have subsided and turned to grim distress, even though Governor Stevenson would no longer still be around to see it, at least corporeally.

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