The Charlotte News

Tuesday, February 9, 1954


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson said at a press conference this date that he thought a military victory, as opposed to a negotiated peace, was perhaps possible and probable in the war in Indo-China, and saw no reason to believe that it would turn into another Korea, that it "was going along fully as well as we and the French expected it to at this stage." He also said that he did not believe it was necessary to provide aid to the French at a higher level at the present time, and would not advocate providing 230-mm atomic cannon or tactical atomic bombs at the present, that he did not believe Indo-China was the place to use such weaponry and that the people did not know how to use them. He qualified his statements, which were made as answers to press questions, by indicating that the situation depended on who the enemy was and what it did. He said that the U.S. would not seek to dominate the French in trying to negotiate a truce, but that the two countries were allies and that the U.S. would aid the situation in any way it could. He stated that Lt. General John W. O'Daniel, commander of the Army forces in the Pacific, who had just returned from an inspection tour of Indo-China, was in Washington for conferences and to provide a routine report and it was not yet decided whether he would be sent to replace someone presently in Indo-China.

In Saigon, it was reported that French and Laotian defenders of the Laotian capital, Luang Prabang, were bracing this date for an imminent attack from the Vietminh, who were reported to be on the banks of the Mekong River opposite the capital. King Sisavang Vong of Laos vowed again that the capital would be defended until the end, the same pledge he had made the previous spring when the Vietminh had moved to within 12 miles of the capital before withdrawing without a major battle. On this occasion, indications were that the battle would be joined and the French indicated that they had completed their major defenses against an attack. The Vietminh had invaded Laos from the north early the previous week, sending at least a division through the jungles and down the valleys of the Hou and Suong Rivers toward the capital. As the rebels had advanced, the French and Laotian forces and many civilians had withdrawn under the cover of intense French air bombardment, leaving rice stocks burning behind them in a scorched-earth strategy so that the invaders could not take advantage of them as a source of food. Though the Vietminh were reported officially to be within 25 miles of the capital, it was possible that advance troops were closer.

In Berlin, at the Big Four foreign ministers conference, Soviet Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov dominated the 14th session of the meeting, this one non-public, with inside sources stating that he had provided the Soviet impression of the German situation for most of two hours during the morning, though it could not be ascertained whether he had added anything new to the discussion. Austria's Foreign Minister, Leopold Figl, arrived at the conference to present his nation's case for immediate independence, the Austrian treaty possibly to come on the agenda the following Thursday or Friday. The Western attempt to have Russia prod Communist China into initiating the long delayed Korean peace conference, set by the terms of the Armistice to begin by late October, 1953, 90 days after the truce was signed, had apparently received a cool reception from Mr. Molotov. The matter had been presented apparently as a possible step toward ending the war in Indo-China. Sources said that Mr. Molotov made no promise one way or the other, but continued his demand for participation by Communist China in a five-power conference and for a separate disarmament conference outside the U.N., both ideas rejected by the Western Big Three foreign ministers, Secretary of State Dulles, British Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, and French Foreign Minister Georges Bidault. It was believed that the conference might end within a week to ten days without producing any new agreement of substantial importance.

In Rome, it was reported that Soviet Ambassador to Italy Mikhail Kostilev, reportedly a friend of purged and executed former Vice-Premier and head of the secret police L. P. Beria, had departed Rome this date for Moscow, to be replaced by Alexander Bogomolov, recently Ambassador to Czechoslovakia, expected to arrive in Rome within a week.

White House press secretary James Hagerty said this date that Republican criticism of the Truman Administration was "just giving the people the facts". Democrats had recoiled at Republican accusations that the Truman Administration had opened the Government to Communists who betrayed security secrets to Russia. Some of the Democratic criticism had been directed at the Administration's chief of staff, Sherman Adams, who had engaged in criticism of the Democrats during the previous weekend, the press secretary indicating that there was no need to defend Mr. Adams, that he was only providing the facts. Senator William Jenner of Indiana had declared in a speech the previous night in St. Paul, Minn., that when Republicans had taken over the Administration and Congress in 1953, it had found "heaps of evidence of the stupidity, the corruption, even the treason of its predecessors." He said that the previous Democratic Administrations of Presidents Roosevelt and Truman had "even tampered with the security of the United States and permitted traitors to bring us close to military defeat." The speech at a Lincoln Day banquet had prompted House Minority Leader Sam Rayburn of Texas to call on the President to speak out against such "mean, untrue and dastardly" statements, while Senator Stuart Symington of Missouri said that such "vicious and untruthful attacks" by high Administration officials could bring national disunity playing into the hands of a possible enemy. Senator Albert Gore of Tennessee replied in an interview that he believed that the people generally would resent such campaign talk, that it was an insult to the intelligence of the American people and would likely result in a Democratic victory in the midterm elections the following November.

A Senate Banking subcommittee continued its hearings into the increase in coffee prices, as New York coffee brokers refused this date voluntarily to make public a list of their customers who had been heavy traders or speculators in coffee, with one such witness indicating that he would only do so pursuant to a subpoena. Representative James Beall of Maryland, the chairman of the subcommittee, said that such a list of traders during the November-January period would be examined for possible relationship to the recent price increases, and that there was no desire to interfere with the confidential relationship between businesses and their customers and brokers. The president and vice-president of the New York Coffee and Sugar Exchange testified that they believed all exchange members would be willing to submit the lists voluntarily, and that they would obtain a vote on the matter as soon as possible. Mr. Beall indicated that the subcommittee would await the response before making a decision on whether to issue subpoenas for the lists.

In Greensboro, N.C., the coffee price situation had reached the disaster stage, with Greensboro's two Navy recruiters having reluctantly given up an old Navy custom of an all-day coffee hour, though visitors were still welcome to have a cup of tea brewed in the office coffee pot.

In Vatican City, the Vatican press office said that Pope Pius XII, 77, had spent a "fairly good" night and was continuing to make improvement from his gastritis attack which had beset him since January 25, confining him to his quarters, and that there was increasing optimism for his full recovery, though his condition still needed medical attention.

In Cleveland, O., a fox terrier puppy had chewed his way out of a crate and scampered from an airplane to freedom at Cleveland Hopkins Airport the previous day, as the dog had been scheduled to be shipped from Tulsa to Toronto. A reward for his return was offered by the airline. The story does not tell which airline. How would you collect? No sense searching for the puppy if you can't collect. Besides, there are a lot of fox terriers out there on the loose, and there is no distinguishing mark provided for the puppy, not even a name. Nor does it tell how much the reward would be; it might be only a dollar. There are easier ways to make a living. It would probably cost you more than the reward just to travel to Cleveland to start the search, which could take months with no guarantee of success or that someone else might find the puppy first. No future in it. Forget it. Puppy must remain lost, obviously did not want to make the trip in the first place.

In Danville, Va., a lone gunman this date held up and robbed the First National Bank branch office in a residential area, getting away with $33,500 out of $68,000 which the branch had on hand at the time of the robbery. The vice-president of the bank said that the man had only taken $10 denominations and above. An employee of the branch said that the robber had thrust a gun into his back as he had unlocked the bank door, marching him inside and forcing him to open the vault, with the robber saying that he could get away with it as he had a car outside.

Donald MacDonald of The News tells of a 2 1/2 year old boy who had drowned during the morning in the old Mercury Mill Pond off N. Caldwell Street in Charlotte, despite resuscitation efforts for nearly an hour by neighbors of the child, city firemen, members of the Charlotte Life Saving and First Aid Crew, and a nurse. Several neighbors told the fire department that they had been searching for the little boy for about a half hour before discovering him, pulling his floating body from the four or five-foot deep water into which he had apparently fallen. The fire chief said that within the previous decade, at least three other children had drowned in the pond and city policemen urged that a fence ought be constructed around it to avoid further accidents.

Also in Charlotte, a pair of City detectives had arrested an 18-year old male for allegedly seeking to hold up a cab driver at knife-point on January 24, following a clue that he was wearing "be-bop" glasses, that is frames without lenses. The youth was located in his bed at home and was subsequently chosen from a live lineup by the cab driver. The driver had reported to the police that his passenger had pulled a knife on him and said that he wanted everything he had, at which point the driver struggled with him and was knocked into semi-consciousness, before the passenger fled on foot after breaking his glasses and dropping them inside the cab. A warrant charging attempted robbery had been issued against the suspect and bond was set at $2,000. It was one of a series of robbery attempts which had occurred in the city in recent weeks. In another instance, an ex-convict had been arrested the previous night, admitting to recent holdups at two grocery stores and a home, and was also a suspect in a hold-up at a local drive-in theater on January 20.

Whether the suspect in the cabbie robbery was the only one in the line-up asked to wear be-bop glasses was not indicated.

As pictured, at Brooklyn police headquarters in New York, five detectives posed for a staged line-up, telecast via closed circuit, an experiment to determine whether such a telecast could be used to broadcast daily line-ups to all squad rooms in the city. If the suspect in question was not wearing a hat at the time of the offense, of medium stature and build, we would suggest that the line-up was unduly suggestive and a violation of due process, and any identification based thereon therefore inadmissible as evidence against the accused.

In New York, television comedian Jackie Gleason, confined to the hospital since breaking his leg after tripping on stage, probably killing the stage, was, according to the New York Daily Mirror, now embroiled in a triangle between his estranged wife and a shapely dancer visiting him in his hospital room. After Mrs. Gleason found out that the dancer, from his television show, was on her husband's visitor list and complained to her husband, "pow! away they went!", with Mr. Gleason losing his temper enough to demand a divorce from his wife, though cooling off later and saying that because of religious reasons, he would never seek one. The Mirror reported that Mrs. Gleason had inquired of the dancer as to whether she was in love with Mr. Gleason, to which the dancer replied in the affirmative, that she had not started going around with him until the couple had separated, which had occurred 18 months earlier. The Gleasons had married in 1936 when both were appearing in vaudeville. Mr. Gleason was reported as having said to a reporter, "Say, pal, looks like I've added a headache to my leg ache." He needs a puppy and maybe some homemade appetizer to cheer him up.

On the editorial page, "Rep. Speight Misses the Point" indicates that J. A. Speight, State Representative from Bertie County, had suggested that a committee representing the Legislature and the press ought be formed to try to resolve the impasse regarding the 1953 "secrecy law", which had changed the former requirement that budgetary matters be conducted in public session only, allowing them to occur in executive session, wanting that committee to prepare a bill or rule under which members could operate intelligently and the press would have free access to all of the facts.

It finds the approach wrong as the Representative had not called for the committee to have public members, approaching the matter as between the legislators and the press, when it actually involved the people. It suggests that such a committee might work out a satisfactory plan for all, but it doubts the prospect, though finding that if the attempt were to be made, it ought include public members.

"Talk, Talk, Till the Sun Goes Down" quotes from O. Henry's "Nothing To Say": "I have nothing to say on the question, sir;/ Nothing to say to you./ And then he talked till the sun went down/ And the chickens went to roost." It comments that were he writing presently, he might call it "The Soviet Diplomat". It finds that prior to the death of Stalin, most Russian diplomats, excepting their harangues before such bodies as the U.N., had provided abrupt, Marxist answers to most questions and posed few of their own, but that now, the Russian diplomats had suddenly become quite talkative on their own hook.

It had been hoped that the change would constitute a prelude to negotiation of some of the East-West differences, but it now appeared that the hope was baseless, as confirmed by the Berlin Big Four foreign ministers conference, wherein Soviet Foreign Minister V. M. Molotov fulfilled the role of the subject of O. Henry's poem. The West had again suggested free elections for Germany as a necessary preliminary step to unification, while the Soviets wanted a provisional government established first, prior to elections, assuring continuation of Communists in office. The Soviets continued to insist on the banning of atomic weaponry prior to consideration of participation in the President's proposed pooling of atomic energy for peaceful purposes. The Russians also continued to demand membership in the U.N. for Communist China, while the West insisted that the Korean peace conference had to finalize the peace in Korea and that China had to renounce aggression in Korea and Indo-China before membership in the U.N. could be considered.

It concludes, therefore, that those issues would probably remain after the conference, that some progress might be made in the area of East-West trade in non-strategic materials, as Russia had made some attractive suggestions to both Britain and the U.S. in that regard. Overall, however, the conference confirmed that not much had changed since the death of Stalin, and that the Soviet Union, insofar as its foreign policy objectives, had only changed tactics by adopting a more friendly stance with the West, especially toward France.

"Unimpressed" indicates that while one might praise the brilliance of the Post Office Department's decision to adopt golf bag carriers as push carts for mailmen and other like devices for facilitating delivery and sorting of the mail, it only had naughty words for Department head Arthur Summerfield and his crew until something was done about those "abominable, atrocious, antebellum post office pens."

"A Crisis Grows in Indochina" indicates that during the previous week or so, a number of speculative stories out of Washington had pointed to an early decision by the Administration to intervene more directly in the eight-year war in Indo-China between the French and Communist-led Vietminh rebels of Ho Chi Minh. The stories had it that the National Security Council had been considering new ways of aiding the French forces of General Henri Navarre, with Hanson Baldwin of the New York Times reporting that the use of U.S. ground, air and naval forces to assist the French was under consideration. The U.S. already was footing two-thirds of the cost of the war.

It observes that Indo-China posed a tough riddle for the Administration, that General Navarre's new military strategy adopted the previous year had not worked thus far, despite heavy reinforcements of fresh French troops and large amounts of U.S. military aid. The Vietminh were still strongly entrenched at many points in two of the three Associated States, Vietnam and Laos, Cambodia being the third. In Paris, there was growing and understandable weariness with the financial and manpower drain from the distant fighting, with the average Frenchman asking why the country should continue the fight against the Communists until victory was achieved, when U.N. forces had settled for a negotiated truce in Korea. The French also wondered why so much should be spent on freeing Indo-China from the Communists just to grant independence to the natives in the end.

While the questions were not easily answerable, Indo-China could not be permitted to fall to the Communists, as it was the gateway to Thailand, Burma and Malaya, all rich in strategic raw materials vital to the Western democracies in their economic and military struggles against Russian imperialism.

It concludes that whatever steps were finally determined as necessary by the NSC and the Administration, the plan would attract greater bipartisan support than had the intervention in Korea in mid-1950.

One might question that latter thought, given subsequent history, and why that was so, despite the Korean action having been undertaken pursuant to resolutions passed by the U.N., finding that the incursion of South Korea by North Korean forces constituted aggression which the U.N. was obliged to resist with force.

A piece from the Florida Times Union, titled "Journalese Is Respectable", tells of two English professors, Dr. Maxwell Goldberg of the University of Massachusetts and Dr. Glenn Griffin of Purdue, having complimented newspaper prose as being effectively informative and serving its purpose.

Journalese differed from essay writing, it points out, by its spare style, lack of embellishment and concision. The "inverted pyramid" was the label provided journalism's system of encapsulating a story in its first sentence, then presenting additional information to flesh out the matter, and finally providing minor details at the end. Many attributed the form to the early days of the telegraph when the instrument had not been too reliable, resulting in the likelihood that the story might not be transmitted in full, thus causing concentration to be placed on the meat of the story at its beginning. The form was still useful as it enabled an editor to trim the end of a story when it had to be shortened to fit on a particular page, also enabling the lazy reader to skim the high points from the top without bothering with the details—which, you might note, we regularly do in our synopses, especially of front-page matter, with the less important or overly redundant story, one repeated ad nauseam in earlier editions, usually obtaining short shrift, stressing the meat and leaving the chicken bones for you to pick at will. Hey, we took an introductory course in the history of journalism in college and did quite well in it. That is where we learned, for instance, all about the NBC Blue and NBC Red networks, as well yellow journalism. Thank ye, thank ye very much…

It concludes that thus restricted by form, the newspaper reporter served two masters, the art of journalism and the mechanical devices which conveyed the reporting to the public, and that it was gratifying that the reporter served both while maintaining favor with academics who adjudged use and style of the English language.

Drew Pearson tells of Senator Pat McCarran of Nevada having not only lobbied to get much of the funding through Congress for dictator Francisco Franco of Spain, but having also wanted to instruct the Spanish Government as to the technicians to hire in building the Spanish bases. He had telephoned Spain's Minister of Public Works to ask him to employ German technicians, and as a result of the call, the State Department was presently investigating to see whether the Senator had violated the Logan Act, prohibiting non-diplomats from meddling in the conduct of foreign affairs. Three years earlier, Senator McCarran had been so active in demanding 187 million dollars for Spain that France had awarded him the Grand Cross of Isabella. His recent phone call went further than anything he had done previously to meddle in Spanish-American affairs. Mr. Pearson provides a transcript of the phone call made from the Plaza Hotel in New York City. He indicates that the inside story was that Senator McCarran had been pulling wires both in Washington and Madrid to cut in a group of German contractors to the multi-million dollar Spanish base project, contractors who had offered to accept part of their payment in the form of surplus commodities from the Agriculture Department. The Senator had not told Spain, however, that the German contractors had agreed to purchase their heavy equipment from the Nevada office of Wells Fargo, a firm close to Senator McCarran.

The Pentagon was taking a second look at the military base agreement in Spain, concluding that the Senator had been so insistent on getting a good deal for Spain that he had neglected the U.S., which was coming out on the short end of the bargain. Under the agreement, Spain was not committed to fight on the side of the U.S. or even to allow the U.S. Air Force to use the bases in case of war; and after ten years, Spain could eject the U.S. and take over the bases, paying only scrap value for the expensive U.S. equipment. The U.S. would rebuild Spain's broken-down railroads and highways, revamp and re-equip Spain's military forces, provide economic aid, lay a 570-mile pipeline across three-quarters of the country, and spend more than 200 million dollars for the construction of the air bases, port facilities, communications systems and other facilities, all of which Spain could legally expropriate at scrap value ten years later. He points out that by contrast, the U.S. had a 99-year lease on all of the British islands of the Atlantic and Caribbean, in exchange for only the 50 old destroyers provided as the initial, informal lend-lease contribution in fall, 1940, arranged by FDR.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop find that the issue of the Bricker amendment regarding the treaty-making power and its ratification requirement by the Senate to be extended to executive agreements, was the first real test of the President's new leadership style, which, thus far, had proved "remarkably impressive". There had been the danger the prior year that the President would not be inclined to oppose the apparent will of Congress, a position which, had it continued, would have led to the passage of the Bricker amendment and its referral to the states for ratification by three-quarters of them. There had also been the danger that the President, having decided that the amendment had to be defeated, would undertake the task the wrong way.

They observe that the amendment was the culmination of 20 years of distrust of executive power in the Roosevelt and Truman Administrations by almost all Republicans and the majority of the Southern Democrats. The distrust continued in 1953, despite the new Republican Administration, the reason that Senator Bricker had been able to muster two-thirds of his colleagues to act as initial co-sponsors for the amendment.

If the President had been rigid and intransigent in the way he went about the opposition to the amendment, he might still have defeated it but would have assured a maximum amount of support for Senator Bricker, forcing him to depend on Democrats to rescue his position from Republican extremists, also causing bitterness within the Republican Party. Instead, while he had been firm, he had never become rigid and thereby had disappointed Democratic hopes of a divided Republican Party while outmaneuvering enemies within his own party.

Senator Bricker was disappointed that he had not been allowed to have his own way on the matter, and his allies, such as Senators Herman Welker of Idaho and George Malone of Nevada, were again grumbling about State Department plots. But only the bitter-enders of that type were now bitter, and they would go on being bitter unless the President chose to return to the isolationist times of President Warren G. Harding.

Senators William Knowland of California and Homer Ferguson of Michigan were confident that Republican support for the amendment had dropped to between 15 and 18 votes among Republicans, and even with the help of the most conservative Southern Democrats, it would only garner about a third of the 96 Senators, instead of the two-thirds which Senator Bricker thought he had in his corner. Senator Bricker thus had become willing to compromise by eliminating particularly controversial parts of the proposed amendment.

The Alsops conclude that the matter had proved educational for the President, that he no longer took his original hands-off attitude of letting Congress do as they chose after he had spoken his piece. They observe that it might not have worked out so well if the President had not been so patient while also being firm, or if Senators Knowland and Ferguson had not handled their parts well.

The Congressional Quarterly examines the bill authorizing U.S. participation in construction of the St. Lawrence Seaway, in combination with Canada, approved by the House Public Works Committee on February 3 after having passed the Senate January 20. Supporters of the project, including steel companies, farm organizations and other groups were fighting to obtain an early House floor vote on the measure, while railroads, coal and other interests which had opposed the project for 20 years, were undertaking a last-ditch effort to block it. Both sides were heavily lobbying members of the House, with recognition that all of the members had to stand for re-election in the coming fall.

The proponents argued that the proposed waterway was needed for defense in wartime and to stimulate trade and furnish access to Labrador iron ore in peacetime, while the opponents urged that it would be too expensive and would ruin railroads and Atlantic Coast ports.

A primary lobbying organization for the six major steel companies had testified before the Committee that only one-third of their funds came from the steel companies, with the remainder from other manufacturing and financial interests, plus public organizations. The piece tells of the lobbying group's principals, as well as other primary supporters of the Seaway.

A primary lobbying group opposing the project had been dubbed by its critics the "railroad lobby", to which its officials said that 75 percent of their funding had come from the Association for American Railroads, with some support also furnished by shipping and coal interests. The piece also relates of its principals, one of whom was a former writer for the Washington Post, Carlisle Bargeron, who had joined the lobbying group in 1949 as its executive vice-chairman, and another, Joseph Feeney, its chairman, had served as a legislative assistant to former President Truman from 1949 to 1953, then becoming vice-president of Republic Coal & Coke Co. The lobby was working closely with such groups as the Association of American Railroads, the UMW, the National Coal Association, the Merchant Marine Institute, various Atlantic port authorities, the AFL and several railroad brotherhoods.

A letter writer from Florence, S.C., comments on the February 4 editorial, "The Hate Campaign, Georgia Style", finding an official publication of the Georgia Department of Agriculture to be full of racist commentary, written by its commissioner, and distributed free of charge to Georgia farmers and newspapers, disgraceful to the State of Georgia. The writer indicates that he received the Georgia Farmers' Market Bulletin each week and appreciated the editorial commentary, which he found correct, the commissioner only quoting "the absolute truth" which he could prove, having the guts to publish the "facts".

The letter writer provides enduring proof that in certain quarters of Georgia, far from the madding crowd, though mad they be, there remains a streak of woolhat, redneck insanity, as was proved visibly in dramatic contrast to the more urbane Georgian, on successive days, January 5-6, 2021, with the results in the two Senate runoff races of Twelfth Night dramatically highlighting in juxtaposition the differences with the benighted more rural, small-town Georgia and other redneck enclaves, some in urban areas, a microcosmic divide characteristic of the entire country, as the latter showed their will to anarchy on the Day of the Epiphany, ordinarily dedicated to peaceful contemplation of the year past and that ahead, in storming the U.S. Capitol to "take back their country" from the thievish Republicans and Democrats whom they believed had combined to "steal" from them their 74 million minority votes in the 2020 election for their Leader, an attempted coup against American democracy like nothing seen since the American Civil War, not even in the demonstration-prone 1960's or the 1932 depression-era veterans Bonus March.

The contrast indicates vividly that some, as this letter writer and those latter-day cretinous miscreants, need further education in basic civics, how government works, and comparative government historically, why dictatorships always fail in chaos and murder, and why a two-party system ultimately has great advantage over the multi-party coalition parliamentary governments characterizing Europe.

Until there is some genuine stimulus, for instance as a tax break, for that type of continuing adult education to supplement what was missed during earlier, immature years when greater concern was placed on who might invite one to the prom or who might accept an invitation, or, failing those desires, how best to drown one's sorrows in alcohol or stronger stimulants, rather than so much scholarship and dedication to understanding how our government works and why current events always need to be placed in the context of time and times, there will continue to be this complete disconnect between reality and the fantasies propagated by the organs of the internet and right-wing radio and television, and their considerable means to whip up among the uninformed expedient devices by which to sow the seeds of division, especially between those uttering rational thoughts and those uttering self-serving, emotional, irrational thoughts, all for ends either political, economic or both, while contending to be "for the people"—right on, dude 'n' dudess, Q-koo, Q-koo-dos to you, Trumpie-Dumpy-Do.

A letter writer urges adoption of a zoning ordinance for the perimeter area of Charlotte, outside the city limits, noting that State Senator Fred McIntyre and Mecklenburg State Representative Arthur Goodman had changed from opposing such an ordinance to a more tolerant attitude, expressing concern that Senator McIntyre had not understood public sentiment on the matter previously.

A letter writer from Rock Hill, S.C., indicates that Russia had again revealed its Soviet anti-Semitism, hidden at the bottom of a seven-point document submitted by the East German Government at the Big Four foreign ministers conference, in the form of a proposal which called for cancellation of all German reparation agreements. It included cessation of the West German Government's agreement to pay 822 million dollars to Israel and other world agencies engaged in returning Jewish property seized by the Nazis. The East German Government had refused to meet with Jewish representatives to discuss the reparations agreement. Though there was little or no chance that the conference would agree to abrogate the agreement, he finds the maneuver revelatory of the character of all satellite Soviet states in their relation to Israel.

A letter writer, a 34-year employee of Railway Express Agency, expresses approval of the recent editorial regarding parcel post rates, saying that he was concerned about the loss of Railway Express business to a service which did not pay its own way but was subsidized by the taxpayers, a "fraud" on the American people.

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