The Charlotte News

Saturday, November 13, 1954


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that Republican leaders in the Senate had reportedly set a target date for Monday for efforts to soften the censure resolution against Senator McCarthy, that unless the Senator and his friends could agree by then on a compromise resolution, there would not be much point in trying further to obtain one. The anonymous Senator had added that Senator McCarthy had not agreed to accept even the criticism involved in a proposed watered-down alternative resolution. The Senate, meanwhile, was in recess during the weekend, after a session the previous day wherein Senator McCarthy had been assailed as a spreader of "slush and slime" and defended as "the strongest voice now speaking out in America against Communism." Senate Majority Leader William Knowland had appeared during the debate to be laying the groundwork for a possible Senate verdict differing from the censure resolution. He said that while he had implicit faith in the six-Senator select committee which had unanimously recommended censure, it did not mean that the recommendation had to be accepted without change. In an interview this date, Senator Knowland said that one suggested compromise, so far rejected by Senator McCarthy, might declare that while the Senator's actions had been "intemperate and indiscreet" on some occasions, he had helped to demonstrate "penetration of key government agencies" by Communists. That version would eliminate all reference to censure or condemnation. Senator George Aiken of Vermont stated in an interview that he believed that some Senators might be willing to censure or condemn acts, while being unwilling to vote against Senator McCarthy personally.

The joint Atomic Energy Committee voted this date for immediate approval of the controversial Dixon-Yates power project, a vote along partisan lines, 10 to 8. The vote was a victory for the President, who had urged immediate approval of the project so that construction could begin as soon as possible on the proposed power plant, without waiting the required 30 days while Congress was in session, absent a waiver of that time from the Committee. The Dixon-Yates combine was to build a 107 million dollar steam generating plant at West Memphis, Ark., which would supply power to that area via TVA lines under a contract with the Atomic Energy Commission, replacing power supplied by TVA for atomic plants at Paducah, Ky., and Oak Ridge, Tenn. The vote had been delayed for a time when the Committee agreed to reopen the public hearings to hear testimony by Senator Estes Kefauver of Tennessee, an opponent of the project, who labeled the contract "dishonest", "fantastic", and untruthful, predicting that it would be involved in litigation for interpretation "time and time and time again."

In Moscow, it was reported that the Soviet Government this date proposed to the French Government holding a conference on European security, either in Moscow or Paris, on November 29. Copies of the proposal were sent to other interested governments, including the U.S. The note was obviously aimed at delaying or preventing ratification of the Paris pact agreements, granting sovereignty to West Germany along with its right to rearm as a member of NATO and of an expanded version of the Brussels Pact. The Soviets had proposed a month earlier the idea of a security system for all European countries and the U.S., replacing the Western alliances, banning the integration of a rearmed West Germany in that system. Currently, the Big Three Western powers were meeting in London to draft an answer to an earlier Soviet proposal for a Big Four meeting regarding Germany.

Also in Moscow, the Soviet army newspaper, Red Star, this date called upon Soviet soldiers and airmen to increase their vigilance against "imperialist intelligence services striving to learn" their military and government secrets to undermine the country's defenses. It cited as example of praiseworthy vigilance the shooting down by the two Soviet MIG-15 fighters of the American RB-29 reconnaissance plane the previous Sunday off the northeast tip of Japan. It insisted that foreign intelligence services had frequently used agents for subversive work in the Soviet Union, masking themselves as newspaper correspondents or tourists, and that the intelligence services also tried to send spies into the country secretly through land, naval and air frontiers.

In Boca Raton, Fla., at the Southern Governors Conference, the resolutions committee this date rejected a proposal for a constitutional amendment to maintain separate but equal school facilities, as proposed by Governor Charley Johns of Florida. The latter said he would make no further efforts to bring up the matter at the conference, concluding this afternoon. The conference had taken no formal action regarding the desegregation decision of Brown v. Board of Education, decided the prior May 17. Governor Theodore McKeldin of Maryland, a member of the resolutions committee, handed newsmen a statement after the executive session, in which he said that, in his opinion, it was the duty of every citizen to accept the Brown decision, that any other course would undermine the foundations of law and order.

In Albany, N.Y., one of the nine black men convicted as teenagers in the celebrated "Scottsboro case" out of Alabama in 1931, had been arrested this date on a charge of second-degree assault, with police indicating that he had slashed his estranged wife about the hands and neck, admitting that he had cut her. It was his second arrest since arriving in Albany in 1950, having been tried and acquitted in 1952 of rape involving a 13-year old girl. He had come to Albany on parole after serving 17 years in prison for rape in Scottsboro, Ala.

In Salina, Kans., an unemployed truck driver implored the chief of police in a letter to stop a "crooked and wicked poker game", as the thieves involved in it had robbed him out of several thousand dollars. The chief had expected the letter, as the truck driver, his wife and three small children had been found shot to death earlier, with a note being found near the truck driver's body, saying that there was a letter to his mother and the chief of police in the mail. The police chief indicated that the truck driver apparently had shot his entire family and then committed suicide, that the letter had listed names and information about gambling in Salina, asking the chief to investigate.

In Miami Beach, Fla., it was reported that Fred Snite, Jr., known as the "Boiler Kid", who had been confined by polio to an iron lung more than 18 years earlier, had died at age 44 at a West Palm Beach hotel the previous day. He had gone to the hotel the previous day from his Miami Beach home to compete in the Florida state bridge championships. He had gone to sleep after breakfast to prepare for the bridge tournament, and never awakened. As a result of the long confinement to the iron lung, his veins were no bigger than the eye of a needle, according to his father. He had become known throughout the world for his fighting spirit against polio. He had been stricken in 1936 while on a world cruise with his family in China, and for several months had been near death, but had never given up despite his body and organs being completely paralyzed. He came home to Chicago in June of the following year and his father's financial means had provided the iron lung and all possible comforts and attendants for him. As he improved, a smaller respirator, weighing less than ten pounds, was substituted for the 900-pound iron lung, permitting him to stay outside the larger device for as long as two hours per day. He had been married in 1939 and the couple had three children.

In Paris, Jacques Fath, 42, one of France's leading fashion designers, had died this date after an illness lasting several weeks. His family and his office had denied rumors that he was suffering from leukemia, but it was admitted that he received daily blood transfusions, which his wife said were for extreme fatigue and anemia. The last fashions designed by him had been shown in Paris only the previous week, a collection especially developed for manufacture and sale in the U.S. He had started a one-room salon when he was 25 and was generally considered one of the top three persons in the highly competitive Paris fashion world, his chief rivals being Christian Dior and Pierre Balmain. He employed 600 people and featured styles with so much sex appeal that his annual champagne bill had grown to more than $3,000.

Governor Luther Hodges, who had succeeded Governor William B. Umstead after the latter's death from congestive heart failure the prior Sunday, would likely, according to most political observers, run for his own term in 1956, as most had figured he would do prior to the death of Governor Umstead. But the situation was different, instead of being Lieutenant Governor and seeking to move up, now being an incumbent asking the voters to retain him, while having the prestige of the office and presumably the backing of some present state officials. Normally, governors of North Carolina at the time could not succeed themselves, and so most candidates seeking the governorship campaigned on what they said they planned to do when elected. But Governor Hodges could succeed himself under the circumstances and so would be running on his own record. Thus the ensuing few months, during the 1955 General Assembly, which would tackle such major problems as finances and segregation, would be very important to the future of Governor Hodges. Indications were that the Governor would have to ask the Legislature to increase state taxes for the first time in nearly 20 years, and he would be faced with many other momentous decisions, giving him ample opportunity to make wise choices or mistakes.

In Waterville, Maine, an Irish lady celebrated her 101st birthday this date, but her heart was in South Bend, Ind., where her Notre Dame Fighting Irish football team was playing UNC this date. Her many friends and relatives knew that she would consider the day complete only if the Irish applied the shillelagh to North Carolina. She had received a congratulatory telegram from former Notre Dame coach Frank Leahy the previous year on her 100th birthday. Of his 26-year old successor, Terry Brennan, she said she did not think he was as good yet because of his age, but would become "pretty good" in time. (Coach Leahy had compiled in 11 seasons, interrupted for two seasons by the war, an astounding record of 87-11-9, including four final A.P. number one rankings.) She retained a good appetite for beef stew and Irish potatoes, which she had once eaten in her native County Kerry, Ireland, but said that she hoped the Irish would win for her this date, that if they did not, she would not be "any good at all". You have little to worry about. UNC has beaten Notre Dame in football only twice in 22 tries, 12 to 7 in 1960 and 29 to 24 in 2008—the latter being predictions from our crystal ball—, though coming reasonably close, at least until the last five minutes, in the immediately past and present seasons, 2020 and 2021—also coming to us via the dim, premonitive realms of the future. In 1954, the shillelagh would be cracked, a la Hemingway, over the heads of the Tar Heels but good by the number 5 Irish, 42 to 13. To have and have not...

On the editorial page, "Spain: The Multimillion Dollar Gamble" indicates that the U.S. was at work on its own private defense mechanism in Fascist Spain, and that the results would bear close scrutiny in 1955, when a Democratic Congress would examine the Administration's foreign aid program. The defense pact with Spain signed the previous year had permitted the use and development by U.S. forces of certain Spanish air and naval bases in return for military and economic aid, an agreement which would continue for nine subsequent years. The financial arrangement had provided, in addition to 226 million dollars already earmarked for Spain, other sums which would be subject to approval by the next Congress.

During the fall, the itemization of the 85 million dollars of economic assistance by the U.S. to Spain had been released, and it was obvious that is was aimed at bolstering Spain as an ally, with 8.5 million going to imports of farm machinery, another two million to heavy earth-moving and construction equipment, nearly 15 million for improvement of Spain's transportation system, about 12.5 million for the expansion of electric power facilities, etc.

It indicates that even ignoring the arguments of those who were opposed to Franco's Spain on principle, the aid program was something of a gamble, that while military bases formed an important part of the U.S. strategic defense system in Europe, whether Spain would ever become an active ally of the West was doubtful, and the current pact did not provide for mutual defense.

Some experts were pessimistic regarding the role of Spain in any future conflict. James Cleugh, writing in The Modern World, had said that Spain had little more reason to be grateful to Western Europe, where its real interests were concentrated, than to the East, which was completely alien to it, that if war were to come at present, Spain would mobilize, but only for its own defense, as a nation of vigilant guerrillas, nothing more, and a request from the Atlantic powers for strategic use of its territory would likely be refused. Only if the West were immobilized would Spain be attacked.

It indicates that those were factors which U.S. strategists had to bear in mind in evaluating future alignments against the East.

"Tar Heel Baptists on the March" indicates that Charlotte was host to many conventions each year, but few, if any, would be as large as the 124th annual session of the Baptist State Convention of North Carolina, officially to start the following Tuesday morning at the First Baptist Church, with between 2,500 and 3,000 persons expected to attend, based on a record-breaking registration of 2,675 the previous November at Greensboro.

The late Dr. William Poteat of Wake Forest was credited with a remark that only the sparrows outnumbered Baptists in North Carolina, and, it indicates, with each passing year, he was being proven increasingly a prophet. At last count at the end of 1953, there were 758,482 Baptists worshiping in 3,107 churches, with one out of every two church members in the state being a Baptist. During the previous decade, they had established more than 400 new churches and their total gifts during the year would exceed 30 million dollars. Referred to by some as conservatives, they had been diligently pursuing God's business, with strong emphasis on evangelism, stewardship and missions. The Southern Baptist Convention, with which the state convention was affiliated, was the fastest growing major denomination in the country, with membership gains totaling a million every three years. Southern Baptists, by the end of the year, would total more than eight million and would give 275 million dollars.

It indicates that it was a pleasure to welcome the state convention to Charlotte and it trusts that the gathering would prove profitable and inspiring.

"File 13" tells of a letter it had never finished reading, which advised that the names of the individuals and firms recommended for "Executive Membership in the Research Institute" had been released and they were honored to advise that both the recipient and the recipient's firm were among those listed, but that they had not yet checked whether they were already a member.

It concludes: "Buddy, if you ain't got time to check, we ain't got time to join."

A piece from the Plainview (Tex.) Evening Herald, titled "Fit and Chosen", indicates that several years earlier there had been a young telegrapher working at Lubbock for a railroad company, who was alert, energetic, inquisitive and observant. Now, he had become manager of the mail, baggage and express traffic of a great railroad system. Though he worked on a salary, he was a most ardent exponent of the value of the "profit system", having mentioned it eight times between Plainview, Dimmit and Hereford during a ride in an automobile.

A young man in Amarillo, who was doing menial tasks about the freight house, was being watched, with some people saying some of the positive things about him which they had about the youth who had been the telegrapher in Lubbock.

There were lots of jobs around offering opportunity, but youth for some reason was not heeding the cry. It did not take boot-licking or an attitude of subservience for a youth to become the focal point of his superiors. Many youths had been scratched off the list because of slovenly dress, lack of shaving, moping around as if covered with lice, paying little attention to detail, arriving on the job a few minutes after opening and leaving a few minutes before closing, leaving tasks undone which ought be accomplished for the proper business of a firm.

It indicates that interest beyond the immediate task at hand, which, itself, had been well done, marked the youth who had gone from Lubbock to Chicago and was not finished going places. Some baseball players were heads-up players and some football players nearly always threw the block for the ball carrier or made the tackle, regardless of the position assigned him.

It concludes that it might not be bad if recitations on Friday afternoon at school once again included "Excelsior!" and that any boy who did not know what it meant would not be too dumb in finding out.

Drew Pearson indicates that the previous week, Secretary of State Dulles had fired John Paton Davies, after 23 years in the diplomatic service, for bad judgment, his loyalty never having been questioned, only his judgment regarding advice which he had provided ten years earlier that Chiang Kai-shek ought form a coalition government with the Chinese Communists. Mr. Pearson provides contrasting statements of Secretary Dulles from several years earlier.

In Detroit in 1939, Mr. Dulles had said: "Only hysteria entertains the idea that Germany, Italy, or Japan contemplates war upon us." He notes that the statement occurred after Germany had taken Austria and Czechoslovakia, and just four months before the blitzkrieg occurred into Poland on September 1, starting World War II.

On December 23, 1946, a Detroit attorney had written Mr. Dulles, then chairman of the Carnegie Institute, that Alger Hiss had a provable Communist record, but, nevertheless, Mr. Dulles hired Mr. Hiss as president of the Institute.

In 1926, Mr. Dulles had advocated "unrestricted trade in arms and military supplies and the right of American bankers to make loans for military purposes", at a time when the State Department was trying to curtail loans to Germany and other countries for military purposes.

In 1930, Mr. Dulles had stated that Germany had made great progress under the plan of Vice-President Charles Dawes, that its national income and government income had grown to a point where reparations constituted a "readily bearable percentage". At the time, Mr. Pearson notes, Mr. Dulles was the attorney for American bankers floating German loans to the American public, and a year later those loans had collapsed completely, with American bondholders having never yet collected.

In January, 1953, Secretary Dulles had warned France to ratify the European Defense Community treaty by April 1 or the United States would cut off aid. France had not yet done so and was still receiving aid. (In fairness on that one, France had agreed to the replacement plan to rearm West Germany and grant it sovereignty, as a new partner in NATO and part of the expanded Brussels Pact.)

On January 12, 1954, Secretary Dulles had announced that the U.S. was prepared to meet aggression with instant retaliation by means and places of the country's own choosing, but since then, Communist China had taken over the main northern portions of Indo-China and provided more arms to North Korea.

On August 27, 1952, speaking in Buffalo, Mr. Dulles had promised that General Eisenhower would "encourage quiet revolution in Red-dominated countries." In January, 1953, he had told the Senate Foreign Relations Committee that the U.S. had to use "moral pressure and the weight of propaganda" to weaken Soviet satellites. But on September 18, 1953, he had told the U.N. General Assembly: "Our creed does not call for exporting revolution and exciting others to violence."

At the conclusion of the Berlin conference the previous winter, Secretary Dulles had announced that the problems unsolved at Berlin would be taken up at the Geneva conference, which he called "the best hope of the world." The Geneva conference had ended, however, in complete failure, with capitulation to Russia regarding Indo-China.

In an address to the American Legion in St. Louis on September 2, 1953, Secretary Dulles had said that there was a risk that Communist China might send its own army into Indo-China and that it had to realize that such a second aggression could not be confined to Indo-China. But the Communist Chinese, despite the warning, had moved into Indo-China.

In April, 1953, Secretary Dulles had told newsmen that the U.S. would accept a U.N. trusteeship for Formosa and would accept a truce in Korea along a line drawn across Korea's narrow waist, about 80 miles north of the fighting line, and then, two days later, the White House had issued a flat denial of the statement. In the end, the U.S. accepted a Korean truce line far below the narrow waist and had never accepted the U.N. trusteeship for Formosa.

During early talks preparing for a Korean truce in the spring of 1953, Secretary Dulles promised President Syngman Rhee of South Korea that India would not be permitted to sit on the neutral truce commission, but, in the end, India did become an important neutral member of that commission.

Mr. Pearson concludes that those were some of the several mistakes in judgment made by the Secretary who had fired a fellow diplomat, Mr. Davies, for his single error in judgment.

Eric Sevareid of CBS news tells of his having been a war correspondent eleven years earlier, flying toward China over the "Hump", the method of supplying the Chinese troops while the Burma Road was blocked, encountering a terrifying moment when passengers, most of whom were G.I.'s, stood near the door, trying to summon courage to bail out of the crippled aircraft. After several moments had passed, one of the three civilians aboard, a diplomat, gave a wry smile and jumped out, his action breaking the paralysis and the remainder had followed, with all but one of them having survived. In the following weeks, they were never very sure that they would emerge from the jungle mountains. He indicates that under such circumstances, men learned truly to know one another, who was weak, who was afraid, who was impetuous, and who was strong, calm and prudent.

As time had passed, the G.I.'s and Mr. Sevareid had begun to recognize that the civilian diplomat was the one among them who was calm and possessed of natural courage, never complaining and never panicking. They trusted him so much that they had chosen him to deal with the dangerous Naga headhunters who were their hosts.

They had mostly feared the Japanese patrols, and a day had come when a Japanese patrol was rumored to be not far away. The colonel in charge of the group gave orders that the three civilians, in case of attack, were to take their arms and seek escape, while the soldiers would remain to fight. But the diplomat among them had said that such action would be dishonorable, and that they would never get out in any event. Fortunately, there had never been an attack.

They had to hike, however, in rain and heat, and there had been moments when the next step appeared impossible. At such moments, the diplomat would then sing out with something like, "Onward and upward with the arts," and they would laugh and keep on climbing. At one point, Mr. Sevareid had begun to faint from heat and thirst and the diplomat gave him his half pint of water, all that he had.

After they had emerged into India and the military reports had been submitted, there was a move in the Air Force to decorate the diplomat for his outstanding personal conduct. Mr. Sevareid was unaware of whether he had actually ever received a decoration, but none of them, he believes, would have disputed the choice. He had never met anyone more civilized in modesty and thoughtfulness, resourcefulness and steady strength of character.

The man he described was John Paton Davies, who had just been fired, on the recommendation of a five-man loyalty board, by Secretary of State Dulles. He had been dismissed three years short of retirement and pension, after providing 23 years of devoted diplomatic service. He had been investigated eight times by loyalty boards and was cleared each time, with the politically inspired charges of Communism or disloyalty or perjury having been dropped. The ninth loyalty board charged him with defects of character for having insufficient judgment, discretion and reliability. Mr. Sevareid believes that their test must have been supernatural in design, as he had seen Mr. Davies measured against the most severe tests which mortal man could design, and he had passed, "at the head of the class".

Marquis Childs, in the first of a series of editorials on Owen Lattimore, the former Far East adviser to the State Department, currently facing indictment for perjury in connection with his denials of Communist sympathies, tells of Mr. Lattimore preparing for his trial on the second indictment, to start on January 10, after the principal counts of the original indictment had been dismissed by the Federal District Court as overly vague. He stood charged of perjury before a Senate committee regarding his denials of having "promoted" Communist interests and having "followed" the Communist line. A postponement of the trial was likely because of a Government appeal of the denial of the Government's motion that Federal Judge Luther Youngdahl recuse himself from sitting on the case by reason of bias favoring the defendant.

In February, 1950, when Senator McCarthy had made his claims about card-carrying Communists in the State Department, ranging in number between 205 and 57, there had been almost immediate backlash when it was demonstrated that the names he had were taken from a list prepared by a House committee and put aside after testimony by State Department officials, showing that the claim was without basis.

Undeterred, Senator McCarthy had accused Mr. Lattimore of being "the top Soviet agent" in the country, making new, sensational headlines. At the time, Mr. Lattimore was in Afghanistan on a mission for the U.N., and had flown back to Washington, demanding to be heard in his own defense, and it was at that point that he had testified before the Senate committee, denying any association or sympathy with Communists, and presenting his record as head of the Walter Hines Page School of International Relations at Johns Hopkins University and as a scholar who had written widely on the controversial subject of Chinese-American relations. The chairman of that committee had been Senator Millard Tydings of Maryland, and he and the other Democratic members of the committee had found that Senator McCarthy had perpetrated "a fraud and a hoax" on the American people and the Senate with his claims regarding Mr. Lattimore. The Republican minority members of the committee had been divided, but they tended toward giving Senator McCarthy's views the benefit of the doubt.

Senator McCarthy then accused Senator Tydings of a "whitewash", and thereafter took an active part in the 1950 Senate campaign in Maryland, eventuating in the defeat of Senator Tydings. A Senate Elections subcommittee had subsequently determined that Senator McCarthy had engaged in "back-street" tactics during that campaign, and, posits Mr. Childs, the chain of consequences had led more or less directly to his present situation, facing censure by the Senate.

The late Senator Pat McCarran of Nevada had taken up where Senator McCarthy had left off, summoning Mr. Lattimore to lengthy hearings, first in closed session, laying the groundwork for subsequent public hearings. During the executive sessions, several witnesses, many of whom had been Communists, charged Mr. Lattimore with sympathy for Communism, or reported secondhand evidence linking him with Communist-dominated groups. Other witnesses, who were experts in the Asian field, sharply differed with Mr. Lattimore's view of events in China under the Nationalists and the Communists. There had never been, however, any firsthand testimony showing that Mr. Lattimore had ever been a member of the Communist Party or connected with it, or that he was an espionage agent, despite the committee having undertaken thorough examination of his entire life, with the investigators of the committee and the FBI maintaining surveillance for long periods on Mr. Lattimore and members of his family.

The second indictment against him did not charge directly any Communist connection, only that he had sympathies with Communism. Because it was an attack on his personal beliefs, there was growing concern that the right of free speech and free opinion was being infringed. The second indictment, brought on the eve of the midterm elections, appeared to be aimed at defeating former Senator Joseph O'Mahoney of Wyoming in his race for re-election, which he had won on November 2, as he was one of Mr. Lattimore's attorneys, prompting the charge that the Justice Department, under Attorney General Herbert Brownell, was being used for partisan politics.

Mr. Childs concludes that the danger existed that Mr. Lattimore could be convicted, in reality, only for holding and expressing opinions which were considered unpopular or dangerous in their influence on policy.

A letter writer indicates that he had been greatly shocked to read in the newspaper an editorial which he believed excused the Soviet Union for shooting down American fliers.

The editors reply that the editorial had not excused the Soviet Union for its actions.

A letter from Bob Cherry, Jr., indicates that when he read that John Paton Davies had been fired from the State Department, he figured that the left-wing press, including The News, would holler, and they had not let him down, as had not their "'real gone' leftist cartoonist—the hollow Herblock", whom he had never known to depict in a positive way anyone or anything related to enhancement of American security, emphasizing only the negative. He says that he had known 12 years earlier, during his late teens, that the aim of Communism was world subjugation by force and violence, and that diplomats also had to have been aware of that fact. He wonders therefore how "eggheads like Acheson, Marshall, Lattimore, Service, Clubb, Vincent and Davies" had promulgated and encouraged policy in China which was compatible with the fulfillment of the long known aim of Communism. He concludes that it had to be the result of either treason or naïveté and incompetence. He thinks that the exit of Mr. Davies was long overdue and that Secretary Dulles had been acting within his rights in telling him to leave. He thinks that had not Senator McCarthy hammered home the story of Mr. Davies, it was highly probable that he would still be a diplomat, to the detriment of the American people, and all other non-Communist peoples around the world.

A letter writer comments on the column of Robert C. Ruark of November 3, expressing shame for the actions of the South for not wanting to accept blacks in schools, churches, and "finally in our families". He says that he was ashamed of a man who claimed the South as his birthplace and then agreed with the Communists, hiring propagandists of "mixed races" of the North, condemning Southerners for their loyalty to traditions and customs of the South. "So we respectfully request that if Mr. Ruark likes the mixed and Negro races of the place of his habitation that he just love them and leave us alone… We have our problems and solve them without his help."

The day you start viewing Mr. Ruark, who favors giving the gas to juvenile delinquents, as a liberal is the day you need to return to the Fatherland to fight for Deutschland uber alles.

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