The Charlotte News

Saturday, October 23, 1954

TWO EDITORIALS

Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that in Paris, the Western Allies had accepted West Germany into NATO this date as well as into the expanded Brussels Pact, after France and West Germany had reached a late compromise settlement of the dispute over the Saar. The latter agreement, formed between Premier Pierre Mendes-France and West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer, provided for European status for the Saar until there would be a peace conference to reunify Germany. The Big Three signed an agreement with Chancellor Adenauer to end Allied occupation of West Germany and restore its sovereignty, with some reservations. The foreign ministers of Britain, France and the Benelux countries had also agreed to expand the 1948 Brussels Pact to include Italy and West Germany. Those agreements had replaced the European Defense Community unified army, which was to include France, Italy, West Germany and the Benelux countries, ratification of which had been rejected the prior month by the French National Assembly. The present agreement would allow rearmament of West Germany, with French mollification having been achieved through the agreement of the U.S. and Britain to maintain troops in Europe indefinitely, as a counterbalance to any threat of German resurgence through its rearmament.

In Moscow, it was reported that the Soviet Union had this day proposed a meeting of the Big Four foreign ministers for the following month to take up the problem of reunification of Germany. The proposal effectively rejected a September 10 demand by the Western powers that the Soviet Union agree to sign an Austrian independence treaty and to hold free all-German elections before any such conference would take place.

The President would speak before 150 top Republicans in Pennsylvania this date and hold a luncheon for them on his farm near Gettysburg, part of his efforts to aid the Republican campaign in the midterm elections. The President would deliver a nationally televised and radio broadcast speech on economic issues at a dinner Monday night in Washington, where he would receive the first annual James Forrestal Memorial Medal from the National Security Industry Association for his "contributions to peace and world understanding." The Association was comprised of about 500 businesses working with the Defense Department on military contracts.

Vice-President Nixon said the previous night, at a Republican rally in Butte, Mt., that he had a "secret memorandum" of the Communist Party, addressed to California Communist leaders, which showed that it was "determined to conduct its program within the Democratic Party." He said that the memorandum stated that the first attempt had to be to fight out the issues within the ranks of the Democratic Party, indicating that the Communists were seeking to make their policies the policies of the Democratic Party.

Meanwhile, the previous night, Adlai Stevenson, speaking at a Democratic rally in Milwaukee, accused the Vice-President of leading a Republican Congressional campaign which could be described as "McCarthyism in a white collar." He said that Mr. Nixon was "back at the old reliable again—Communists in government." He said that the Vice-President had repudiated the President by trying to make that issue, rather than the Eisenhower record, the major point of the campaign. DNC chairman Stephen Mitchell said the previous day that the Republicans were engaged in "a desperate last-minute smear blitz designed to stave off the defeat they feel in their hearts is facing them." He held the Vice-President and RNC chairman Leonard Hall responsible for the tactics.

New York Governor Thomas Dewey, in a radio and television talk the previous night, accused Democratic gubernatorial candidate Averell Harriman of helping engineer in 1925 a securities deal in Poland "out of which Harriman and his associates made millions of dollars and the investors lost millions." Mr. Harriman had called the Governor's charge "more distortion and smear." Mr. Harriman was running against Senator Irving Ives.

Senator William Langer of North Dakota, chairman of a Senate anti-monopoly subcommittee, said this date that the Arkansas Power & Light Co. had made a major blunder in filing a two million dollar slander suit against a witness in the Senate investigation of the controversial Dixon-Yates power contract with the Atomic Energy Commission. Senator Langer said that a "Wall Street crowd" had prompted the suit in Little Rock, with the intent of intimidation of witnesses critical of the proposed contract. He was not specific as to the people or firms he included in that group. The defendant in the suit was Arthur McLean, a Little Rock banker who had told Senator Langer's subcommittee the prior Thursday that Arkansas Power was "the most corrupt and ruthless corporation that ever operated within the bounds of the state." Officials of Arkansas Power said that the suit was not based on Mr. McLean's testimony, which was privileged, but rather on his past statements during a lengthy feud with the company. Mr. McLean said that he welcomed the suit, that they were asking "for the works" and they were going to get it. Senator Langer said that they were not going to allow Dixon-Yates or anyone else to bluff, scare or intimidate witnesses, and that the subcommittee would assign its chief counsel and hire former Governor Sid McMath of Arkansas to help with the defense of Mr. McLean, provided it could be done legally.

In Columbia, S.C., it was reported that Hurricane Hazel's destructive path through Myrtle Beach and other North and South Carolina beach resorts a week earlier would produce the largest insurance loss from any single catastrophe in history, according to the South Carolina Association of Insurance Agents. The Association said that the insurance companies were prepared to pay for all of the damage for which they were responsible, and had already paid out millions of dollars worth of claims, but would take some time to complete the physical task of adjusting the large number of claims. Because of the great amount of damage, materials shortage would prevent rapid property restoration.

In Findlay, O., a homeless 14-year old boy had hung around the Hancock County Jail this date, awaiting word whether his dog, whom he called the only friend he had, had been found. One dog found ambling along a street the previous day in Garfield Heights appeared to be "Punky". The boy had no mother and did not want to go to his father whom he hardly knew. On October 12, he had walked into his mother's home in Mansfield, finding her body and that of another man, whom police said had shot and killed the mother and then himself. The boy and his dog had then run away, traveling dark roads, walking and hitchhiking, until finally the boy came to a telephone and called the authorities, saying that it was dark and he was hungry. The local sheriff had picked him up, fed him and placed him in a bed, while Punky was tied outside, but chewed through the rope and disappeared the following day. A dozen families in the town had offered to adopt the boy, while others had chipped in with food and cash, and a store had outfitted him with new clothes and shoes. A movie operator told him he could see any movie he wanted. The boy's father was scheduled to arrive sometime during the weekend to pick up his son.

In Cleveland, O., the trial of Dr. Samuel Sheppard for first-degree murder, accused of killing his wife, Marilyn, the prior July 4, recessed for the weekend after its first five days, with a jury of 12 having been tentatively passed by both sides after completing the process of challenges for cause, with peremptory challenges set to begin Monday, each side having six such challenges, for any reason and without having to state any reason. The defense motion for a change of venue had been held in abeyance by the judge pending selection of the jury, and so that would have to be ruled on before the trial would start, after the jury was finally seated. The motion was based on the extensive local publicity given the case in all forms of mass media, with defense counsel contending that it had made it impossible for the doctor to obtain a fair trial in Cuyahoga County. The story provides the names and occupations of the 11th and 12th jurors passed for cause, as had been the case with the first four such jurors, and, presumably, in the daily stories on the other jury selections during the week, not included on the front page of The News. A photograph of the jurors passed so far appears on the front page.

If you perceive something a bit off about the reporting on the case thus far, something which makes you feel somehow uncomfortable, you have an inherent understanding of fairness and due process under the American system of justice, the right to have a jury untainted, to the extent possible, by preliminary bias. If you think everything appears copascetic, you would probably feel more comfortable in Argentina. We would like to be able to report that the news media has grown and matured out of the yellow journalistic phase by which it obviously was still immured and to which the public had become insatiably inured in 1954, but, alas, we cannot. Indeed, it may be worse today than it was 67 years ago, with the proliferation of 24-hours news and the need to fill the time too often with whatever story sensationally and scintillatingly sells advertising, exacerbated the more by the rumor-mongering and speculation which tends to drive the internet and its professional bloggers, now called "influencers", more properly termed "influencers of fascism", then picked up in sensational cycle by the tv talkers, with fairness to the subjects of the story becoming little more than an afterthought, akin to a warning label on a potentially dangerous product: "We wish to remind our viewers that a person under our system is innocent until proved guilty, but when this sucker is finally charged and goes before a jury, you already know, with all this mountain of evidence, what the truth is."

In Indianapolis, the former Atlanta school superintendent and past president of the National Educational Association, addressing the final session of the Indiana State Teachers Association, predicted that within the next 100 years, the school year would lengthen from 160 to 240 days of classroom attendance, meaning that it would go year-round, possibly including 10 days of vacation for Christmas, a week for Easter, and individual holidays for July 4 and Thanksgiving. We're going to boycott at that point.

On the editorial page, "The Saar: A Final Stumbling Block" indicates that the disputed region between Germany and France, 900 square miles within Europe's heartland, rich in coal and iron ore, presented the biggest stumbling block to Western unity in Europe. The refusal of Premier Pierre Mendes-France to sign the historic agreement regarding West German rearmament until the question of the Saar was settled could not be minimized in its importance.

Some 976,000 people lived in the Saar, primarily German in culture and language but with close economic ties to France, presenting complicating factors to reaching agreements in Paris regarding West Germany. About a quarter of the region's population were involved in mining coal, which, with the region's iron ore deposits, gave the Saar a huge iron and steel industry, employing yet another quarter of the region's population. France was the largest single customer for both the steel and coal, but large quantities also went to Germany. Since the war, France had tried to get the Saar included in its economic orbit, renouncing part of its share of reparations from Germany, liberalizing the 1950 conventions regulating French-Saar relations and giving the residents of the region a greater voice in management of the mines. France believed that the region's economy complemented its own economy more than it did that of Germany. Saar production, added to that of France, made up 34 percent of the total production of the six-nation Coal and Steel Community, compared to 35 percent provided by Germany, meaning that the Saar helped France to reach economic equilibrium within the Community, whereas without the Saar, France could only account for 27 percent of the overall production. But Germans looked upon the region as German territory.

A partial solution to the dispute had been determined, whereby the Saar would be placed under the control of the seven Western European Union nations, which would now include West Germany and Italy, at least until the final German peace settlement, meaning that both France and Germany would have to yield part of their claims on the region.

Prime Minister Mendes-France and West German Chancellor Konrad Adenauer had to bear in mind public opinion at home in negotiating concessions. Despite arguments over the region, enormous steps had been taken during the week toward Western unity, with West Germany to enter the seven-nation Western European Union, the Big Three occupation since the end of the war to end, and West Germany to be given its sovereignty, as well as admission to NATO.

It indicates that with those realistic plans for the defense of the West, nothing should divert the free world from accomplishing its purpose.

"The Man They Turned Loose" regards the story during the week of the 18-year old freshman at N.C. State who had been shot nine times at point-blank range by a bandit who held him up at a motor court near Raleigh. The gunman had later been identified by police as a former convict and mental patient. It indicates that no matter what society decided to do with him, it had to share some of the blame for his most recent act.

Reporter Simmons Fentress of the Raleigh News & Observer had examined the defendant's files and found his background preceding the Monday night violence. He had been called a problem child in his hometown of Sanford, but his real troubles dated from World War II while serving in the Pacific with the Marines, at which time he had become emotionally unstable from shell shock, having run away when his outfit had gone into action on Bougainville, after which he went to a hospital, where he began to exhibit other symptoms of extreme tension, perspiring, flushing, tremors and a rapid heartbeat. After he had returned home, he received a sentence of 5 to 10 years in prison in 1946 for stealing $800 from a bootlegger during a drinking spree. While that case was on appeal, he had stolen $300 worth of meat from a farmer, with an accomplice, receiving another 4 to 5 year sentence, which would run concurrently with the other theft case. He also had nine other cases.

When he reached prison, the psychiatrists said that he had a "severe anxiety neurosis". He was paroled in August, 1948, but was returned to prison three months later, after being charged with robbing a soldier at gunpoint, having pulled the trigger twice, though the gun had not fired. This time, he was provided insulin treatment, but his anxiety continued. The parole records indicated that his spells rendered him semi-conscious or at least mentally dull, with "evidence of terror", though not psychotic. He was, however, considered dangerous, especially when drinking, and his future conduct was deemed unpredictable, according to the parole investigator, who believed treatment in a veterans hospital could help him. After completion of his term, he was released, without any supervision.

The piece finds it a sad commentary on the 20th Century in the country and urges that the antiquated penal system providing for the care of mentally deranged prisoners in the state should be revised while protecting society. It ventures that many such unfortunate people might be cured and saved from a life of crime and a whole chain of tragedy might be prevented, urges the 1955 General Assembly to undertake such legislative action.

A piece from the Sanford Herald, titled "Buck Duke, a Country Boy", indicates that Bennett Cerf, in "The Cerfboard", had written that James Buchanan Duke had, during his entire lifetime, employed only apprentices who had been born in the country or a village. He had come from the red clay of North Carolina's Durham County, revolutionizing the tobacco industry and gaining control of it, maintaining that a country boy could learn in six months everything a city boy knew, whereas a city boy could not learn in ten years what a country boy knew automatically. Upon giving his millions to Duke University, Mr. Duke had hoped that the institution would guarantee a business education to all North Carolina country boys.

Mr. Cerf had written that not all of Mr. Duke's thoughts about the country-city rivalry had been so idealistic, that one of his favorite stories had concerned the first time a city boy had seen a farmer purchase a cow, with the farmer having given his prospective purchase a thorough examination, poking and pinching the animal, before finally saying, "You see, son, when you buy a cow you want to be sure it's a sound one." Then, as the story went, a week later, the boy ran breathlessly up to the farmer and reported: "Better come quick, Mr. Abernathy. A traveling salesman pulled up behind the barn, and it looks like he's going to buy your daughter."

Drew Pearson indicates that a significant backstage problem had developed over the right to entertain and be photographed with William Tubman, the President of the Republic of Liberia. Governor Dewey had issued an invitation to President Tubman, calculated to keep him away from Hyde Park and the laying of a wreath at FDR's tomb, resulting in President Tubman not knowing quite what to do. Since President Eisenhower had brought him to the U.S., he felt he had to acquiesce to the wishes of his hosts, while on the other hand, the late President Roosevelt was a great hero in Liberia, having been the only U.S. President ever to visit that country. Thus, President Tubman's advisers were suggesting that he go to the Roosevelt tomb, even if it might lose some black votes for the Republican Party in the midterm elections. Meanwhile, the rush to welcome and be photographed with him had been such that the entourage of Mohammed Ali, Prime Minister of Pakistan, were not happy, as he had arrived in Washington a few days before President Tubman without being greeted by President Eisenhower and without nearly the same enthusiastic attention paid to President Tubman.

The U.S. was spending up to about 100 million dollars on arms, food and other aid for Pakistan, to ensure the Russian-Indian-Pakistan border against Communist incursion, with it being the hope by the U.S. that a strong Pakistan would offset neutral India and the uncertain policies of Burma, Ceylon and Indonesia. Thus, Prime Minister Ali could not understand the attention given a relatively obscure President from a relatively obscure country in Africa compared to his own. The reason, indicates Mr. Pearson, was that providing a great welcome for President Tubman meant votes in the midterm elections, as there were not many Mohammedans who voted in the United States. Prime Minister Ali's aides had noted that whereas the President had not come back from Denver in time to see their Prime Minister arrive, both Vice-President Nixon and Secretary Dulles had rushed to the airport to greet President Tubman, while the President stood by in the White House, with a 21-gun salute greeting Mr. Tubman. The date of the latter's arrival in the U.S. had been changed three times so that the President could be present to welcome him.

Mr. Pearson notes that the Pakistanis did not realize that things had changed in the U.S., that the last time a Republican President had received a black President, Louis Borno of Haiti, had been during the Administration of Calvin Coolidge, with the U.S. Marine Corps Band in Port-au-Prince playing "Bye-Bye Black Bird" as he departed, while Lt. William O'Connor, son of a New York policeman who had a certain aversion to people of color, had deliberately failed to fire the required 21-gun salute from Governors Island as President Borno had steamed proudly up the bay. He also notes that things had changed regarding Liberia, with the last Republican Secretary of State, Henry Stimson, having sent the most scorching note of his entire career to President King of Liberia, castigating the latter for selling his fellow blacks into slave labor to the Firestone Rubber Co. Mr. Pearson notes that the Republic of Liberia had been founded by former slaves to pioneer freedom for blacks.

Marquis Childs indicates that in the current Congressional midterm campaign, as in every political contest during recent years, the conduct of foreign policy was being hotly disputed. Most Republican speakers contended that the Republican Party represented peace while the Democratic Party represented war. RNC chairman Leonard Hall, speaking in Missouri recently, had said, "The Truman-Acheson foreign policy got us into war, the Eisenhower-Dulles foreign policy got us out of war."

Adlai Stevenson and many Democrats were charging the Administration with bungling foreign policy and alienating friends around the world who had been won over by the Democrats. Democratic candidates, particularly in areas where employment remained high and prosperity had held up, criticized the Administration on foreign policy.

Secretary of State Dulles had deliberately stayed out of the campaign and thus far, no one charged with shaping foreign policy had made a single political speech.

No matter what the final outcome of the campaign would be, its scars would affect the conduct of foreign policy, and particularly if the Democrats took control of Congress after being called appeasers, warmongers, pro-Communists and other such derogatory names, making them less eager to cooperate with a Republican Secretary of State. After the election, the grim business of the world situation would be at America's doorstep and the question would be whether the political brawl could resolve itself into effective bipartisanship again.

Even in the heat of the campaign, some Democrats, however, had continued to work toward bipartisanship. Senator Mike Mansfield of Montana, member of the Foreign Relations Committee, had been designated by the ranking Democrat on the Committee, Senator Walter George of Georgia, to accompany Secretary Dulles to the Manila conference, which had formed SEATO, and Senator Mansfield had praised the job which the Secretary had done. Upon his return, he issued a report on Indo-China, providing a more realistic appraisal of past and present errors there than had come from any other official American source.

Mr. Childs indicates, however, that the strain after the election was bound to be great and if there were a Republican defeat of the proportions indicated in the September Maine elections and in Alaska, the right wing of the party would denounce the Eisenhower wing, widening the dissension within the party, one of the President's major problems. That dissension was certain to be exacerbated during the coming debate regarding censure of Senator McCarthy.

The Administration had never taken the steps which the Truman Administration had to ensure, at least in part, that carrying out of foreign policy was nonpolitical. During the Truman Administration, prominent Republicans had been appointed to difficult diplomatic posts, for example, John J. McCloy, presently head of the Chase National Bank, appointed High Commissioner of the U.S. occupation zone of West Germany. The appointment of some Democrats to responsible positions might contribute to more truly bipartisan regard for the continuing leadership role which the country had to undertake in the world. If the line were to be held and the Asian nations still outside the Communist sphere were to be kept on the non-Communist side, something on a much larger scale seemed to be in order. Mr. Childs suggests that perhaps a nationwide nonpolitical committee of leading citizens to alert Americans to the dangers ahead and the need to meet those dangers with far-reaching action might be of help.

He indicates that the danger was not only one of dissension but of drift in the face of the divisions at home, that the damage had to be repaired through action, with a working unity superseding the claims and attacks of a political campaign.

The Congressional Quarterly indicates that control of the Senate and perhaps of the 1956 presidential nominating conventions would be decided in the midterm elections for 18 Senators and 17 governors. With a record 37 Senate seats up for election, 19 were considered safe, 14 Democratic and five Republican, leaving 18 which were considered in play, ten of which were presently held by Republicans, who had the edge in three, while Democrats were leading presently in five of their eight key contests. The survey of the Quarterly listed ten Senate races as toss-ups, seven of which were held by Republicans and three by Democrats. Additionally, as a result of the September elections in Maine, Senator Margaret Chase Smith was re-elected, while Congressman Edmund Muskie was elected Governor.

Democrats were making their most serious bid in several years for Senate seats in California, Oregon and New Jersey, states which tended to vote Republican. Democrats had been gaining since mid-summer in contests in Idaho, Michigan, Oregon, Colorado, Montana and Wyoming, as well as making a contest of the race in normally Republican Nebraska.

It lists the Senate seats which it deemed safe, those which leaned to either one party or the other, and those which it deemed toss-ups.

The Maine election had given the Democrats 20 Governors, while Republicans had 28, many of whom had been elected in 1950 and 1952. There were 33 gubernatorial elections at stake in the midterms, of which the Quarterly counted seven as safe for Republicans and nine for Democrats. Thus, the battle for the gubernatorial races narrowed to 17, of which 15 were presently held by Republicans and two, Michigan and Ohio, held by Democrats. Republicans were given the edge in five of those races, with the ten most doubtful races being in states where Republicans were presently governors. It lists the states in which the safe gubernatorial races for each party would occur, those leaning to one party or the other, and the toss-up races.

Doris Fleeson indicates that New York State Republicans believed they were the victims of a political groundswell which was appearing all over the country, that it was not directed at Republican candidates personally or at the Dewey gubernatorial Administration. They argued that the polls which were running against them were highly exaggerated, while admitting the nationwide trend and the difficulty they were having with combating it. They had responded in New York with concerted personal attacks on the Democratic gubernatorial candidate, Averell Harriman, who had not previously run for elective office. He was remaining calm but angry thus far, surrounded by amateurs in his campaign, with the exception of Judge Sam Rosenman, who had been an expert ghostwriter for FDR. He also had shrewd men available to him such as David Dubinsky, the labor leader, and Monroe Goldwater, law partner of the late boss Ed Flynn of the Bronx.

She indicates that the President had been in town for two days for nonpolitical speeches, with a good deal of politicking on the side, and it was hoped that he would bring some impetus to the Republican organization. If Senator Irving Ives were defeated in the gubernatorial race, he would return to the Senate, and if he were to win, he would appoint an Eisenhower Republican as his own replacement.

New York, she concludes, was the pivot on which national conventions swung, and the Dewey people would do much to hold control of it.

A letter from the president of the State Industrial Union Council indicates that members of organized labor supported the United Appeal as the best way to support the valuable voluntary services which meant so much to the community. He indicates that all over the nation, labor had given its share to charitable campaigns, and in Charlotte labor organizations and individual citizens who were part of such organizations gave their fair share. Industrial workers and management had become cool to the many individual fund-raising campaigns of the past, and now having them joined under one campaign was beneficial to all.

A letter from the chief of the Charlotte Fire Department thanks the newspaper for its cooperation extended to the Department and the Jaycees, their co-sponsor, in publicizing Fire Prevention Week between October 3 and 9.

A letter from the dean of the School of Dentistry at UNC in Chapel Hill indicates that every recognized scientific society associated with dentistry and medicine had endorsed fluoridation of water supplies, including the State Department of Health. Opponents of fluoridation frequently made statements designed to cause fear, but he finds that there was no response to the fact that several million people had for generations been drinking natural water containing fluorides of 5 to 6 times the recommended amount, with no more medical problems encountered than in a community without such naturally occurring fluoride. He indicates that fluoridation was not the complete answer to all dental problems, but its use would reduce dental decay, much pain and suffering, and reduce the cost of dental care.

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