The Charlotte News

Thursday, October 14, 1954


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports from Van Nuys, Calif., that Vice-President Nixon had delivered a televised speech the previous night, at the conclusion of which, viewers had heard him say, "Who the hell did that?" Immediately, telephone switchboards at television station KTTV in Los Angeles, and of local newspapers, had been swamped by people demanding to know if it had been Mr. Nixon who had made the statement. The Vice-President denied that he had used the language, and two persons at the event, Republican Congressman Patrick Billings of Arcadia, and a petroleum products dealer in Los Angeles, said that they were certain he had made no such remark. The director of public relations for the RNC said that the petroleum dealer had placed the blame on a member of the technical crew of the television station, having made the statement after someone in the audience had knocked over a monitor microphone. A KTTV spokesman, however, denied that such was the case, saying it was an experienced crew who did 20 to 30 such remote telecasts per week and knew their stuff, were just as startled as everyone else to hear the words over the air, and had immediately faded out the audio. The station said it did not know who made the remark but that it was not a member of their crew. At the time, someone in Mr. Nixon's party was apparently giving him the airtime remaining for the speech and he wound up the prepared speech well in advance of the time limit, began speaking extemporaneously and apparently did not know when he was off air. The local telecast originated from a meeting at a junior college, and the remark could have come either from the speakers' platform, the area immediately adjacent to it, or the first-row of the audience. During the speech, Mr. Nixon had called Democratic Party leaders "doomocrats", saying that they offered voters little beyond "a thin diet of quips and criticism, fear and smear." He said that they only promised that a Democratic 84th Congress would return to the repudiated policies of the Truman Administration, that when the Eisenhower Administration had taken over in 1953, they had found "in the files a blueprint for socializing America." He continued: "This dangerous, well-oiled scheme contained plans for adding 40 billion dollars to the national debt by 1956, a call for socialized medicine, socialized housing, socialized agriculture, socialized water and power—and perhaps the most disturbing of all, socialization of America's greatest source of power, atomic energy." He said that with the execution of that "monstrous blueprint", thousands of new bureaucrats would have been added to the Federal payrolls.

It would not be the last time that Mr. Nixon would become embroiled in a controversy regarding his purple language, though the next time it would be quite a bit stronger and undeniable, as confirmed by White House tape recordings, the machine capturing which, he, himself, had ordered installed for the sake of preserving an historical record of his Administration—which it did, and how.

In Chicago, Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson said the previous night to a Republican fund-raising dinner that he was sorry about his bird dog remarks on Monday in Detroit, which had caused a political controversy, with labor leaders calling for his resignation if he did not apologize and withdraw the statement. He said that it was a mistake to bring up bird dogs at the same time he was talking about people searching for jobs, but insisted that his remarks had been "picked up and exaggerated all out of proportion" by Democrats seeking to make political fodder of them for the midterm election campaign, that they were engaged in a "campaign of desperation, of deliberate misrepresentation, of hitting below the belt." He had made the remark in response to questioning about unemployment, citing an instance of a delegation which, in asking for defense contracts, had told him that there were 100 jobless youths in their community resulting from changes in their draft status, in response to which he stated: "I've got a lot of sympathy for people where a sudden change catches 'em—but I've always liked bird dogs better than kennel-fed dogs, you know, one who will get out and hunt for food rather than sit on his fanny and yell."

In Houston, Vice-President Nixon said that the bird dog remarks of the Secretary would work to the advantage of Republicans in the election campaign, that "left-wing" elements and "dumbocrats" had distorted Mr. Wilson's remarks, with the first "bark" having come from CIO and UAW president Walter Reuther, who had demanded a retraction or the Secretary's resignation. Mr. Nixon said that he did not believe that in the history of the country, there had been a more distorted picture made of what a man had said. He stated that the Republicans would hold the House and also the Senate, provided their campaign continued in its present momentum. He also said in response to a question by a reporter regarding a comment of Representative Sam Rayburn of Texas, who had indicated in Houston the previous day that he saw no difference between the Eisenhower foreign policy and that of former President Truman and former Secretary of State Acheson, that Mr. Rayburn might not see a difference, but that the American people could, that the "Truman-Acheson policy got us into war", and the Eisenhower policy "got us out".

In Spartanburg, S.C., the local Kennel Club, through its publicity director, said that it believed that Secretary Wilson's comparison between dogs and humans was very fitting, that anyone who was around dogs very much often found themselves making such an analogy. She said, however, that he was not too familiar with the dog's life, as actually, the bird dog did not hunt for its own food but rather for the hunter's food, the bird dog having dinner served just as the kennel dog.

In Denver, the President turned 64 this date and was enjoying excellent health. Colorado golfing companions arranged a birthday luncheon for him at the Cherry Hills Country Club, and First Lady Mamie Eisenhower invited a small group of close friends to a quiet celebration dinner this night at a downtown hotel, with the menu consisting of one of the President's favorite dishes, charcoal broiled steak. Aides said that the President had been more relaxed than at any time since taking office in January, 1953, and that he would return to Washington full of pep after eight weeks of a working vacation in Denver. He planned to make at least three more major political speeches prior to the midterm elections on November 2.

In New York, Corliss Lamont, left-wing author and lecturer, was indicted by a Federal grand jury this date on charges of contempt, stemming from his refusal to answer questions of the Senate Investigations subcommittee chaired by Senator McCarthy. The grand jury also indicted Abraham Unger, an attorney who had helped prepare the defense of the nation's 11 top Communists, and Albert Shadowitz, a former employee of the Federal Telecommunications Laboratories between 1943 and 1951, also for refusing to answer questions of the same subcommittee. Mr. Unger had represented some of the 13 Puerto Rican Nationalists convicted of seditious conspiracy in Federal court during the week, in connection with the planning of the March 1 attack on the House and other such activities to bring attention to the Nationalist cause.

In Waddington, N.Y., the bodies of a mother and her two young daughters, ages seven and eleven, who had been missing for three days, were found this date in an automobile in the St. Lawrence River. Her husband had reported them missing after they had not returned from a planned visit to an uncle who lived three miles away, having left on Monday morning, the uncle reporting that they had never arrived. Skid marks on a ferry dock had led searchers to the car, which was in 50 feet of water near the dock. An investigation was ongoing to determine what had occurred.

In Elizabeth City, N.C., two fires, the fifth and sixth within three weeks, were discovered during the morning, and the police chief said that it was obvious both had been set, one having been at the local white high school, where a coal pile in the furnace room was discovered ablaze by the janitor when he reported for work, with the chief indicating that a large pasteboard box had been deliberately set on fire to kindle the coal. A second fire had occurred at a black high school, two miles across town, where chairs, desks and stage scenery in a storage room were ablaze, with police saying that the door to the room had been forced open.

In Sylva, N.C., the man accused of first degree murder for allegedly ordering his nine-year old son to shoot fatally a 15-year old neighbor because the defendant did not like his singing and guitar playing the previous May, entered a plea of guilty this date to second degree murder, and was immediately sentenced to 25 to 28 years in state prison. The trial had begun the previous day, and the defendant's son had testified for the State that his father had told him to shoot the boy, and that after the killing, his father had taken him home and scraped his forehead until he drew blood, telling him that if he did not say that the victim had thrown rocks at them, they would get into trouble.

In Kansas City, Midwest Research Institute scientists had found it difficult to locate a used car, as virtually every dealer they contacted said there was no such thing any longer as a worn-out used car, which the researchers sought for a smog study they were conducting to determine effects of an oil-burning, worn-out motor on smog production. After several salesmen had been contacted, they finally found one with a car with 175,000 miles, and it was now being run six hours per day for the benefit of the study, with its exhaust fumes trapped in a chamber to simulate smog going into the atmosphere.

In Hammond, Ind., a forecast of showers this date worried flood fighters and 4,000 homeless persons in the area, as two rivers which had flooded were dropping slowly, but more rain could cause additional surging into residential areas. Damage estimates ranged as high as ten million dollars from the flooding. Emergency relief efforts were ongoing by the Army and Red Cross.

In Miami, Fla., it was reported by the Weather Bureau that hurricane warnings were being raised in the North Carolina capes area this date, predicting that Hurricane Hazel would pass near Cape Hatteras late this night, but would probably pass to the west or landward side of the cape. The hurricane now was packing winds up to 130 mph, with forward movement north-northwesterly increased to 23 mph. The 130 mph winds were found in a small area near the hurricane's center, but hurricane winds extended outward 80 miles to the north and 40 miles to the south, with gale winds extending approximately 175 miles to the north and east and 75 miles to the south and west. Winds were predicted to increase in force by the time the storm reached the Carolina and Virginia coasts as the day progressed. The storm warnings extended from the Virginia capes to Charleston, S.C., with the storm presently centered about 300 miles east of West Palm Beach, Fla., during the late morning. The chief forecaster for the Miami Weather Bureau said that there had to be a wait-and-see attitude taken presently concerning possible threats to the mid-Atlantic and New England coastal areas, with forward movement of the violent hurricane expected to accelerate to between 30 and 35 mph during the ensuing 24 hours. He said that a deep low-pressure area, moving rapidly eastward, had opened a trough along the Atlantic seaboard which tended to pull the large circular storm irresistibly northward toward the threatened capes area, that the suction effect was the basis for the forecast that forward movement would increase during the day or this night. He said that it was somewhat similar to the pattern which had pulled Hurricane Carol northward in August, hitting parts of New England, and also similar to the situation which had caused Hurricane Edna in mid-September to come dangerously close to the same coastal areas. At present, Hurricane Hazel was the most powerful storm of the season.

On the editorial page, "Water: 99 and 44-100 Per Cent Pure" indicates that the North Carolina Council of State, prodded by the director of the Department of Conservation & Development, had allocated a special fund of $25,000 for a statewide study of water resources. Coming during one of the worst drought disasters in the state's history, it finds that it was about time, as water shortages had reached the emergency stage in many sections of the state, particularly in the northern Piedmont, with the flow of the Yadkin River, the chief water source for Winston-Salem, being lower than at any time in 50 years, and Greensboro's Lake Brandt being 4.8 feet below the spillway, with the result that Piedmont farmland was parched and cracked, rendering brown crops. The findings of the study would be presented to the 1955 General Assembly.

It indicates that the time had come for the state to take an even broader view of the water problem, with the conduct of an overall survey which would not only help alleviate present shortages but control water pollution and guarantee adequate water supplies to meet the long-range needs of agriculture, industry and the general public in the state.

Few industries would locate in an area where water was scarce. During World War II, when the nation was trying to erect new factories everywhere, over 300 plants had to be moved or abandoned in different parts of the country because they did not have adequate access to pure water needed for their production. It took 64,000 gallons of water to make a ton of paper, 18 barrels of water to produce a barrel of oil, and 250 tons of water to make one ton of steel. Industry used more water than anything else, and most of it had to be better than 99 and 44/100 percent pure. It was estimated that North Carolina's textile, aluminum and paper industries alone used five times the yearly requirements of water for household consumers.

It urges that answers to the long-range water problems could be found, provided there was an aroused citizenry mandating adequate appropriations for research, tougher laws and cooperative program planning.

"You've Got To Be on the Dogs' Side" addresses the controversy regarding Secretary of Defense Wilson's "dog" comment three days earlier in Detroit, placing him in the doghouse as far as Republican strategists for the campaign were concerned, the piece finding, however, that he deserved grateful thanks for stating his preference for bird dogs who would get out and hunt for food over kennel-fed dogs who sat on their fannies and yelled. For before he had made the remark, the campaign was still in a "dog days doldrum", whereas now, the press could come forth with every worn-out canine cliché while politicians could compose "doggie doggerel", and Mr. Wilson, "whether he decides to go doggo or stay with this dogfight", had been assured a niche in the political-animal history of the country.

It indicates that Mr. Wilson had dealt with a potent political weapon when he mentioned dogs, that his trouble was that he did not come out squarely on the side of dogs, which every successful politician had to do, did not dissociate himself from the dog vote as completely as had Alexander Hamilton, when he had declared that people were beasts. He aroused the ire of all kennel-fed dogs and possibly their owners, then failed to extol the virtues of his own favorite bird dogs, something no Southern politician who had won votes by telling of his hound dog would do.

It urges that in politics, one had to be emotional and personal about dogs, by associating the family dog with the kids, as FDR had done successfully in 1944 with respect to Fala, and Vice-President Nixon had done successfully during the 1952 campaign regarding Checkers.

"It's love my dog, love me, in politics. And we'll bet a plugged nickel that before the campaign ends, GOP press agents will find a dog for Charlie Wilson."

"Two on the Aisle for Tomorrow" indicates that in Elizabethan and Jacobean times, when the theater had been perhaps at its peak, gloomy connoisseurs were sighing, "Good heavens, what has happened to the theater?" Such laments were still being repeated presently wherever playgoers were gathering, but the fact was that the theater was as healthy artistically at present as it ever had been, even if a mess commercially. The problems boiled down to economics, competing media and the impossibility of running a handicraft on a mass production basis.

Plays were being produced in great abundance in New York, but in a large portion of the country, where theater should be receiving grassroots support, there was "cultural drought". The theater was extinct in most American cities, terribly reduced in others where there was still some theater left, because so many people growing up in the country had never had the opportunity to see a live play. It indicates that fortunately, something was being done in Charlotte to remedy that situation, with the Little Theater having, in 29 years of existence, become a healthy cultural force in the community, enabling residents to learn to appreciate live theater, in addition to movies.

The present production of Clare Boothe Luce's The Women was an example of the Little Theater's vigor and vitality, even if not a great play. It was sophisticated and provided an occasionally clinical study of the sexual mores of the urban woman, was brisk and lively and dependent on a fast pace and nimble cast for success. It finds it a good season opener for the theater.

It hopes that the Little Theater would continue to provide such top drama for the residents of Charlotte, and would include serious theater along with the lighter offerings. Good theater had to bring to the people the best in entertainment, and also, like schools and libraries, had a responsibility for the cultural and educational growth of the community.

A piece from the Tulsa Tribune, titled "Barber Shop Ethics", extols the virtues of entering the barbershop and finding one's favorite chair vacant, in a world free from feminine intrusion, with the pleasure being greater if a parade of less fortunate men then entered just as one settled down into the chair. But an unwritten code of conduct prevented a man from showing triumph in those circumstances. It suggests that a boy should learn early to respect the rights of others, guard jealously his own and cover both with good manners.

Drew Pearson indicates that Justice Robert Jackson, who had died the previous Saturday in the apartment of his secretary, had been the only man who was definitely promised the presidency by FDR, and had died somewhat embittered over never achieving it. Mr. Pearson suggests that if Justice Jackson had become president, FDR would have run for only two terms and not four, and the conduct of World War II might have been different. In addition, Thomas Dewey would not have become Governor of New York. He suggests that it would be a paradoxical twist of fate were Governor Dewey now to be appointed to the seat left vacated by Justice Jackson, who would have been governor of New York in his stead.

He explains that in May, 1937, FDR called then-Assistant Attorney General Jackson into his office and told him that he wanted him to be president one day, that he should become governor of New York in 1938, from which springboard, in addition to the backing of FDR, he would be elected president in 1940.

At the time, as counsel to the IRB, Mr. Jackson had picked up the Andrew Mellon income tax case after a Pittsburgh grand jury had dropped it, and waged a court battle against the former Treasury Secretary, which ended with Mr. Mellon donating his paintings, plus the National Gallery of Art, to the nation's capital. Afterward, Mr. Jackson then brought an antitrust action against Mr. Mellon's Alcoa. Paradoxically, the Mellons had become more liberal in later years, while Mr. Jackson became conservative. When Justice Jackson had died, Alcoa was sponsoring liberal commentator Edward R. Murrow on CBS while Richard Mellon was building the famed Golden Triangle for the city of Pittsburgh.

Mr. Pearson provides further detail of Mr. Jackson's time as part of the New Deal, indicates that Vice-President John Nance Garner, in office between 1933 and 1941, had said, when apprised of the grooming of Mr. Jackson for the presidency, that they did not want any New Dealers heading the Democratic ticket in 1940. As a compromise, in 1938, Herbert Lehman had run again for Governor of New York, to be succeeded in 1943 by Governor Dewey, and President Roosevelt, with war engulfing Europe, decided to break historical precedent and run for a third term in 1940.

Not yet embittered, Mr. Jackson was appointed by FDR as Attorney General in 1940, and then as Supreme Court Justice in 1941. Before accepting the latter appointment, he had asked President Roosevelt specifically if it would interfere with another pledge the President had made to him, that he would become chief justice, and the President reaffirmed that pledge, which he had made after the plans to make him president had fizzled. But later the same year, when Chief Justice Charles Evans Hughes had retired, the President yielded to the advice of friends and decided to elevate Justice Harlan Stone, appointed by President Calvin Coolidge in 1925, to the position of Chief, with the understanding that Justice Jackson would succeed Chief Justice Stone.

Justice Jackson was then tapped to be the lead American prosecutor at the Nazi war crimes tribunal in Nuremberg in 1945, and was in that position in spring, 1946, when Chief Justice Stone died and President Truman chose Fred Vinson to succeed him, leaving Justice Jackson embittered. Justice Jackson had not taken the job at Nuremberg because he wanted to do it, but rather because he viewed it as his duty, and resented greatly, therefore, being passed over by President Truman for the appointment to be chief justice. At that point, he appeared to become "slightly off balance", which, indicates Mr. Pearson, other men in high places during wartime had also become.

One could posit that this "off balance" phase of his life contributed to Justice Jackson's choice of young William Rehnquist to be one of his law clerks in 1952-53.

Joseph Alsop, in Mora, Minn., tells of visiting Kanabec County to obtain a fair impression of the impact on farmers from the Administration's farm program by looking at reaction to the Republican Senate nominee, Val Bjornson, contesting incumbent Senator Hubert Humphrey. Mr. Bjornson was a humorous, intelligent, hard-hitting but fair-minded man who was a credit to his party. He had learned the Icelandic sagas of his ancestors and chanted them as he pulled into Mora, providing an odd transition to the pleasant, quiet, tree-shaded main street there. His first stop had been the office of the country weekly newspaper, where the young editor gave the candidate statistics which posed his problem, that in 1952, the county had voted for General Eisenhower by a margin of 500 votes, 2,200 to 1,700, but in the recent primary for the Senate race, Mr. Bjornson received 908 votes to 1,254 for Senator Humphrey, running under the Democratic-Farmer Labor Party label. The editor told him that he was afraid that it revealed the trend, and that if so, it was caused by the cut in farm support prices by the Administration, which had hurt the farmers in the area.

Mr. Bjornson then strode down Main Street, shaking hands as he went, to the corner where his sound truck was waiting, with a crowd of about 30 people having gathered to greet him in a friendly manner, listening quietly to his speech, which had as a theme support of the President. He had been eloquent and effective in his plea until he came to the farm program, admitting that Secretary of Agriculture Ezra Taft Benson had made bad mistakes, but, nevertheless, urging that the President still should be supported. He received applause at the end of the speech and had coffee with Republican ladies gathered at a café, who also provided him a fairly gloomy report. He then attended a plowing contest with 20 or more farmers competing, at which Mr. Bjornson made his speech again after the plowing contest and before the tractor-driving contest, with the winner of the plowing contest being displeased by the plea for Republican votes, saying that when he heard Secretary Benson say that the farmers were better off, he guessed that the Secretary meant that they were better off away from the farm, that he was doing part-time work in Mora at present and had been ever since the milk prices for his dairy farm had gone down after the support was dropped. His friends agreed that they were all in the same boat. He finally concluded that maybe it was the nature of farming, that the family farm was destined to be squeezed out.

Mr. Bjornson then went to call on the county banker, who indicated that deposits in his bank were still increasing, that $400,000 worth of veterans' loans had been paid down to $150,000 without a single default, that the county was doing all right, that those who were really hurting were the farmers, holding four or five different notes at the bank for various consumer items, such as new televisions or cars. He said that the man who had won the plowing contest did not owe anything to the bank and was one of the finest young persons in the county, urged that they not believe, however, everything they heard.

A dentist who was the Republican county chairman presented statistics which showed that the drop in dairy supports from 90 percent to 75 percent of parity had hit the local farmers very hard, with the winner of the plowing contest who owned a small herd having a cut in cash income of about $500 per year, substantial when the entire income for the year was less than $4,000, saying that he hated to see the people working so hard for so little.

Doris Fleeson, still in Portland, Ore., tells of Democratic Senate candidate Richard Neuberger, seeking to defeat incumbent Republican Senator Guy Cordon, with his wife, Maureen, helping in the campaign work, which had raised more questions about what was going on in Washington than Oregon had heard in decades. They were especially focusing on the public power issue. Husband and wife had published Adventures in Politics, and Hollywood wanted to discuss the book after the election.

Senator Cordon was conservative, believed that he was only adapting himself to political realities by supporting the Eisenhower partnership between public and private utilities and when he led the fight to give the tidelands oil to the coastal states. Initially, it appeared that he had not taken the progressive Neubergers, who attacked him as a "giveaway Senator in a giveaway Administration", very seriously. But as Mr. Neuberger had become one of the Northwest's most prolific writers on power, conservation and related subjects, the charge was having more force. Senator Cordon scoffed that he was running against "a Sir Galahad with a worn-out fountain pen," that he believed his record would earn him re-election. But he had also neglected his home state, prompting Mr. Neuberger to ask audiences for anyone to rise who had actually seen him, there seldom being a response.

The Administration's power partnership envisaged that for its investments in dams, the Federal Government would retain navigation, flood control and similar rights while private utilities received the power to sell to consumers. Mr. Neuberger claimed that it resembled a department store partnership in which one partner got the decorations, elevators and powder rooms, while the other got all of the sales counters.

Secretary of the Interior Douglas McKay, who was from Oregon, enunciated the Eisenhower policy, and he showed his past as a Chevrolet dealer who had managed also to sell Cadillacs, beating the bushes hard during the campaign in Oregon, addressing small groups and using his considerable knowledge of the Oregon character in doing so, reportedly having told Senator Cordon to "get the lead out of his pants and get going."

Ms. Fleeson indicates that in addition to the state's Republican voting habits, Senator Cordon probably had an asset in the slogan that "Oregon can't afford two Morses," a reference to junior Senator Wayne Morse, who had changed in 1952 from a Republican to an independent, and agreed with Mr. Neuberger on the power issue, as well as on other issues, causing him to campaign for the challenger.

Marquis Childs, in Cleveland, indicates that in the face of what appeared to be apathy on the part of most of the public, Republicans and Democrats of Ohio were seeking to stimulate interest in the Senate contest, crucial to the future of the Republican Party, as to lose the Senate seat previously occupied by the late Senator Robert Taft, "Mr. Republican", would be a severe blow in prestige and influence. Presently, the contest between Representative George Bender, the Republican, and Senator Thomas Burke, the Democrat appointed by the Democratic governor to the seat after the death of Senator Taft, was close, so close that the Republican managers had brought Vice-President Nixon into the state twice to try to get the Republican organization working intensively behind Mr. Bender.

It was difficult to get public interest aroused in the race, however, as there had been distractions, first the World Series, in which the Cleveland Indians, after being triumphant in the American League, had lost to the New York Giants in four games, and for months, since early July, the murder case involving Dr. Samuel Sheppard, accused of murdering his wife, Marilyn, on July 4, had been grabbing local headlines around Cleveland, as well as throughout the state. The trial was set to begin on October 18 and would be competing with campaign speeches of candidates who were not spectacular figures. Thus, it was useless to try to draw comparisons between the present campaign and those of the recent past, that asserting that if only the Republicans could unite and turn out a Republican majority like that of the Taft campaign of 1950, was nonsensical. Senator Taft had won that race by 431,000 votes over Joe Ferguson, accused of being a stooge candidate for labor, with Taft-Hartley having been the centerpiece of the campaign.

As a vote-getter, Mr. Bender could not approach Senator Taft. Mr. Bender, in his youth, had been an ardent crusader for former President Theodore Roosevelt and his Bull Moose Party of 1912, and at age 23, had been the youngest candidate ever elected to the State Senate, being a flaming liberal and fiery speaker at the time. In 1931, he had been indicted for embezzlement and perjury in connection with $22,750 which was part of a fund for the Constitutional Law Enforcement League, which Mr. Bender had promoted, was acquitted in a trial which drew wide attention, with the Cleveland Press having stated editorially after the acquittal that Mr. Bender's attorney had sought to portray him as an irresponsible playboy, without business sense or sense of moral responsibility concerning the use of other people's money, convincing the jury that he did not willfully steal the money he had taken or willfully subscribed to the gross errors on which he had signed off, could not have done those things willfully because he always believed he was doing the right thing. The Press had concluded that while the strategy had saved him from conviction, the lawyer had demonstrated beyond doubt that Mr. Bender was not a fit person to be entrusted with the administration of public property or public funds.

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