The Charlotte News
Wednesday, January 13, 1954
Site Ed. Note: The front page reports that in Panmunjom, U.S. envoy Kenneth Young said this date that U.N. Command and Communist liaison officers would meet the following day in the first step toward resumption of talks to set up the Korean peace conference, with the preliminary talks apparently to be on the terms specified by the Communists, that being that only the date of the preliminary discussions would be discussed and not the peace conference conditions, as favored by the allies. The talks had been terminated by U.S. envoy Arthur Dean on December 12 after a charge made by the Communists that the U.S. was involved in perfidy, conniving with South Korean President Syngman Rhee to release the 27,000 North Korean prisoners in mid-June, for which Mr. Dean had demanded an apology and retraction before continuing the preliminary talks. Mr. Young said the latter was one of the things the liaison officers still had to work out.
The President said this date at a press conference that he was leaving it up to Congress whether a vote by workers to strike should be taken before or after a walkout, the President's proposed 14 amendments to Taft-Hartley having included a provision that the Government would supervise the union vote on strikes. He also declined to say whether he regarded any of the proposals as critical. The President also said that he was convinced that his farm program was correct and that time would tell whether it was politically feasible in the midterm election year. Republican Senators had voiced doubt whether the proposed shift from rigid to flexible farm price supports could be adopted with the midterm elections pending. Some Republicans favored Senator McCarthy's proposal to set a goal of 100 percent parity. The President's plan would permit the Government to drop price supports as low as 75 percent of parity, compared to the fixed 90 percent support given basic crops under existing law when prices fell below parity. The President also said that the country's preliminary atomic talks with Russia regarding the proposed pooling arrangement of atomic materials for peaceful use, as the President had proposed at the U.N. on December 8, had been encouraging, but that it was too soon to determine whether the Soviets were acting in good faith. He said that Secretary of State Dulles had only been stating a fundamental truth when he declared in a speech the previous night that the U.S. had made a basic decision to meet any future Communist aggression by relying primarily on instant massive retaliation. He laughed off an effort to find out whether he would seek a second term, saying that friends had advised him not to speak on that subject.
The House Ways & Means Committee was proceeding to rewrite the tax laws in the wake of the President's State of the Union message the prior Thursday, with Committee member Representative Hale Boggs of Louisiana suggesting that Democrats would likely favor a $100 increase in the $600 personal and dependency exemptions, favorable to low-income taxpayers and amounting to a 2.5 billion dollar annual reduction. The Republicans were discussing the possibility of an additional reduction in individual income taxes on top of the scheduled 10 percent reduction which had gone into effect at the beginning of the year, designed to compensate for the 10 percent increase in individual income tax which had gone into effect in the wake of the start of the Korean War. The President would likely oppose any such further reduction. Recommendations by Treasury and Congressional staff experts did not deal with major tax rates but would provide about 1.3 billion dollars in annual tax reduction through lesser changes, including new or larger deductions for medical expenses, dependents making more than $600 annually, childcare costs of working widows and widowers, depreciation, dividend income and other changes. Much of the rewriting was aimed at clarification and simplification of the tax structure, which had grown unwieldy in 70 years without major overhaul.
The Army this date issued its draft call for March, intending to call up 18,000 men, the same number as previously announced for February, a reduction from the 23,000-level maintained since the prior July, at the time of the Korean Armistice.
Freezing cold covered the entire nation this date except the Far West and the Deep South, with temperatures ranging to 7 below zero in northern Vermont and as low as 23 below zero in Eau Claire, Wisc. At least 76 deaths had been attributed to the recent snowstorm in the Northeast, but skies had been clear over most of that section this date. In New York state, temperatures were predicted to range between five above and ten below zero. It was 64 degrees, however, in Brownsville, Tex., along the border with Mexico. A half-inch of rain fell in Los Angeles and nearly 1.5 inches in some of the beach cities of California, while snow fell in the mountain areas.
In Cairo, Egypt, 28 persons convicted of conducting Communist propaganda had been sentenced the previous day to jail terms ranging from 5 to 10 years, plus fines.
In Warren, Pa., a judge was shot to death while presiding in his courtroom this date, murdered by a man the judge had cited for non-support payments to his wife. The man later shot himself six miles away from the town after his car had been stopped by a a State trooper's gunfire. He was reported in critical condition. The judge had been on the bench for ten years in Warren County.
Near Knoxville, Tenn., 22 cars of a Southern Railway freight train jumped the tracks this date at Powell and damaged extensively the tracks on the mainline from Knoxville to Oakdale, but no one had been hurt.
In Boone, N.C., two blonde schoolgirls, members of prominent Watauga County families, had disappeared from Cove Creek High School on Monday afternoon and wide inquiries regarding their whereabouts had thus far proved fruitless. Both families reported that there had been no domestic disruptions and that both girls were doing well in school.
In Charlotte, the Superior Court judge who had been presiding over a preliminary hearing of charges leveled at Police Chief Frank Littlejohn by the grand jury in December, the most serious of which had been that he had allowed illegal gambling to take place in the city, found no probable cause for holding the Chief to answer for any of the four charges. The judge said that a man could not be convicted on imagination and that of all the witnesses who had been presented by the State, the only ones who had testified to anything against anyone had been those "just as deep in the mud as they could be, themselves." He said that no outstanding citizen of the county or the city had uttered a word which could be considered a violation of the law against any officer or officeholder. The fornication and adultery charge also made by the grand jury against a Charlotte detective had also been dismissed on the basis that there was no evidence presented to support it. Thirty-five witnesses had been presented by Solicitor Basil Whitener and the assistant solicitor during the four-day hearing which had concluded the previous day, originally requested by the Solicitor to try to obtain sufficient specificity for the grand jury's four presentments to obtain indictments thereon. The piece lists some of the chief witnesses presented. The judge concluded that the matter had "been a play to the grandstand at the expense and to the chagrin of the fine citizenship of Charlotte and Mecklenburg County."
Normally, it might be noted, a committing magistrate at a preliminary hearing, the role of the judge in this instance, is limited to a determination from the evidence whether there is reasonable or probable cause that all elements of a particular alleged offense has been committed and that the defendant is the person identified as committing it, not to weigh and assess the credibility of competing witness testimony, unless the testimony is inherently based on speculation, the hearsay of others, or otherwise inadmissible evidence, not claimed as observed fact. On that basis, the testimony of witness Alonzo Squires the prior Friday and the previous day appeared to be quite enough, on its face, to support a probable cause finding on the charge against the Chief that he permitted illegal gambling to take place in the city in exchange for gifts, but the judge the previous day had expressed his disbelief in the testimony of Mr. Squires, that he was testifying out of some form of spite against the Chief. One has to question whether the same judge would have disregarded as incredible admissible witness testimony in a case against an average citizen brought up on a charge of illegal gambling. It is quite unusual for a judge at such a stage of the proceeding to disregard such testimony on the basis that he found it not credible, especially for reasons extrinsic to the admissible testimony, itself.
The Solicitor said that warrants which had issued on illegal gambling charges against two of the witnesses would likely be dismissed, as the primary object of those warrants had been to obtain the appearance of the witnesses at the hearing, which had occurred.
In Dudley, England, a man, who said that a blonde ghost in his house who wore lipstick and walked around at night with a bald-headed sugar daddy, sought help from the Birmingham Psychic Research Society, inviting its investigators to spend a night in his home, from which he had moved pending developments. He said that the blonde ghost had tipped one member of his family from bed, had grabbed another by the hair and made the nights hideous by ringing a ghostly alarm clock. Sometimes the blonde ghost was alone and at other times was accompanied by the bald-headed ghost. He told reporters that he could not be persuaded to enter the house again. An investigator for the Society said that he would form a team to spend the night in the 100-year old house, saying it was the first time he had ever heard of an apparition appearing in 3-D and in color.
On the editorial page, "Chief Littlejohn Cleared of Charges" indicates that when the grand jury in December had returned four presentments against Police Chief Littlejohn, it had been obvious that the charges were so broad and general that no bills of indictment could be drawn from them, and so the Solicitor had sought and obtained a preliminary hearing to determine whether there was sufficient specific evidence related to the charges to proceed. The hearing had completed and the Chief had been cleared of the four charges against him, and so the newspaper was now willing to say that no evidence had been developed or was volunteered which would impugn his character, integrity or reputation.
It finds that the whole proceeding had been handled badly from its inception by both the City Council and members of the three-man police study committee which had allowed the charges, originally made by Drew Pearson both in his column and on his television program, to dominate what otherwise could have been a useful and constructive analysis of the Police Department's deficiencies. Amid the charges of Mr. Pearson, however, the police study had been shoved into the background and the Council had not stopped long enough to examine its own responsibility in the matter but rather had asked for the grand jury to investigate it, resulting in the presentments without corroboration in all instances of the statements made before the grand jury by witnesses hostile to the Chief.
It concludes that it had been an unpleasant ordeal for the Chief but had ended with his complete vindication after a public hearing conducted in the best tradition of American justice.
But did the presiding judge
essentially cherry-pick the evidence, choosing not to believe the
testimony of the State's chief witness, Alonzo Squires, but
apparently accepting the testimony of a convicted tax evader
that there was no gambling which the witness had ever seen in Charlotte? In
any event, as pointed out, Mr. Squires, congenitally blind, went on
to become, during the 1960's and early 1970's, the parking director at
UNC—though some would quibble that placing a blind man in charge of
transportation at the University was predictive of the result that
students had to go a-wandering most days to find any available
parking within walking distance to classrooms, or, after freshman
year when automobiles were prohibited to students, obtain in a
lottery a parking permit for the 7,000 spaces allotted for 14,000
students, absent which, one was out of luck and consigned to the bus,
the bicycle, the feet or the risk of a large lien on one's diploma
via accumulated parking fines. We, however, were certainly not among
those grousing about UNC parking, as we walked miles and miles every
day to class to and fro without complaint, through snow, rain and
sleet, and even in occasional sunshine
"A Compromise with Bricker?" indicates that if the news accounts were correct and the Administration was attempting to compromise with Ohio Senator John W. Bricker on his proposed amendment to the Constitution to include executive agreements in the treaty ratification requirement, then the President was making a serious mistake, as there would be no compromise which would satisfy the Senator and his backers while preserving intact the President's authority in foreign affairs given wisely by the Constitution. The previous year, the President had offered to accept the compromise of Senate Majority Leader William Knowland of California, which effectively would put in the Constitution, albeit in more explicit language, that which was already there, that no treaty would take precedence over any part of the Constitution, a concern raised by the Bricker amendment advocates, especially with regard to the U.N. and regional security pacts such as NATO. Senator Bricker had rejected that compromise, indicative of his position, not interested actually in protecting the Constitution against abuses of the treaty-making power but rather in depriving Presidents of their historic role in conducting foreign affairs, instead giving that power to Congress, making it effectively impossible for the U.S. to carry out its postwar role in world affairs, forcing it back into isolationism.
Secretary of State Dulles had testified against the amendment the previous year, saying that the proposed changes "could be dangerous to our peace and security". Attorney General Herbert Brownell had called the amendment "unnecessary and damaging". The President had said that he would accept no compromise which detracted from the power of the President to conduct foreign policy.
It finds the Administration on solid ground and that there should be no retreat, as the issues were too great and important.
"Add N.C. Assets: Immigrant Doctors" indicates that a welcome was in order for the doctors who had recently arrived in North Carolina from Europe's displaced persons camps and were now forming the majority of the staff in the state's three mental hospitals. Of the 44 physicians at Camp Butner, Dix Hill and Morganton, 26 were immigrants from the British Isles, various European countries, plus India and China, among others. Former News editor Burke Davis, presently of the Greensboro Daily News, had said that the doctors were making a vital contribution to the state's welfare and becoming ardent North Carolinians in the process.
It indicates that the influx of new medical talent was particularly welcome because of the high rate of migration to other states of young North Carolina doctors and the small number of native students who were choosing medicine as a career. It also finds reason, in that light, to consider the country's immigration and displaced persons laws, barring or delaying admission of many such persons based on membership in organizations which had been deemed subversive by the Attorney General, and whose talents could be put to good use. It finds the 26 new North Carolina doctors among the state's worthwhile new assets.
A piece from the Sanford Herald, titled "About Running over Dogs", tells of the Raleigh News & Observer having stated that anyone who would run over a dog deliberately was not fit to be called a man, with which it agrees in the case of someone who would deliberately go out of their way to hit a dog, but indicates that if the statement extended to those who would risk a dog's life at the expense of humans, it would disagree.
It relates that a friend of the writer had been driving at a legal speed one Sunday afternoon when he saw an oil truck coming toward him on the highway, while on the right side of the highway were a dozen or so people strolling from a church toward a nearby service station, at which point a dog suddenly rushed onto the highway from among the group of people, and the writer's friend had to maintain his course, for if he swerved to the right, he would hit the crowd of people, and if he swerved to the left, he would hit the tanker, and so ran over the dog, though feeling a little sick about it. He then pulled over to the shoulder and stopped to examine the dog, finding it in the death throes, at which point one of the worshipers asked him whether he was going to stand there and watch it die, at which point the friend attempted to pick up the dog, with the intent of carrying it to the service station to give it some water, at which point the dog bit him. One of the worshipers then accused him of having run over the dog on purpose, to which the friend protested that if it had been deliberate, he would not have stopped. But the worshiper said that he had run over his wife's only pet and he could pay him $10, to which his fellow worshipers shook their heads in agreement. The friend paid the bill out of concern that they might have attacked him otherwise. He had not run over a dog since that time, but said that he would make the same decision were the circumstances to repeat.
He had added, however, that the trouble in making the decision not to swerve to the right was complicated by the fact that he could not be sure of hitting only the owner of the dog.
James Saxon Childers, editor of the Atlanta Journal, writes from Chapel Hill, N.C., that the "Old Gray South" wasn't what it used to be, had a bright coat of paint on its barn, with electric lights and telephone, growing new crops, mining new minerals, discovering new miracles of chemistry and opening new factories, all comprising what had been called "The New South", originally a phrase popularized by Henry Grady of Atlanta, meant to suggest the South as arising as a phoenix from the ashes left behind by General Sherman in 1864. A second "new South" had begun in 1900 and lasted until the inception of the New Deal in 1933. The third "new South" had proceeded since 1933.
Black Angus and white-faced Hereford cattle now fed in the pastures and the finest milk cows crowded the barns of the farms, and there was smoke in the skies from new industry and steel poured from Southern furnaces, as coal, iron, zinc, and lead were brought to the surface of the land along with oil, while millions of yards of cloth came from Southern textile mills and millions of homes were filled with Southern furniture. The South had money in the bank and more money coming.
Howard W. Odum, Kenan professor of sociology and head of that department and the anthropology department at UNC, had been born in a small town in Georgia in 1884, living through each of the three new South eras. He had written some 40 books and monographs, one of which had been Southern Regions of the United States, the most exhaustive study ever made of the South and its people. At present, he was revising the volume, bringing it up to date, and it would soon be published under the new title, The South: The Southern Regions of the United States.
Mr. Childers had recently talked to Dr. Odum about his studies of the South and its phenomenal change during the previous 20 years, saying that until recently, it had been a recovering region, having been weakened by defeat in the Civil War, and then suffering from exploitation, treated as a colonial segment of the nation, resulting in Southerners being shamed as late as 1938, when President Roosevelt had labeled the South "the nation's economic problem number one"—based largely, Mr. Childers neglects to point out, on the President's or his National Emergency Council's reading of Professor Odum's Southern Regions.
But now there was economic advancement in both agriculture and industry, with the latter rivaling New England's industry. The South had always excelled in natural resources but had been handicapped by insufficient means to develop those resources, particularly the absence of capital, and also by the lack of equipment and technological experience, thus forced to buy from other areas finished products manufactured from Southern raw materials. Another handicap had been the fault of the South, that it was lazy in producing scientific research, until early in the 1940's when Southern businessmen, following the lead of university scientists and researchers, had awakened to the resources at their disposal and the riches which they burned, buried or emptied as waste, founded the Southern Association of Science and Industry. The entire South quickly became aware of the value of research, and chemists, metallurgists, agriculturists and foresters were employed by industry to take advantage of every mineral and everything which grew in the South, including what formerly had been regarded as by-product or waste. A great growth in industry and agriculture resulted during the 1940's.
In addition, about five billion dollars had been spent in wartime construction in the South, and the manufacturing of the region doubled in capacity. After the war, more billions had been invested, drawing large numbers of workers to the industrial areas, initially including small farmers who deserted their unproductive land, enabling Southern planters to work larger tracts, buying the machines which had revolutionized farming in the region. New roads were built to improve transportation of farm goods to market, and the farms and homes were modernized.
At the same time, the rest of the nation was also awakening to industrial advantages in the South, as Northern industrialists had moved some of their factories to the region for the better climate, large undeveloped areas, and larger, cheaper labor market. The result had been a new flow of money into the region, and in the prior 15 years, there had been a 254 percent increase in per capita income in the region. During the previous three years, more than half of the nation's new chemical plants had been established in the South. Southern electric power had quadrupled since 1939 and the number of telephones in the region had jumped from less than a million to more than four million. The region had five million more cattle than in 1939 and Florida had become one of the leading cattle states in the nation, with Georgia climbing toward the top. Montgomery, Ala., formerly boasting of being the capital of the Confederacy, now called itself "The Cow Town".
The South was planning more profitable use of its resources into the future, planning to have programs for full pay to all of its labor, both white and black, in a new economy of abundance and equal opportunity.
Mr. Childers indicates that the rest of the nation had been startled by the progress, as were Southerners, themselves, and if the progress continued to meet new crises, the recent advancement would continue, assuring "an enduring South, permanent in its progress and increasingly essential to the economic and social well-being of the nation."
But then Andy Griffith and his acting cohorts would come along and ensure that the rest of the nation again considered Southerners to be backward country bumpkins, still walking around barefoot down dusty roads. There is more truth in that assertion than at first might meet the eye, though the scene was considerably complicated and seemingly confirmed by the reaction in parts of Southern society to school desegregation and the general integration of society in the 1950's and onward. Here is a hint, however: Mayberry, to the extent it at all resembled Mr. Griffith's native hometown of Mt. Airy, N.C., was actually set around the turn of the century, merely updated with the superficial trappings of modernity.
Drew Pearson indicates that though he was unaccustomed to defending former President Truman, he found it difficult to join the chorus openly criticizing the former President every time he opened his mouth, such as some of the editorials in the Scripps-Howard newspapers, his former political enemies, calling him a liar for his recollection recently to Mr. Pearson regarding a statement he had made at a press conference that the HUAC investigations into Communists and Government, including Alger Hiss, had been a "red herring". Mr. Pearson finds the statement essentially to have been consistent with the facts, that the President had only stated agreement with a reporter's question at a press conference on August 5, 1948. He indicates, after stating that not too many people in public life had threatened to shoot him, but that the former President had been one of those who contended that he had talked about it, that in fairness, the press conference had occurred shortly after the nomination by the Democrats of the President and at a time when Congress was leaving Washington for the election cycle, with the President referring to the Republican-controlled Congress as "do-nothing", rubbing its nose in the dirt by demanding that it finish its work and pass laws to control prices instead of the probes being conducted by HUAC into Mr. Hiss, then serving under John Foster Dulles as head of the Carnegie Foundation. It was against that backdrop that a reporter for a pro-Taft newspaper in Columbus, O., had asked the question, the only question he had ever asked at a White House press conference, which Mr. Pearson then quotes, along with the President's statement in agreement regarding the spy hearings being "a red herring to divert attention from the anti-inflation program". At the time, Senator McCarthy was largely unknown to the public, and Congressmen Nixon and Karl Mundt were the best known among the members of HUAC. Indeed, the President had won the 1948 election after the comment, and little had been made of it during that fall and afterward, until Senator McCarthy began to discuss it in the wake of his Lincoln Day, 1950 speech in Wheeling, W. Va., when he claimed that supposedly "205 card-carrying Communists" were in the State Department, the Senator having become so notorious since that time that many Americans believed that it had been the Senator who had put Alger Hiss in jail and not the Truman Justice Department.
Mr. Pearson quotes from his recent tv interview with the former President regarding the red herring comment, finding it consistent with the press conference of August, 1948 when he said that he had not initiated the comment, that a reporter had asked him a question, recognizing that he was speaking from offhand memory about an incident which had occurred five and a half years earlier.
Senator Hugh Butler of Nebraska, chairman of the Interior Committee, had written to his friends back home that he had heard in advance from the sugar companies about Senator Russell Long's switch of support to favor statehood for Hawaii, sugar companies which had supported Senator Long's run for the Senate from Louisiana. Senator Richard Russell of Georgia, who had become the most powerful man in the Senate since the death of Senator Taft in latter July, 1953, had warned privately that he would block statehood for Hawaii unless the Republicans agreed to statehood for Alaska at the same time.
Secretary of Interior Douglas McKay, a General Motors dealer, told Republican women at a recent luncheon that some people were going to be hurt by the transfer from a wartime to a peacetime economy, citing the automobile industry as an example, but then indicating that they were making so much money, it did not matter.
Marquis Childs tells of having recently been on vacation in one of the outer islands of the Bahamas and finding that upon return to Washington, he had achieved a broader perspective after separation from world events for a time, finding that the Administration had not yet come to grips with the most formidable alteration in the world seen during the century, the ever-increasing consolidation of Communist rule in mainland China, with its 400 million people. He suggests that the revolution in China was of greater significance than the Bolshevik revolution in Russia in 1917, and that the two events were closely interrelated. Yet, the Administration budget for the ensuing fiscal year did not indicate readiness to confront that reality, just as the State of the Union message the previous week had not.
He posits that the reason for such evasion lay in domestic politics and the need to accommodate Congress with budget-cutting in an election year. But it also indicated that 1954 would be yet another year of indecision and temporizing.
Since the victory of the Communists in 1949 in the Chinese civil war, much time in the U.S. had been spent in trying to place blame on those who had supposedly lost China, labeling the conduct treasonous. While in hindsight, it was not hard to see what was wrong with the policy toward China after World War II, that the experts believed honestly that the Communists represented an inevitable new day in China and that the U.S., as with Tito in Yugoslavia, might be able to win over the Communist leaders, a view perhaps naïve, influenced in part by those with a pro-Communist bias, but nevertheless rational, held by those with close knowledge of the forces involved. The official policy had been to give aid to Chiang Kai-shek and his Nationalist armies, much of which had been wasted and some lost to graft and corruption. It had thus been determined that between five and ten American divisions would have been necessary to ensure adequate supply of the Nationalist troops at the front, to safeguard the movement of supplies otherwise subjected to constant pillaging and breakdown. That was at a time, after World War II, when most in Congress wanted to bring the troops home and effect demobilization, which occurred prior to the advent of the Korean War.
Mr. Childs suggests that the major error appeared to have been not making clear that there was a choice in China of sending five divisions of American troops to ensure adequate matériel at the front to defeat the Communists, which would have been resoundingly rejected by the American people and Congress, in which case, at least, that rejection would have been recorded. The present choice, he posits, was much clearer, an end of temporizing and evasion, lest the question in subsequent years would be who lost India, Burma, Indonesia and the remainder of Asia.
The Congressional Quarterly discusses the controversy over U.S. highway development, mainly centering on the financing and the role of the government in building highways, indicating that the controversy would be intensified in the present session of Congress, with highway construction presently under study by the Commission on Intergovernmental Relations, established by Congress at the request of the President and due to make its final report on March 1. By April 1, Congress had to move to continue the Federal gasoline tax at its current two-cent level or allow it to change, as scheduled, to 1.5 cents. At the end of the current fiscal year, Congressional action would also be necessary on a new appropriation for the Commerce Department, which would usually include millions of dollars in Federal aid for highways. Thus, many organizations and legislators were arguing that Congress should maintain the existing gas tax and expand the program of Federal aid to accelerate the building of roads. The American Road Builders' Association was active in that regard, as was the National Farmers Union, National Grange, the U.S. Chamber of Commerce, and other groups.
Those opposed wanted to repeal the existing tax and scrap Federal aid to highways, leaving construction to the states. Some governors, on November 4, 1953, had adopted a resolution calling for the Federal Government to withdraw from gasoline taxation and leave it to the states. But those in favor of Federal aid argued that it was an obligation of the Government under the Constitution because of the importance of the nation's highways to national defense, the delivery of mail, the flow of interstate commerce and general national welfare. They contended that about two-thirds of the 664,000-mile highway system in the nation was deficient.
But some state governors and groups believed that Federal involvement in the highway system was simply an opening wedge to unlimited expansion by the Federal Government and that the highways were primarily a state and local responsibility.
In between those two opposing camps were those who argued that more of the money collected from gasoline and other automobile taxes ought be spent on the highways, assuming no repeal of the Federal tax, and that such taxes, which had yielded more than two billion dollars in 1953, ought be earmarked entirely for road-building.
A letter writer from Kings Mountain asks whether the newspaper had discontinued the columns of Robert C. Ruark and radio and television critic John Crosby, to which the editors respond in the negative. The writer believed they were the best things in the newspaper and indicates that the presence of Mr. Ruark's column on the editorial page prevented him usually from "frothing at the mouth over some of the rest of the stuff" which he saw there. He also compliments the sports department of the newspaper.
Candidly, Mr. Ruark's column usually
leaves us frothing at the mouth, especially when he heads out on
A letter writer expresses pleasure at an editorial which had spoken kindly of a blizzard, expressing impatience with "sissy Southerners" who grumbled every time the thermometer reached around 30 degrees. She also indicates her enthusiasm about the "lively and colorful paper".
Where is the editorial cartoon this date? You work us overtime.
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