The Charlotte News

Thursday, July 30, 1953


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Sam Summerlin, that allied radar on Cho Island had tracked large numbers of Communist warplanes south from Manchuria to North Korean bases after the cease-fire deadline on Monday night, the report having been delayed by censors. It was assumed that the aircraft were MIG-15 jets. The terms of the Armistice had provided that after the cease-fire had gone into effect, there were to be no further weapons or armament entering Korea, aside from replacements.

The Military Armistice Commission decided that Saturday would be the tentative first date for a meeting of the four-member neutral nation commission to police the truce, comprised of Sweden, Switzerland, Poland and Czechoslovakia. Red Cross workers from six nations convened at Panmunjom this date to set out their role in helping to repatriate nearly 90,000 prisoners of war starting the following Wednesday, August 5.

The Communists accused the allies of two additional truce violations, involving U.N. aircraft allegedly circling over the demilitarized zone after the cease-fire, of which a U.N. spokesman said that the allegations had been noted, would be investigated and then reported. The Communists had made similar allegations the previous day.

Allied and Communist armies had been cleared from the 2.5 mile demilitarized zone in Korea prior to the deadline the previous night, 72 hours after the truce had gone into effect.

In London, Labor Party leader Clement Attlee said in Commons, in criticism of the U.S. stand against seating Communist China in the U.N., that it was peculiar that a "unilateral declaration of policy" should come from Washington, without first consulting U.N. allies in the upcoming Korean peace conference, set to begin in October, 90 days after the truce. The Churchill Government served notice that it believed Communist China ought be seated, displacing Nationalist China, when the time was right. Acting Foreign Secretary Lord Salisbury, substituting for Anthony Eden while he recovered from surgery, said in the House of Lords that it would be "improper and impossible" for him to say at present that the time had arrived. The acting Prime Minister during the month-long, doctor-ordered rest of Mr. Churchill, Chancellor of the Exchequer R. A. Butler, said that Britain believed that both Russia and Communist China ought be represented at the peace conference, but that the issue of admission of Communist China to the U.N. could only be determined by the U.N., itself, and that it ought be gauged by whether Communist China's Government demonstrated a willingness to abide by the principles of the U.N. Charter.

In Indo-China, the French said this date that their battle against 3,000 Vietminh rebels on the central coast had ended when most of the enemy had been able to escape. They claimed, however, that at least one enemy battalion had been wiped out after the French forces had encircled a seven-mile strip of villages on the coast, 24 miles north of Hue. The French spokesman said that 100 Vietminh had been killed and 200 captured, but did not indicate French losses.

The Senate this date voted 6.745 billion dollars in foreign aid appropriations, rejecting all efforts to reduce that amount. The bill would now go to a reconciliation conference to iron out differences between the Senate and House versions, the Senate having approved 548 million more than had the House. The final vote had been 37 Democrats and 31 Republicans, plus independent Senator Wayne Morse of Oregon, in favor of the bill, while only one Democrat, Senator Olin Johnston of South Carolina, and nine Republicans, including Senator Barry "Isolationism Can Be Fun" Goldwater, voted against it.

The President this date advised Congressional leaders in a breakfast meeting that he would ask for an increase in the 275 billion dollar ceiling on the national debt, against which there was strong opposition. Congressional leaders of both parties had met with the President for two hours and 15 minutes. Senator Harry F. Byrd of Virginia had served notice that he would fight any such effort. Only 2.5 billion dollars of borrowing power remained for the Government before it would hit the current limit. Another unidentified Senator, however, said privately that he would not be surprised if the debt ceiling were raised.

The Reverend Jack Richard McMichael, a Methodist minister from California, testified before HUAC this date, saying that he was not presently and never had been a member of the Communist Party. He accused the Committee of "circulating false charges" against him, saying that he was only a "little town preacher". Members of the Committee shouted questions to him, and Reverend McMichael shouted back his answers. In one exchange, Committee counsel Robert Kunzig contended that the witness was seeking to "avoid the truth", to which Reverend McMichael responded, "I sold peanuts as a little boy, and I can shout as loud as you can." Mr. Kunzig read an affidavit submitted by two Ohio residents identified as undercover FBI agents, identifying Reverend McMichael as a speaker in various activities described as Communist-dominated or Communist fronts. He said that he had no recollection of having attended a meeting in Columbus, O., in 1940, described in the affidavit as Communist-dominated. Representative Donald Jackson of California—the member who had said of Methodist Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam that he had been a follower of God on Sundays and a follower of Communism the rest of the week, after which Bishop Oxnam had voluntarily testified before the Committee, which then reported that there was no evidence of his being sympathetic with Communism—, disputed the charge that the Committee had circulated falsehoods about Reverend McMichael, to which the latter responded that the Committee had circulated the charge made by someone else, which was false. The two undercover agents had alleged also that he had spoken at an "anti-conscription rally" in Chicago. Bishop Oxnam had testified the prior week before the Committee that he had developed "suspicions" about Reverend McMichael but said that he would detail his suspicions only in a subsequent executive session as they had been formed through confidential communications.

It might be noted at this juncture that John Foster Dulles had gone about the country in 1939 stating that Nazi Germany was a necessary bulwark to Communist Russia, recommending, therefore, that the U.S. stay out of the war in Europe. On the same logic being used by HUAC, did that not make him a Nazi sympathizer, unfit to become Secretary of State some 13 to 14 years later? Of course, that would never do, for he was a Republican and, after all, Fascists had a lot in common with members of HUAC.

In Philadelphia, the FBI arrested six shabbily dressed men early this date, on charges, pursuant to the Smith Act, that they had conspired to overthrow the United States Government by force and violence. They were held on a total bail of $175,000. One, considered the leader of the group, had been arrested while allegedly walking away from a Communist Party meeting in Philadelphia, and was held on $50,000 bail.

Frank Carey, the Associated Press science reporter, indicates that the Atomic Energy Commission said this date, in its semi-annual report to Congress, that the U.S. was approaching the "first major production" of materials for hydrogen bombs, and that in the first half of 1953, development of atomic weapons had "substantially advanced". It said that more fissionable material was produced in the prior six months than in any other previous such period. It announced also that it was working on development of a super-speed, atomic-powered submarine, even before tests were run on two atomic submarines presently nearing completion and rated potentially faster than ordinary conventionally powered submarines. It stated that the tests of atomic weapons in the Nevada desert the prior spring had produced such valuable information that it would be unnecessary to conduct full-scale tests in the fall, as had been originally planned. It said that the last of the eleven tests in the series had produced enough results to obviate the necessity of further tests in the fall. It also said that both foreign and domestic production of and exploration for uranium ore had been increased during the previous six months, that production of fissionable materials had considerably exceeded that of any previous six-month period and at the lowest cost in the Commission's history, despite increases in wages and material prices, and that new facilities had entered production at Fernald, O., Oak Ridge, Tenn., and Paducah, Ky., designed to process uranium ore, as well as support facilities for the plant at Savannah River in South Carolina, where materials for atomic and hydrogen bombs would be made.

A U.S. Navy PBM amphibious patrol plane had crashed at sea off Luzon in the Philippines this date and five of the 15 men aboard had been rescued, while search planes and ships looked for the remaining crewmen. A Navy spokesman said that they were not too optimistic about finding further survivors. Two of the five survivors were seriously injured and all had suffered from shock and exposure. The plane had crash-landed shortly after radioing that it was returning to base, but had communicated no distress call.

The Public Health Service in Washington announced this date that it would initiate a nationwide "cooperative research effort to evaluate the use of gamma globulin" in the fight against polio. A Health Service official, Assistant Surgeon General Dr. David Price, said in an interview that the studies were expected to show only the extent to which gamma globulin could reduce the severity of paralysis in persons who had been inoculated but still contracted polio. He said that the study was not expected to produce evidence regarding whether use of gamma globulin had been effective in reducing polio cases which might otherwise have occurred. In tests conducted the previous year, gamma globulin had shown temporary effects in modifying or preventing paralysis from polio. The inoculation had been put into effect extensively for the first time during the current year, and there had been no prior study evaluating its effect on polio.

In Spoleto, Italy, a 34-year old man opened his mouth to take a bite of bread and then fell down dead, doctors indicating that a bee had flown into his mouth and stung his throat, causing his suffocation.

In New York, the Armed Services Textile & Apparel Procurement Agency invited bids this date for 1,010,500 pairs of field trousers, 1,685,000 winter undershirts and 878,000 woolen field shirts for the Army.

In Hong Kong, Michael Patrick O'Brien, who had spent 10 months and 12 days without a country while stuck on the Portuguese Macao to Hong Kong ferry, traveling in the interim at least 12,500 miles back and forth between the two ports, had finally made it ashore, only to be taken into custody by police who refused to reveal their intentions. Mr. O'Brien's friends had said that they were trying to get him cleared for passage to a South American country where his Russian wife and child were reported to have gone from Shanghai. He had boarded the ferry in Macao on September 18, 1952, after leaving Communist China, but authorities at Hong Kong, 40 miles away, refused to accept his Red Cross travel papers and so would not permit him to disembark. Macao then said that he was also unwanted there, and so he was forced to continue aboard the ferry. He claimed that he was an American citizen but had not bothered to obtain a passport when he went to China 25 years earlier. The State Department denied that he was a citizen and the Justice Department said that he had been deported by the U.S. based on assault, robbery and burglary convictions and that his true name was otherwise.

On the editorial page, "Another First for the Queen City" indicates that to the ordinary person, the modern dial telephone system was unfathomable, that people knew it worked but did not understand why.

Sometime the following summer, Charlotte, it informs, would be converted to the exchange system, with three exchanges initially, having the prefixes "EDison", "FRanklin", and "EXpress", with every telephone number borrowing the first two letters, adding two additional digits, corresponding on the dial to the letters, to the present five-number system. Southern Bell had to make the change because of increased usage, on August 1, 1945, the Charlotte exchange having had 30,777 telephones, and having grown to 69,951 sets by July 21, 1953. The advance announcement a year before taking effect was to avoid service interruption to the extent possible. Charlotte would be the first large Southern city to have all of its numbers changed simultaneously, and would be the first city in North Carolina to obtain more than one exchange. It indicates that the change would be welcome as it represented long-range planning essential to orderly progress of the city.

We still recall our old exchange, "PArk". We also recall the old number, but we shall not give it as that would give too much away for the industrious researcher who likes to look up old phone directories.

"The Hero of Hill 543" indicates that Willard A. Colton had related in the current issue of the Saturday Evening Post of the hero of Hill 543 in Korea, the story of a platoon sergeant, Cornelius Charlton, who had, for his heroic efforts in the fight, been awarded posthumously the Congressional Medal of Honor, one of several black soldiers who had won the Medal during the Korean War.

It indicates that one of the incidental results of the war had been the test of black combat soldiers and the non-segregation policy instituted in the military by President Truman after World War II. Around the time of the Battle of the Bulge in December, 1944, black volunteers had been used as combat replacements, but for all practical purposes, black troops had been in separate outfits assigned to non-combat positions during the earlier war. There had been a squadron of black fighter pilots operating out of Italy, but most blacks in the military were assigned to service support roles. That was changed by President Truman's executive orders following the war, and continued by President Eisenhower.

Mr. Colton had quoted in his article an infantryman in Korea: "If a man can fire a rifle and knows his job, he's my buddy. I don't give a damn what color his skin happens to be."

General S. L. A. Marshall, who had made a special study of integration in the U.S. Second Division in Korea, reported that the integrated companies "handled themselves as efficiently and courageously as any company in the war." He added that one integrated company of the Ninth Infantry Regiment "gave the bravest account of itself of any company". Many white soldiers had corroborated that view of black soldiers.

In indicates that it took a few men like Sgt. Charlton to drive home that point, just as it had taken Jackie Robinson to establish the place in Major League Baseball of black players. It suggests that it would take others to establish the position of blacks in yet other fields. "And for every Charlton or Robinson there must be a Branch Rickey or similarly-inclined employer in the white community who will open the door of a new field to qualified Negroes."

So why do you resist advocating integration of the public schools? You argue that it is too soon, that the white people of the South simply cannot accept it yet, that it would be unfair to the black students to inject them into places where they would be unwanted, that it should happen gradually through time. How long do the slowpokes among us need to emerge from the 19th Century?

The black soldiers can fight our battles in distant lands, but they can't come home to vote or drink from the same water fountain or sit down at the same luncheon counter or attend the same schools as the white folks, get taunted and even on occasion burned out if they dare seek to exercise their Supreme Court-declared Constitutional rights to live in white neighborhoods. That made a lot of sense.

"Tar Heel Economy Still Healthy" indicates that in June, the total State revenue in North Carolina had been 20.5 million dollars, an increase of 8.19 percent over the same month the prior year. Gasoline tax revenue had increased by 10.3 percent during the same month over that of the prior year, sales tax revenue, by 10.57 percent, passenger car registrations, by 5.56 percent, and truck registrations, by 5.74 percent. Average weekly earnings of non-agricultural employees had risen 2.7 percent, from $46.92 to $48.19. Bank debits had increased by 11.28 percent, and so on.

It indicates that those and other indices had been reported in the current issue of Facts, published by the North Carolina Research Institute, which had measured 18 indices, with only two showing decreases since a year earlier, those being receipts from farm marketings, down a half percent, and building permits, down 24.74 percent.

As there had been little inflation during the previous year, those increases represented sound economic progress and pointed to continuing growth and expansion. In addition, the impact of defense spending had been smaller in the state than in other states and any curtailment of the defense program would therefore have comparatively little impact.

"Keep the 'M' Up" indicates that while Senator Herbert Lehman of New York had been a vigorous opponent of McCarthyism at a time when other Senators had excused Senator McCarthy, he had gone too far recently when he said in a speech on the Senate floor that he was now spelling "McCarthyism" with a small "m" because he thought so little of the Senator from Wisconsin.

It finds that doing so unjustly dissociated the Senator from his product. For instance, John McAdam, who had been responsible for pavement on roads, had been reduced to "macadam". The word "macabre" originally referred to Macabre's dance of death. But in contrast, Machiavelli, though dead 400 years, was still associated with unscrupulous political theories, hence "Machiavellian"—or, as it suggests, "Machiavellism", not in general usage.

It urges therefore that Senator McCarthy ought not have his "ism" uncapitalized as it would cause him to be forgotten by history. Moreover, Senators would become more confusing than ever if they started decapitalizing names, with their colleagues presently including Senators Hunt, Bridges, Bush, Butler, Case, Hill, Young, Long, Wiley and Gore.

As we have suggested before, the butler did it and the case is thus solved without further hunt, on, over, or under the bridges. You supply the rest. (Wiley, by the way, is a stretch for "wily", but who's spelling? We once had a student-teacher in high school, from UNC, who, we kid not, stated, without apparent guile, her belief that the preferred definition of "crafty" is skilled in crafts, which, while acceptable in an archaic rendition, had not been used that way in its principal meaning since the late 19th Century, after which we were in high school, with Shakespeare having used it in its more accepted sense of sly or wily, guily, sort of akin, wethinks, to hully gully.)

A piece from the St. Louis Post-Dispatch, titled "Life Among the Distinguished", indicates that the club-like atmosphere of the Senate had recently been disturbed by some digressions, perhaps born of frustration or the weather. Senator Albert Gore of Tennessee had to apologize for speaking of Senator Prescott Bush of Connecticut as a gentleman. It remarks that probably in no other place in the world would such be considered insufficient, but in the Senate the proper means of address was "the distinguished Senator".

Subsequently, Senator Bush referred to statements by Senator Robert Kerr of Oklahoma, concerning Government interest rates, as "false and untrue", with Senator Kerr concluding that he had been called a liar, at which point Senator Bush objected that he had been insulted by Senator Kerr's language.

"For plebeians baffled by the intricacies of Senatorial courtesy, or lack of same, the rule to follow seems to be: when there is no better argument, abuse the plaintiff. That came from another old Senator—fellow named Cicero."

Forty-seven years hence we would just come to know the phenomenon as Bush v. Gore, though with a good deal more at stake than merely infringed feelings on one side or the other. In any event, we give the latter two pieces a good deal of credit for unintentional augury through a generation or two.

Drew Pearson indicates that Administration leaders admitted privately that in some respects the hardest part of the Korean program lay ahead. U.N. supreme commander General Mark Clark had been ordered home to confer on some of those problems and prepare for the upcoming political conference. One of the three biggest issues facing the allies was preventing war from breaking out again, especially as precipitated by South Korean President Syngman Rhee, in the event the political conference did not effect re-unification of Korea. Furthermore, the Communists had amassed a large build-up behind the truce lines, which was why not many American troops would be sent home anytime soon.

Another major issue was the reconstruction of Korea, totally devastated by the war, with little reconstruction having gone on during the fighting. It was imperative to get the reconstruction program going soon to avoid further disillusionment by South Koreans, potentially causing them to lean toward the Communists. Superficial reconstruction had begun under the U.N. Korean Reconstruction Administration, headed by General John Coulter, but so far its personnel had chiefly "ridden around in ritzy cars", and had not come to grips with the long-range rebuilding program. A major issue within the reconstruction effort was whether there would be simply a handout to the Koreans to rebuild haphazard shacks, which would then be compared unfavorably to the large housing programs of the Communists in China, similar to the public housing projects built by Mayor Fiorello LaGuardia in New York, Senator Burnet Maybank when he had been mayor of Charleston, S.C., and for which Senator Taft had provided in the Housing Act. What South Korea needed was long-range planning, including water power development, not a handout. The Communists had made great changes in certain areas, such as Mongolia, and reconstruction efforts would therefore have competition.

A third major issue would be revising Korean politics, with the U.S. likely to have further problems with President Rhee, partly the fault of the U.S. by not recognizing earlier that in addition to being an intense patriot, he was also a dictator who sent people to jail when they crossed him. In 1949, the Korean National Assembly overrode some of his vetoes, whereupon he arrested seven members of the Assembly and kept them in custody until the Assembly returned to his side. At that time, the U.S. Embassy had warned Washington that President Rhee was becoming a dictator and that the U.S. needed to bring him back into line and begin building up a democratic system. But John Allison, in charge of State Department Far Eastern affairs, presently Ambassador to Japan, had refused to go along. In 1951, President Rhee had done the same thing when the National Assembly threatened his re-election, prompting his arrest of 103 members, at which point the U.S. Charge d'Affairs Allan Lightner wrote recommendations to the State Department, warning that the U.S. was in a position of subsidizing a dictator and that a democratic system needed to be established. But again Mr. Allison and his assistant, U. Alexis Johnson, refused. Thus, it had been Washington which had largely built up the man who caused so much trouble during the latter stages of the truce talks. President Rhee had suffered so much imprisonment and torture at the hands of the Japanese that he could be forgiven for his excesses, but the fact remained that he wanted the war to be extended until unification was established. Korea had not been divided since the Seventh Century and so it was easy to appreciate his position. The problem was to build up a disillusioned people in South Korea, both economically and politically, in such a way as to prevent Communism from taking over, a real danger to South Korea.

Marquis Childs discusses the prospect of whether the U.S. would be sanctioning admission of Communist China to the U.N. by sitting down with the Communist Chinese in the upcoming political conference, to begin 90 days after the Korean armistice. The official answer was decisively no, as both houses of Congress had unanimously disapproved of admission of Communist China to the U.N. But in private, those with knowledge of the Far East and its complications, had given a quite different answer, admitting to a kind of inevitability for the admission of Communist China, with Britain, France and the other Western powers with troops in Korea in favor of its admission, especially if the bait would be a Far Eastern settlement, with peace in Indo-China, a most welcome relief for the French.

To have gone on fighting a war of stalemate in Korea would have meant increasing numbers of American casualties, with the Chinese able continually to feed troops to the fight, as they had toward the end of the war, sacrificing thousands just to gain a few miles along the truce line.

There was discussion within the Government of a compromise whereby Communist China would be admitted to the U.N. without displacing Nationalist China, with Nationalist China giving up its permanent seat on the Security Council and its unilateral veto, with neither of the two Chinas then having such membership. Another Asian nation would then be elected to the Security Council, with India being discussed as the most likely possibility. That would contribute to the goal of increasing the stature of Prime Minister Nehru and his moderate government as an example for Asia.

Secretary of State Dulles, in his recent press conference, had discussed at length the problem of Communist China and the U.N., refusing to say whether the U.S. would resort to its veto on the Security Council to keep Communist China out, while hinting at least that there was a compromise under discussion. Mr. Childs quotes from War or Peace by Mr. Dulles, in which he had said that he believed the U.N. ought be representative of what the world actually was and not merely of the parts the U.S. liked, and so should avoid determining which nations were "good" and which "bad", rather opting for membership by all, a distinction, he said, which had already been obliterated by the present membership. The important test, he urged, was that the government in question be in fact a government, going on to say that if the Communist Government in China proved its ability to govern China without serious domestic resistance, then it should be admitted. He added, however, that a regime which claimed to be the legitimate government of a country through civil war should not be recognized until it had been tested over a reasonable period of time.

Robert C. Ruark asserts his conviction that education could not be rushed and so the University of Chicago would eventually scrap its "progressive" educational program and return to the more formal business of taking high school students who had completed their full regimen of three or four years and then educating them for four full years in college, and would also shortly reinstate football.

He likens man to the elephant, which took 20 years to grow up, another 20 years to breed and become fully mature, and then another 20 years of growing old until it was kicked out of the herd. He posits that a child was not ready for college with only two years of high school, being yet too much a child to absorb very much in the way of education or experience. Furthermore, a child who spent only two years in college was ready only for college rather than the world. He suggests that college was not just book-learning, but rather a place where a kid went to grow up and slip away from parental supervision.

He indicates that based on a series of tests, he had gone to UNC at the age of 15 and thus went out into the world at age 19, during the Depression. It was a couple of years before he had become world-wise enough to compete for an adult job. He could memorize anything, but he had been a child when he entered college and a child when he left, with few people wanting to hire boys to do men's work. About the time when he became a senior he was feeling physically and mentally ripe enough to be a freshman, catching on to what was going on, getting more experience and knowledge out of his last year than during the first three. So he continually kicked himself for not having waited and gone through college in the normal course of personal maturation.

It might be noted that in entering UNC at age 15, he tracked Thomas Wolfe, 15 years his senior, in premature matriculation. Both died at a relatively young age, Mr. Wolfe just short of 38, of tuberculosis of the brain, and Mr. Ruark at 49, of cirrhosis of the liver, the one having written himself to death and the other having drunk himself to death. UNC can be murder, friend. Best not approach it too early for relatively easier digestion later.

A letter writer from Pittsboro indicates that, for the first time in his life, he would oppose a school bond issue, the one on the ballot on October 3. He says his reason was that it was not known how the Supreme Court would rule in the desegregation cases, set to be re-argued on October 13. Half of the 50 million dollar bond issue would be devoted to bringing black public schools into parity with white schools. He did not object to that and indicates that the State had devoted just about all of its resources it could to black education during the previous 40 years, and that since 1931, there had been no disparity in teacher pay, making North Carolina sui generis among the states of the South. He wanted that record maintained, but was opposed to integration of the schools at the lower levels, and so would not take a chance at approving a bond which might make it more difficult to maintain the "racial integrity" of the elementary schools.

A letter writer from Spartanburg, S.C., indicates shock that the editorial, "A Classic Case of Bearing False Witness", had not been featured on the front page, as on the same date, a headline read, "Signing of Truce Is Seen Within Matter of Hours". He ventures that probably 90 percent of the readers had seen that latter story, while only ten percent had read the editorial concerning "smears and innuendos" spread about Methodist Bishop G. Bromley Oxnam by HUAC. He suggests that anyone could become a target of that Committee by simply being critical of it. He indicates that the practice would continue until Congress exerted strong discipline on its membership, which would require pressure from the people, in turn requiring pressure from newspaper editors who would inform them of such occurrences in big headlines.

A letter from the vice-president of the Hawthorne Center for Golden Years Club indicates that she had an "urge to express impressions consonant with associations and contacts gathered among those who stand in time, beyond the meridian of life and who view its riddle in light of experience and maturity." She further indicates: "In the gloaming the lights shine brighter. The clearer the day, the more radiant the sunset. The fruit of life's experience is gathered with greater pleasure as it ripens, as in the garden of flowers and thorns nothing is more beautiful than the full-bloomed rose."

She indicates that in the morning there were card games and other games, plus music, square dancing and round dancing until shortly before noon, after which there was a 15-minute worship period, then lunch, after which the day was done for "the happy members of Hawthorne Golden Years".

Well, we have to say that yesterday we have experienced for the first time in life a day without sunshine for the whole of the day, not just cloudy, overcast or fogged in, but dark, dark as a solar eclipse all day long. If you have never experienced that, have never lived in a polar climate, you ought to try it once, for one day, as it is more than a little disorienting to go through an entire morning and afternoon in virtual darkness, with, at its brightest point around noon, a sickly pale orange glow overhead, remindful of the pictures taken on Mars. We have been through a couple of hurricanes, plenty of high winds, virtually torrential rains, a major earthquake, the snows of the Kilimanjaroes, but never any such day as that which we experienced yesterday. The present day is only slightly less dark, yet not dark as pitch throughout the morning as was yesterday. Added to the problems of the pandemic and record heat, we have all of this smoke from wild fires, while in some areas, they are reporting chipmunks and squirrels transmitting bubonic plague.

Congratulations, Trumpies, your Fearless Leader has tele-transported us all back to the Middle Ages. Perhaps you will recall it when you cast your ballot during the next few weeks.

We read a comment beneath a video of one of his press conferences recently, which talked about how, when he wins re-election, he will put all the protesters in jail. Such is quite representative of the typical Trumpie mentality, seemingly unable to realize or grasp, with all the blame for whatever goes wrong heaped daily on "the Democrats" or President Obama, that he has been in the White House for the previous three years and eight months, during the first two years of which, his party had control of both the Senate and the House. So exactly what is it that you think he is going to have the opportunity to do differently which he has already not had plenty of opportunity to do? Lock everyone up with whom he disagrees? Abolish Congress and the courts and declare himself Grand Poobah?

But, there we go again, beating a dead horse. We must cease and desist, lest we generate sympathy for Ol' Grumpy Trumpy. Of course, most of his supporters have difficulty generating any and so there is probably not much danger of that. That is likely why most of them like him so much, come hell or high water. He represents the rich uncle they never had but conjured in their imaginations.

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