The Charlotte News

Tuesday, June 9, 1953


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Robert B. Tuckman, that as many as 500,000 South Korean demonstrators violently protested in Seoul against the truce terms being arranged at Panmunjom, the final terms regarding exchange of prisoners having been finalized the previous day after being the sticking point for more than a year to the armistice. Liaison officers met for 80 minutes this date, both sides bringing maps to the conference, indicative of their working out a cease-fire line. The lead negotiators for each side met for 12 minutes, and the briefings indicated that only finishing touches remained before a cease-fire agreement would be reached.

The South Korean Assembly backed up its leaders' unswerving opposition to the armistice terms, calling for "all necessary measures" to prepare for a "northward advance"—presumably meaning to the Yalu River. South Korean President Syngman Rhee met with his generals behind closed doors after he had met earlier with U.S. Eighth Army commander General Maxwell Taylor, and the South Korean Cabinet. A spokesman said that both the Cabinet and the National Assemblymen who attended the meeting reaffirmed their decision to ignore an armistice.

In the ground war in Korea, allied and Communist troops fought small but bitter skirmishes across the front this date, as South Korean infantrymen counterattacked again in an effort to drive out dug-in enemy troops from a strategic eastern front outpost near "Luke the Gook's Castle", where fighting had raged for more than a week. (After a couple of days of dropping the pejorative directed at the enemy in the nickname of that hill outpost, it reappears as it had been used consistently previously, albeit dropped again later in the story.) On the western and central front, U.S. troops clashed briefly with Chinese Communists. An Eighth Army briefing officer reported five Communist probing attacks and 12 patrol skirmishes, aside from the "Luke's Castle" battle. Rain had soaked the front again during the night.

Heavy overcast cleared briefly for the first time in three days before dawn, allowing B-26 bombers to destroy 38 enemy supply trucks in night flights over North Korea. South Korean police refused to talk about the enemy's nine-plane raid on Seoul on Monday night, the largest such raid of the war, but it was learned that precinct stations had reported at least two persons killed, 14 injured, including five seriously, four homes destroyed and two buildings damaged.

Secretary of Defense Charles E. Wilson said in testimony before a Senate Appropriations subcommittee this date that it would be six months or more before U.S. troops could begin moving out of Korea after an armistice was finally reached. He said that the U.S. had demobilized too fast following World War II and urged not getting "foolish" after a Korean armistice. He said that even after an armistice, he wanted to continue to build up ammunition supplies in Korea. He also said that the new Joint Chiefs intended to continue the buildup of U.S. air power but were against seeking new funds which could not be spent prudently and properly. He indicated that the goal of 120 air wings for the Air Force by the end of 1955 did not mean that the new Administration had set aside the goal of 143 wings established by the Truman Administration. He defended the cut of five billion dollars from the Air Force budget, saying that adequate air power and national defense had been placed ahead of desires to make cuts in the budget for the sake of balancing it. He told Senator John McClellan of Arkansas that he could vote for the budget with a clear conscience, after the Senator had urged Mr. Wilson to forget about balancing the budget and tell Congress how many billions were needed to build toward the 143-wing Air Force.

In and around Flint, Mich., six tornadoes hit the previous night, killing a total of 139 people, 113 in Flint, and injuring 750, leaving millions of dollars worth of damage. Forty houses on one street in Flint were flattened like pancakes and many mangled bodies were found among the wreckage. The tornadoes caused total dead from spring tornadoes to rise to 358, including tornadoes hitting Alabama, Texas and Oklahoma recently. Michigan had been cleaning up from a May 21 tornado which had hit on the outskirts of Port Huron and jumped the St. Clair River into Sarnia, Ontario. The first of the series of tornadoes had hit Erie, Michigan, just over the Michigan-Ohio line from Toledo, and about 90 minutes later another had passed through Washtenaw County into Oakland County. Tawas City on Lake Huron was hit about 15 minutes later, and then Flint 20 minutes after that. Flint hospitals were filled with injured persons, many crowded into the corridors, still stunned from the swift destruction of their homes. National Guard troops, State police and local police officers from numerous Michigan cities had converged on the Flint area to aid in the rescue work. Governor G. Mennen Williams took personal command but did not declare a state of martial law. He asked the President to declare the Flint area and other Michigan communities disaster areas. One eyewitness to the Flint tornado said it sounded like the rumbling of a train. State officials said that it was the largest disaster in Michigan history. The Detroit police commissioner said that the damage was worse than what he had seen in London during the blitz. One man found that his barn was gone, along with his garage and breezeway attached to his home, and that his home had been moved off its foundation, with part of a room blown into a nearby field. He found the body of a neighbor on his lawn, the corpse having been tossed by the wind at least 400 feet from the neighbor's home across the road.

A story indicates that the largest death toll in the nation's history from a tornado had occurred March 18, 1925, when 689 persons had been killed in Missouri, Illinois and Indiana. Other major tornadoes with heavy death tolls had occurred on February 19, 1884, when 420 people were killed in Alabama, Georgia, North Carolina and South Carolina; on May 27, 1896, when 306 were killed in St. Louis; on May 21, 1932, when 268 were killed in Alabama; and on March 21-22, 1952, when 231 were killed in Arkansas, Tennessee, Missouri, Mississippi, Alabama and Kentucky.

In Rome, a Government spokesman claimed this date that Premier Alcide De Gasperi's Center Coalition had won absolute majorities in both the Senate and Chamber of Deputies. The four-party coalition had won more than 50 percent of the Senate, but the spokesman declined to disclose the result in the more important lower Chamber. The chief of the press office, however, indicated that the tabulation of votes for the Chamber was almost complete and the Government would have over 50 percent. Under a new law, if the Chamber had more than 50 percent of one party or coalition, it was guaranteed 64.5 percent of the seats. Under those circumstances, Italy would be assured a five-year period of stable government. The coalition Government had maintained Italy in a pro-Western stance for the previous seven years. Votes indicated, however, that the extreme Communist-Socialist left parties and the Monarchist-Fascist right parties were running strong, imperiling the center coalition's absolute majority in either house. A record 93.78 percent of eligible voters had cast their ballots in the Sunday and Monday election, the first since 1948.

In Tel Aviv in Israel, an Israeli Army spokesman said this date that one Jewish civilian had been killed during the night when a group of armed marauders attacked a village near Tel Aviv's airport and dynamited a house. The spokesman described the group as "armed infiltrators" from Jordan.

In Hong Kong, a neutral but pro-Nationalist newspaper said this date that Nationalist guerrillas disguised as farmers had set fire to a Communist military supply depot near the Communist port of Swatow in South China the previous week. It said that the blaze had raged through the night after the guerrillas hurled grenades among 400 drums of gasoline.

The House Ways & Means Committee this date approved a one-year extension of the Reciprocal Trade Act beyond June 12, as had been urged by the President. The vote in closed session was 23 to 2 for a compromise version of the Act. As approved, the bill would create a special 17-man commission to study tariff and trade problems for a year and would add a seventh member to the Tariff Commission, effectively giving Republicans a 4 to 3 majority.

In Pittsburgh, a peace settlement, which would probably set the pattern for the nation's basic steel industry, appeared in the making this date between U.S. Steel Corp. and the United Steelworkers.

In Goeppingen, Germany, a 21-year old veteran of the Korean War told an Army court-martial this date that he had gotten a German to chop off four fingers from his left hand because he yearned to be sent home to his bride of six months. He was sentenced to two years imprisonment after pleading guilty to a formal charge of malingering. He was also dishonorably discharged from the Army and fined $936. The German who performed the amputation had already been sentenced to eight months in jail. The court-martialed soldier had joined the Army at age 15 and had decided to make it a career. He had married his 19-year old sweetheart during a rotation home after serving in combat in Korea. But after a leave of only seven days, he was reassigned to Germany. He said that he believed he would have to wait three years until his bride, who was expecting a child, could join him. He volunteered for another tour of duty in Korea, hoping that he could visit her en route, but never received a reply to his application. At that point he decided on the amputation, and a German laborer used a hatchet to cut off the four fingers as the soldier held his hand on a tree stump. Ah, heck, send him home to his wife. He has already done his duty for his country.

In Montreat, N.C., a young West Virginia minister this date asked the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church of the South to end racial discrimination at all church levels. The motion came as a surprise and was offered as a substitute for part of the report of the church's Council of Christian Relations, with the minister offering the motion saying that "the church of Jesus Christ should not be the last stronghold of segregation." He said that all current church work for blacks was "in the framework of the cultural pattern of segregation and discrimination." A two million dollar drive for work among blacks would, he said, merely fill "more segregated churches". There was no debate on the motion and it carried overwhelmingly, with the Assembly sending it to the Council for study. The Assembly also referred to the Council for study a motion to open its institutions of higher learning to all races, and strongly recommended to synods and presbyteries that segregation in local churches be ended. Minutes earlier, a Clover, South Carolina, minister apologized to the Assembly for using the word "nigger" in arguments over proposed changes in church rules regarding remarriage and divorce. A black commissioner who was a minister in New Orleans had objected to anecdotes of the Clover minister used in discussing the divorce and remarriage issue. After lengthy debate, the rules on divorce and remarriage were approved and would be sent to the Assembly's 84 presbyteries for vote. The new rules would broaden grounds for divorce from adultery and desertion to include "physical and spiritual" unfaithfulness, and would give ministers more discretion in deciding when divorced persons could be remarried by the church.

Does "spiritual" unfaithfulness include looking at Marilyn Monroe or other women of similar stature with longing eyes? If so, come December, you may have a sudden spike in the divorce rate in the Presbyterian Church.

On the editorial page, "The Lesson of the Korean War" finds that a truce was at hand in Korea, even if it would be temporary, the South Koreans had vowed to continue to fight, and aggression might break out again either in Korea or in some other country. But the bloodshed was being stopped and prisoners would be coming home soon. "For this end to death, suffering and captivity, a war-sickened world gives grateful thanks."

One reason a truce had finally been effected was that both allied and Communist negotiators had made substantial concessions, with reunification of Korea left to other means short of war, appearing remote in the near future. Two of the five nations which would comprise the truce commission were Soviet satellites, and the third, India, was neutral. The aggressor had not been punished under the terms of the truce, except for its economy and soldiers having suffered greatly. The truce line, following the battle line, would extend both sides of the 38th parallel which had originally divided Korea. Those were compromises made by the allies, but the Communists had compromised on the principle of voluntary repatriation of prisoners.

It speculates that perhaps both Russia and China were having more internal troubles than the West realized, and wanted a period of peace in which to consolidate power at home. It also was possible that they wanted to stop the war of attrition so that they could marshal their forces for attack on a more worthwhile target, such as Southeast Asia or Iran. Whatever the reason for the agreement, it was essential to remember that there was no indication whatsoever that basic Communist expansionist goals had been jettisoned. It was thus important for the free world to maintain sufficient power to deter future Communist aggression.

Korea had taught the Communists a lesson and they would be hesitant to undertake aggression again as long as the free nations remained strong. Korea had also taught the U.N. forces how to work together and had taught them much about the enemy. In recent weeks, the alliance of free nations had been sorely strained, but the truce, it ventures, ought enable them to make repairs.

"May the Allies never forget that constant strength must be preserved to prevent another Korea."

"Supreme Court Juggles a Hot Potato" indicates that the Supreme Court, in ordering re-argument of Brown v. Board of Education the following October 12, had made it clear that it was taking very seriously the question of the legality of segregation in the public schools. It had asked the attorneys in the five cases subsumed under Brown v. Board of Education to develop arguments on the intention of Congress in passing the 14th Amendment in 1866, and of the states in ratifying it, as well regarding whether the Court might order segregation abolished gradually.

It indicates that it was always risky to speculate on what the Supreme Court might do, but the directions suggested that several members of the Court, perhaps a majority, were seeking a plausible basis for overturning the 57-year old "separate but equal" doctrine of Plessy v. Ferguson.

Public education had not been a principal issue in the passage and ratification of the 14th Amendment right after the Civil War, aimed at giving legal equality to the recently freed slaves in the South. It had been initially rejected by the ten Southern states, but was eventually ratified by all of them. It suggests that it appeared to be a late date to have attorneys try to educate the Court on what Congress and state legislatures had been thinking in 1865.

On the basis of the Plessy decision in 1896, 21 states had maintained segregated school systems. In the meantime, the 14th Amendment said the same thing it had in 1896. It suggests that if the situation had changed such that segregation was no longer wise or desirable, then a new Constitutional amendment ought be introduced in Congress. It indicates that as Fourth Circuit Court of Appeals Chief Judge John J. Parker had said in the Clarendon County decision on segregation out of South Carolina, it was not up to the court to read its own ideas on economics and sociology into the Constitution.

It finds that further delay in the decision on segregation posed a problem for Southern states which had been working hard to develop equal facilities for black students, and those states, such as South Carolina, which had threatened to cancel state support for education in the event of a ruling which ordered desegregation, would not be inclined to continue programs to try to bring about equality in the schools. Other states, such as North Carolina, which had been trying diligently to improve the black schools might be tempted to move more slowly.

It opines that it would be wrong to permit the threat of an adverse ruling to delay the progress of equalization of facilities. It finds that whether or not segregation was eventually abolished, the states were morally and legally obligated to provide equal facilities as rapidly as possible and that nothing would be gained, and a great deal lost, by hesitation and uncertainty.

The piece, in its continued support for the separate-but-equal doctrine of Plessy absent a new Constitutional amendment abrogating it, fails to recognize that neither the Fourteenth Amendment nor the debates in Congress thereon in 1866 had taken any cognizance of the concept expressed in Plessy, that merely engrafted as an accord with post-bellum traditions adopted in the South, a go-along to get-along type of compromise of the time, to prevent another Southern rebellion, with the region just emerging from the stultifying problems encountered during Reconstruction. At no place in the Congressional debates on the Amendment was there any mention of segregation or separation of the races, the only mention of "separate" or "separation" having been in the context of members of Congress from Northern states expressing their perception of the Southern states' continued desire to be separate in their governance from the Northern states. Brown, in 1954, and its predecessor Supreme Court cases going back to 1938, in Missouri ex rel. Gaines v. Canada, merely recognized the actual language and intent of the Fourteenth Amendment, as expressed in the original Congressional debates on it, in finally overturning Plessy doctrine as an acceptable fulfillment of the Equal Protection Clause, after having given the states 16 years after Gaines to create truly equal educational facilities on a segregated basis under a literal reading of "separate-but-equal" as applied to public educational facilities.

Incidentally, we recommend careful and studious reading of the above-referenced portion of the Congressional debate of 1866 to the statuary removers of late, bent on bull-headed Wicked-pedia snapshot versions of historical understanding, devoid in the process of any Lord above commanding.

"Good Old H2O" indicates that John H. Harris, a gardener in the state who wrote a chatty column from N.C. State, had opened an article recently with the observation that, "Of all the materials I've used in gardening, nothing equals a compound known as H2O."

It indicates that in times of scientific soil conditioners, agricultural technicians and hybrids, there was nothing to gladden the gardener like a good dose of water, such as the rain which had recently fallen profusely on the Piedmont. In addition to improving the home garden, it also meant that grocers would stock soon the vegetables which had been limited by the drought. It meant that the T-bone steak of the fall would be better because the pastures would be improved by the rain. It meant that fewer timberlands in the state would go up in flames started by a careless camper or smoker. It meant that the people of the Outer Banks would again be able to travel the sandy beaches, which had become virtually impassable during the dry weather. It also meant that homeowners would not have to water their lawns soon.

"Uranium, plutonium, Krilium, and all the chemical concoctions made from formulas six pages long—you can have them all. There is nothing like H2O."

A piece from the York (Pa.) Gazette & Daily, titled "Sad State of Affairs", indicates that when bandleader Artie Shaw had been testifying before HUAC, he had been quoted as saying: "I wouldn't sign anything today unless I had seven lawyers and the approval of this committee." It appeared that he had made the statement solemnly and that it had been received more or less in the same manner by the Committee. It suggests that one could understand how Mr. Shaw felt, as people were beginning to become extra cautious about what they signed or said or joined or even thought, given the rash of Congressional investigations.

It suggests that the fact that it was now normal in the U.S., did not mean that it was something that should be accepted with a shrug. It regards it as "a most dangerous, unfortunate, un-American situation which points up how far we have traveled from the ideas of the founders of this great country and how close we are to the way of life which permits a select few to dictate what the vast majority must say, think and do."

Drew Pearson indicates that the National Association of Electric Companies topped the list of high-powered, high-paid lobbyists in Washington, having spent nearly $478,000 during 1952 on lobbying activities. In return, the House Appropriations Committee had struck the 1906 Reclamation Law, passed under the Administration of Theodore Roosevelt, under which cities, co-operatives and public organizations had first option on Federal power. It had also cut 119 million dollars from the budget of the Interior Department for building dams and power lines. One utility lobbyist had confided to a Senator that their plan was to cripple the Rural Electrification Administration and the farm co-ops without actually putting them out of business all at once. When their service deteriorated, the private power companies would then go around to the farmers and get them to sign petitions asking that the co-ops be turned over to private enterprise.

A few days earlier, the lobby had persuaded its good friend, Secretary of the Interior Douglas McKay, to send a new contract to the Bonneville Dam, under which all power from that Government-built operation would be turned over to nine private utilities, with the co-ops and municipalities left out in the cold. He explains in detail the contract. It boiled down to the idea that taxpayers would generate the power and then turn it over to the nine private utilities, then allow them to decide who would obtain the power and what they would charge for the power, while the taxpayers surrendered most of their right to fix rates on the power. The terms of the contract had been so greedy, however, that it backfired. The Bonneville administrator called a meeting on June 1 of big industries using Bonneville power, including Kaiser Aluminum and Reynolds Metals, in which he defended the new contract. But the large companies understood that it gave the utilities absolute veto on what new industries could be started in the Northwest and whether the large companies currently using Bonneville power could expand their factories. Only a few industry representatives at the meeting had protested, one being from Kaiser, who pointed out that the new contract would prevent industries which had spent millions getting started in the Northwest from making their normal expansion.

At an ensuing closed-door meeting of industry officials, they indicated that they were strong Republicans and did not want to embarrass the Administration, thus appointed a seven-man steering committee to look into the matter, and since that time, had expressed righteous indignation. The Northwest had begun to realize that with its higher labor costs and high transportation rates, the end of cheap hydroelectric power would mean the end of industry in that area. Mr. Pearson concludes therefore that even some of the staunchest Republican spokesmen were up in arms against the "New Deal" for the private utilities.

Joseph & Stewart Alsop discuss the first expedition ever to reach the peak of Mt. Everest on May 29, led by Col. John Hunt, finding that he had behaved precisely as the leader of such an expedition ought to behave.

"One can visualize him among the chilly terrors of the ultimate heights, his pale blue eyes steely with resolve, his long, solemn face stern with determination, grimly leading his party onwards for Queen and country. Indeed, one can all but hear him rallying his fellow climbers; encouraging the Nepalese porters, and giving their send-off to the chosen pair who made the last terrible ascent, in language dangerously close to parody of the bulk in improving boys books of 40 years ago."

One of the Alsops had encountered Col. Hunt during the war, in a particularly dreary training camp in early 1943. When he had gone about the camp, furiously demanding to be "given a crack at the Hun", it was regarded as very odd and slightly comic, a throwback to World War I. Later, he was sent to Italy to take command of a battalion of his regiment, the King's Royal Rifle Corps, which had been organized in the U.S. during the French and Indian wars, and in the time just before and after Pearl Harbor, some Americans had impulsively joined it in a sort of hand-across-the-sea exchange of Allied enthusiasm. He had not been popular in those days with his battalion, the British soldiers calling him "keen", which meant the same as an "eager beaver" in the U.S. Army. Most of his men had been veterans of the North African war in the desert, and had become accustomed to doing absolutely nothing except drink tea between engagements with the enemy. Col. Hunt had outraged them by insisting on correct dress at all times, and caused an open mutiny when he ordered all officers and men to fall in at dawn every day for a long run.

In the disastrous Battle of the Sangro River, his battalion was savagely cut up, and Col. Hunt won the Military Cross for saving large numbers of his men under fire. The Battalion, having been decimated, was ordered back to England, but the Colonel obtained a job as second in command of another battalion, in which one of the Alsops was serving "without distinction". "There he smote the Hun with such fierce persistency that he soon became Battalion Commander and rose within a few months to the rank of Brigadier."

The Alsops indicate that one might smile at John Hunt, but would be wiser to regret that his peculiar style was no longer fashionable. They find it cheering to remember for a moment that he was still around and "still getting his crack at the seemingly uncrackable."

The Congressional Quarterly indicates that Secretary of the Treasury George Humphrey was seeking to restrict monetary circulation to remedy inflation, transferring the public debt into long-term securities, offering higher interest rates on Government bonds and short-term paper, and allowing Government security prices to fluctuate in the open market. His critics contended that the remedies would be ineffective because Government spending was being cut and a slowdown in the economy was possible. But Mr. Humphrey contended that the new policies would promote stability and a healthy dollar. It goes on to explain in greater detail what he had done.

By offering recent security issues at high interest rates, the Treasury had reinforced the "expensive money" trend. Since Government securities were dominant in the money market, other lenders followed suit, raising their rates.

In addition, the Reconstruction Finance Corporation had announced tighter loan policies, the Agriculture Department had increased its crop loan interest rates, and the Veterans Administration and Federal Housing Administration were permitting higher interest rates on mortgage loans they guaranteed.

A letter writer suggests that there was some irony in the contents of the newspaper of June 6, with an editorial advocating abolition of capital punishment in the state, while on the front page there were headlines regarding the ex-convict who had killed his former sweetheart by shooting her six times, the seventh homicide in the county in less than six months. He indicates that the usual record of homicide in the county was about 20 per year. He questions whether the community wanted to make homicide more attractive or less so. He suggests that within a week or ten days, the victim would be practically forgotten, and the effort then by the defense attorneys would be to "free the killer", which was often aided by the prosecutors. He wonders what the laws were intended to do if not to protect the innocent and law-abiding. He says that a few years earlier, the average life sentence in South Carolina was about eight years, and that it was a fair bet that in North Carolina it was not much more. His plea was for the victim. "If a mad dog killer was at large we would not have much qualms of conscience in disposing of him." He has little concern about a person who deliberately took the life of another.

A letter writer indicates that the people of Charlotte had built the black YMCA and wonders why the people could not get together and build one of the finest black hospitals in the state, that the black citizens deserved and needed it, only having one hospital, while pet dogs had three or more. He urges citizens to get busy.

A letter from a corporal in Korea, his name, believe it or not, being Ray C. Shaw—hopefully not brainwashed as a prisoner in Manchuria—, indicates that he had been a resident of Charlotte since his birth and had entered the Army on February 18, 1952, was shipped overseas to Korea, arriving August 31, 1952, had been assigned to an artillery unit and shortly afterward given the job of reconnaissance sergeant. He had been a forward observer for the previous nine months. He had been on White Horse Mountain during one of the coldest days of his life, where mail from home and loved ones was of vital importance, when he received a letter from his steady girl of three years, which amounted to a "Dear John" letter, creating turmoil in him, causing him to think that if one of the enemy's burp guns began blasting away, he would not even care. The girl had once been his fiancée and had written to tell him how little she thought of him and how mistaken she had been in saying that she loved him, was glad she found the guy for whom she actually had tender feelings. He indicates that many of the soldiers in Korea had received such letters and the majority of them walked around as if in a trance—brainwashed

Watch out for someone flashing the queen of hearts in your face...

A letter from FBI director J. Edgar Hoover indicates that he had enjoyed the editorial of May 22, "The Welcome Mat Is Out", regarding Edward Scheidt's recent appointment as commissioner of Motor Vehicles in North Carolina, Mr. Scheidt having been the former head of the FBI office in Charlotte, before being transferred to become the head of the New York office. Mr. Hoover expresses confidence that Mr. Scheidt would perform the new assignment in the excellent manner he had while with the FBI.

As pointed out previously, Mr. Scheidt, in February, 1949, while heading the New York FBI office, had recommended that certain personal information which Whittaker Chambers had disclosed about himself in a handwritten letter to the FBI on February 16, 1949 be maintained in strictest confidence to avoid adverse impact on the upcoming initial prosecution of Alger Hiss for perjury, indicted by a grand jury the prior December, having in consequence quite probably reverberating effects down the corridors of history for the ensuing 25 years.

A letter writer from Quincy, Mass., indicates that the President, in the show of the previous week, had made a "very able and soundly reasoned" case for no tax reduction during the year. But in the minds of voters, a tax reduction had been promised during the campaign and voters had a sensitive tax nerve. He predicts that if there were no tax reduction during the year, the 1954 midterm elections would likely swing back to the Democrats—an accurate prediction. He suggests that for the sake of fair play, the excess profits tax and the additional ten percent levy on individuals, both of which had been passed to finance the Korean War, ought expire at the same time, with many Republicans favoring their expiration on June 30, while the President wanted the excess profits tax extended until the end of the year, the same date on which the individual tax increase was already set to expire. He suggests a compromise whereby both taxes would expire on October 1, 1953, which would carry out the Republican pledge of tax cuts during the year.

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