The Charlotte News

Monday, June 29, 1953


Site Ed. Note: The front page reports, via Robert B. Tuckman, that the U.N. allies this date, by a letter from U.N. supreme commander General Mark Clark, asked that the Communists agree immediately to a date for signing of the truce in Korea, suggesting that either they had persuaded South Korean President Syngman Rhee to agree to the armistice or had decided to proceed without his approval. The letter, addressed to North Korean President Kim Il Sung and Chinese commander Peng Teh Huai, both of whom had signed the June 19 protest of the prisoner release by President Rhee, said that the U.N. Command would enforce the truce terms "to the limit of possibility". It said further that it would be "impossible" to recapture all of the 27,000 North Korean prisoners who had been opposed to repatriation, that the Command would make every effort to obtain South Korean cooperation in the truce, and, where necessary, establish military safeguards to enforce it, that the Command did not exercise authority over South Korea, an independent, sovereign state, but did command the South Korean Army. It also said that the Command would regard the prisoner release as an escape, as the release had occurred without the knowledge of the Command and contrary to its intent. General Clark delivered the letter shortly after conferring in Seoul with President Rhee, with the President Eisenhower's personal envoy, Assistant Secretary of State Walter Robertson, and other top U.S. and South Korean officials present. The results of that meeting, however, remained secret. The Communists had adjourned negotiations on June 19 indefinitely because of the release of prisoners and demanded from the allies advice regarding how they would get the South Koreans to accept the truce, President Rhee, his Government and thousands of the people having protested any truce which would leave the country divided, vowing to fight on afterward to the Yalu River.

In the ground war, about 12,000 Chinese Communist troops, backed by an artillery barrage, attacked South Korean positions along the gateway to Seoul this date. The attack was unusual as it occurred in broad daylight, hitting a two-mile stretch of the western front, at outposts "Bak" and "Queen". At last report, the Communists held both outposts, but fighting still raged as the South Korean troops regrouped and counter-attacked.

The son of a local couple in Charlotte had been credited this date with shooting down his first MIG-15 in Korea, one of six MIGs shot down by Sabre jets this date, running the total MIG kills for the month to 59, only four short of the record established the prior September. Lt. Ed Nott of Charlotte was a graduate of Clemson in 1950, where he had been a member of the Air Force ROTC, and had gone to Korea the previous mid-November.

In East Berlin, things returned to a nearly normal state following the earlier worker riots and resultant declaration of martial law, as many Soviet troop units had pulled back to their barracks, curfews had been relaxed, and announcement was expected soon of the ending of martial law. German police took over patrols of parts of East Berlin and units of two armored divisions, which had quelled the June 17 workers' revolt, withdrew. Throughout the Eastern zone, Communist leaders staged "loyalty" rallies to bolster Premier Otto Grotewohl's shaky regime. The East German Government, in an effort to placate the people, returned more plants and shops to former private owners and farmlands to dispossessed owners. Underground sources indicated that there had been three additional executions by Russian firing squads, bringing the reported total of such executions to 32. Scores of others had died in the riots, most resulting from gunfire from excited and frightened German Communist police. Allied officers agreed that the Russians had done most of their firing over the heads of the rioters.

In London, the acting Cabinet boss, Chancellor of the Exchequer R. A. Butler, said this date to Commons that Britain was negotiating with the U.S. and France for a quick, stopgap meeting on common problems in advance of the postponed Bermuda conference, postponed at the instance of Prime Minister Churchill's doctor, who had told him to take a month of rest. He said that Britain's representative at such an interim meeting would be Lord Salisbury, who had taken over some foreign policy responsibilities in the absence of both the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary Anthony Eden, who was recovering from a recent surgery. Mr. Butler answered Labor questions regarding whether foreign policy was being adequately conducted in their absence, saying that Lord Salisbury had been a foreign undersecretary prior to World War II and since had held various ministerial jobs, and was being aided by Minister of State Selwyn Lloyd and two undersecretaries. Labor M.P. Arthur Lewis suggested that the Bermuda conference be switched to London to ease the strain on the Prime Minister, and that Soviet Premier Georgi Malenkov also be invited to London to participate in talks with President Eisenhower and the Prime Minister. Mr. Lloyd said that the Government would bear both suggestions in mind.

House Republican leaders had received assurances that the Ways & Means Committee would permit the excess profits tax extension bill to proceed to the floor for a vote. The President had sought a six-month extension of the tax, set to expire on its own otherwise on June 30. Committee chairman Daniel Reed had blocked the bill for weeks from reaching the floor, but after Majority Leader Charles Halleck had threatened to use the Rules Committee to bypass Ways & Means, Mr. Reed had relented. The bill was expected to pass the House and also the Senate.

Senator Taft this date stated in an interview that the Senate ought postpone any further cuts to the Administration's 5.3 billion dollar foreign aid program until later action by the Appropriations Committee, as that Committee, chaired by Senator Styles Bridges, was in a much better position to decide how much money actually should be spent. He said that he expected the Senate to include in the bill a provision which would provide the President authority to withhold funds from U.S. allies who failed to take necessary steps to shore up their own defenses, replacing a provision in the House bill, which had approved nearly five billion dollars in foreign aid, with a billion dollars withheld until six Western European nations, France, West Germany, Italy and the Benelux countries, ratified the European Defense Community treaties, providing for a unified army, thus far only ratified by West Germany.

Off Barnegat City, N.J., a search was being conducted this date for one additional survivor after a U.S. tanker had collided with a Brazilian freighter, leaving only two of the 28 rescued thus far injured.

In New York, it was announced by the Armed Services Textile and Apparel Procurement Agency that Mount Airy Knitting Co. of Mayberry, N.C., had been awarded a $575,000 military contract for winter undershirts for the Army.

In Raleigh, Governor William B. Umstead announced at a news conference this date the appointment of Edwin Gill, former commissioner of revenue and commissioner of paroles, as the new State Treasurer, replacing Brandon Hodges, who had left to return to the private sector. He also announced the appointment to the Superior Court of seven special judges, including Francis O. Clarkson of Charlotte, active in local civic affairs. Additional appointments included five members of the State Highway Commission to the North Carolina Turnpike Authority, and a veterinary doctor to the Board of Veterinary Medical Examiners for a five-year term. The dogs and cats were said to be pleased.

In Los Angeles, a woman celebrating her 103rd birthday the previous day said that she attributed her longevity to the fact that she had never worked, remained single and was the youngest of nine siblings, thus having been spoiled. She had been born in New Brunswick, Canada, and moved to the U.S. 40 years earlier.

In New York, former President Truman took his daily constitutional along the sidewalks during the morning, and between handshakes, explained his ritual, saying to the press that he was not a "showoff walker", though the press had tried to make him appear that way, that he walked solely for exercise as it would make him live longer. He walked 19 blocks, a short mile, in 22 minutes, including stops for autographs, shaking of hands and exchanging of greetings with people who said, "Hi, Harry," along the way. It was a hot, humid morning, and Mr. Truman took off his Panama hat near the end of the hike to mop his brow. At the end of the walk, some of the newsmen asked him for autographs, to which he commented that the country was "going to hell when photographers start asking for autographs".

That man just cusses whenever he feels like it. It's disgraceful.

Former President Herbert Hoover was staying in the suite immediately below former President Truman at the Waldorf-Astoria Tower Apartments, and five stories above President Truman, General Douglas MacArthur resided. As of the previous night, none of the three had encountered one another in the corridors or elevators.

A photograph appears on the page of a future President and his fiancée, to be married in September. It is noteworthy that within this and the previous five editions of the newspaper, since the prior Tuesday, not only the immediately preceding President and the present President, but two of the three ensuing Presidents would be so pictured. Someone, perhaps, at the United Press, which distributed the pictures, had a fine crystal ball.

On the editorial page, "Admiral Strauss' Solemn Assignment" tells of Atomic Energy Commission chairman-designate Lewis Strauss being set to replace retiring chairman Gordon Dean, and that both men, as well as the first chairman, David Lilienthal, had been men equal to the task of directing atomic energy for the nation. Mr. Strauss had been a member of the AEC from 1946 to 1950, when he left to re-enter the private sector. He had been one of the first advocates of development of the hydrogen bomb. He understood physics and had helped to design and develop a number of ordnance devices, including the proximity fuse. He was a proven administrator, serving as the Navy troubleshooter and defense procurement official. He also understood finance, having served as financial adviser to the Rockefellers, as well as being a philanthropist, himself. He was one of the few men to enjoy support of politicians of both parties, despite prior government involvement since he had served on the Belgian Relief Staff at the age of 21 following World War I. His work in that regard had brought him to the attention of Herbert Hoover, then directing European relief operations.

President Truman had praised him when he retired in 1950 from the AEC, and since March, he had served as President Eisenhower's personal adviser on atomic affairs.

He was popular with Congress, based on the credit given him for devising the detection system which alerted the country to the Soviet detonation of an atomic device.

It indicates that he would face four pressing problems when he took over as chairman, letting the public know more about atomic energy, as recommended by Dr. Robert Oppenheimer, building up weak defenses against atomic attack to provide a deterrent for same, letting private industry become aware of more atomic research, and also sharing research with reliable allies, another change recommended by Dr. Oppenheimer.

"Dust and Spray Keep Weevil at Bay" indicates that in 1892, a few boll weevils had crossed the Rio Grande near Brownsville, Texas, after making their way from their native Central America or southern Mexico for many years. They then moved northeastward and were reported in Louisiana by 1902, reaching almost to Georgia by 1912, and into the Carolinas by 1922.

The boll weevil life cycle consisted of only two or three weeks from egg to adulthood, and one pair could fill a field with several hundred thousand offspring during a single season.

Just about the time when the Production & Marketing Administration announced plans to measure 1953 cotton acreage, in preparation for production controls on an anticipated surplus for the following year, the boll weevil had stepped up its production. Reports from cotton counties in both of the Carolinas indicated that one of the highest degrees of infestation had occurred in several years, as recent weather had been ideal for the weevil, with rains during the previous couple of days having delayed spraying and dusting operations and washed away insecticides already sprayed.

A recent survey of 32 South Carolina counties had shown that insecticides were effective in reducing the infestation, as only 13 percent of fields so sprayed were infested, while 39 percent without insecticide present were infested.

It indicates that such people as Carl Sandburg could sing about the boll weevil, but the rest would cuss the pest and hope that the cotton farmers who sprayed or dusted would eliminate it for good.

We suppose that we should, regrettably, address the use of the word "nigger" in Mr. Sandburg's rendition of the "Boll Weevil Song", utilizing the original lyrics as found by John Lomax in his tour of the South for the sake of preservation of American folklore in song and story during the first half of the 20th Century. Mr. Sandburg was a poet, folklorist and historian, whose multi-volume biography of Abraham Lincoln is regarded as one of the better works on the 16th President—who, as we recently pointed out, as highlighted in The Congressional Globe record of Congressional debate in 1868, had, in 1858 in his Illinois debates with Senator Stephen A. Douglas, stated a position, in opposing the spread of slavery into the Western states and territories, which included a gratuitous statement of white superiority regarding blacks, no doubt intended to placate his audience of listeners in his run for the Senate by separating himself from those "rabid" abolitionists of the North who did advocate social and political equality, i.e., the right to vote as citizens and run for office. Mr. Sandburg's recorded version of the song was released in 1951, but that is irrelevant at it is an object of folklore preservation, in this case from circa 1914, without which knowledge of the past, every individual is lost on the road to the future, as not having any idea how one got to the present, thus not knowing at all or having any perspective on where one is or was in time. Many other versions of the song, such as that for a tv performance by Tex Ritter sometime in the 1950's and other variant versions by Pete Seeger and numerous other folk and country singers have altered the ending lyric to eliminate "nigger" in favor of "farmer" or "dark complected man" or other such substitute lyrics, which is fine. To say "n-word", which did not come into vogue until about 20-25 years ago among tv broadcasters, would be ludicrous, of course, making the thing sound as a complete joke, just as these silly broadcasters who use that euphemism thereby plant the idea of "nigger" firmly in the brain, quite as equally absurd as the use in print of "n*****", connoting thereby a five-star "nigger", or a three-star "f***", by nincompoops who count themselves "journalists", but who never met a controversy they liked unless safe and popular to pursue, "cool" or "not cool" being the operative criterion.

Context is everything and using such words in an ironic sense or from a quoted passage serves to teach, rather than obfuscate and attempt to sweep the past under the rug, as does the obscurantist, whether on the right or left of the political spectrum. Obscurantism is an evil which leads to suppression of ideas, freedom of speech, and freedom of thought, ultimately to suppression of freedom, itself, or perception of same, with consequent reaction bred in response. And by active suppression of the use of such language, deemed offensive to the self-appointed language police, by trying to harm or get fired persons who use the word in such innocent contexts, the obscurantist weaponizes the word or phrase, not against actual racists usually but against those who would seek either merely to explain history in its proper context for better understanding of same, to defuse the explosively self-certain unfact-checked historiraptor seeing things only from within the myopic lens of self-identity as the oppressed sole of history by history made against his kind, or who would use it ironically, to try to dispel the power of certain words as used by some invidiously against others, whether the word be "honky" or "cracker", "nigger" or "coon", or some other word or phrase carrying with it invidious baggage from an earlier era of routine discrimination. The word itself becomes an obsessive focus, apart from context, leading to ridiculous mental contortions to label someone a "racist" merely for its utterance, communicating the hint that the obsessive focus is, by design, an attempt to eliminate competition within the marketplace of ideas or the marketplace generally, rather than truly being "offended" or "hurt" by the use of the word in a context which is plainly intended as antithetical to racism or other discrimination, in short a grab for power to lord over another and thereby feel empowered in the process.

Was the musical "Hair", when it hit Broadway in 1968, just 25 days after the assassination of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., racist for utilizing such words in the lyrics and title of "Colored Spade"? Was Bob Dylan racist for his use of the term "crazy nigger" in "Hurricane" in 1975? about the imprisoned middleweight boxer Rubin "Hurricane" Carter, convicted of a 1966 robbery of a bar and triple murder in Paterson, N.J., based on questionable eyewitness accounts, including that of an ex-felon who was caught trying to rob the cash register of the bar immediately after the killings, convictions finally overturned by the U.S. District Court in 1985 on habeas corpus, after the convictions, following a second trial in 1976, were affirmed by the New Jersey Supreme Court. Was the BBC broadcaster recently displaying racial insensitivity by reading a quote ascribed to John Wilkes Booth, containing the word "nigger"? Was F. Lee Bailey, in 1995, in cross-examining Los Angeles police detective Mark Fuhrman, who became in consequence the darling of the racists, showing a hidden racist streak by repeatedly asking Mr. Fuhrman about his repeated use of the word "nigger", in a plainly racist or at least frustratedly uncolor-blind context—the mirage born of disproportionate crime developing out of lower socio-economic circumstance that it is the police v. color—, rebutting his claim never to have used the word, from a tape recording made surreptitiously by a female instructor at the North Carolina School of the Arts in Winston-Salem some years before People v. O. J. Simpson became a national pastime and, for racists, who fancied themselves quite objective on the subject, a virtual obsession to get that "nigger" for killing the "white girl"? Was Mr. Dylan trying to suggest himself, either consciously or subconsciously, as the enemy of the "nigger" in the song "Boll Weevil" when he said in his 1988 song "Silvio" that he was "an old boll weevil looking for a home"? Was Mr. Lincoln a racist in 1858 for favoring racial superiority of whites and being against racial social and political equality?

In answer to all of those questions and a thousand others of the same variety, no, the only close call in that list, ironically, being that of Mr. Lincoln, whose view has to be forgiven by the times then extant and by his subsequent championing of the 13th Amendment abolishing slavery, though not necessarily by the Emancipation Proclamation, promulgated in the fall of 1862 as an expedient device to try to induce the states in rebellion to renounce their secession and return to the union or else have their slaves declared by the President free on January 1, 1863, but having no practical effect in fact, other than instilling hope in the slave population of a better day on the other side of the Jordan, where Joshua fought the battle of Jericho.

It is not a matter of interpretation, but rather of common sense. It is not a matter of defiance of social manners or social conventions, but rather about context, justice and truth in relating history. To suggest nonsensically such usage as racism is to ignore context, to ignore history, both of the moment and of the time and times, and ultimately to favor obscurantism over truth, leading down the path to totalitarianism, where some authoritarian dictator, or someone who dreams of becoming one, determines words and phrases which can be used and those which are verboten, just as Senator Joseph McCarthy was seeking to do with "Communist" or "Communist-sympathizer" as the label applied to his "enemies" in 1953, to try to ban those authors and journalists who disagreed with him and openly criticized his Machiavellian ways, not unlike Mr. Nixon, both as a Congressman and as President.

Some of the claimed hurt feelings or offense at the use of such words in those innocent, truth-seeking contexts are often simply the product of becoming inured to censored tv speech over the decades, non-introspective, unquestioning viewers growing up to believe that such as they see and hear on the tv, in polite happy-happy talk or, by turns, after the commercial and another hit of make-up to the face, morose sad-sad talk, should be the norm for everyday parlance, leading to a nation of mindless manipulanda, incapable of thinking outside the box or flat panel in their living room or den. It should not be so, lest we lose freedom of speech and thought, and, with it, our history and identity as individuals and as a people.

Racial injustice is part of the past of this nation and all other nations, not always just by white people in power in many other nations, and until there is better education to enable that understanding in its full context, not just as black and white bedtime stories where the "bad guys" get their just deserts, to enable waging of the good fight against unfairness and obscurantism, often employed to obtain the unfair result, against viewing the "other" as someone different from "thou" and thus not capable of the same depth of feeling, compassion and understanding as "I" who have lived "the life", whatever indicia of experience might be at issue, whether military, professional, minority status, prisoner, celebrity, or weather forecaster, little progress will be made, or if made at all, only by fits and starts, punctuated by complete breakdowns at the side of the road, awaiting a wrecker which might never come, as you called on your smart-phone as a self-empowered free person of the free state of Never-Never Land, and said: "Listen up, honky-nigger, I need me a tow truck, now, double-quick, boy, or I'm gonna tan me a nigger-cracker hide but good, son. And while you're at it, how about bringing me a hotdog with pickle relish and onions, and a cheeseburger, too."

"The President on Books—Ch. III" indicates that the President's commencement address at Dartmouth two weeks earlier and a statement at the following press conference regarding the elimination of books from the Information Service libraries abroad had left confused impressions of the President, as the commencement address had indicated that the graduates ought read every book in the library and not engage in burning of books, while the press conference statement indicated that the President fully supported the elimination of books which openly advocated and taught Communism.

Then, in a message to the American Library Association, the President had said that the country had to be alert to the "fanatic cunning of communist conspiracy" as well as to the "grave dangers in meeting fanaticism with ignorance". He said that to fight totalitarians who exploited freedom to serve their own ends, there were some zealots who would adopt "a strangely unintelligent course", trying "to defend freedom by denying freedom's friends the opportunity of studying communism in its entirety—its plausibilities, its falsities, its weaknesses." He stated his belief that the libraries ought remain the homes of "free, inquiring minds" such that all citizens could "freely seek the whole truth, unwarped by fashion and uncompromised by expediency."

It indicates that the statement clarified the matter for domestic policy, but that the President and Secretary of State Dulles needed to dispel the confusion with regard to how U.S. embassies around the world should treat the subject. A New York Times survey had found that different embassies abroad had interpreted differently the Administration's directives on published matter to be retained in Information Service libraries. It suggests that the President had to decide whether foreign libraries were to be propaganda devices or whether they would show the world that a democracy had nothing to fear in controversial ideas being circulated among the people. In either case, it favors a clear directive being issued to leave no room for "ludicrous interpretation by ever-anxious information specialists abroad".

"Consistency" indicates that several lawyers with whom it was acquainted had expressed the belief that Justice William O. Douglas ought be impeached for granting the stay of executions in the Rosenberg case at the last minute, and some had said they had written their Congressmen so expressing their opinion. It wonders whether it would also not be consistent for them to move to disbar the Rosenbergs' defense counsel, Emanuel Bloch, for his oration at the Rosenbergs' funeral, in which he said that the executions had amounted to "an act of cold, deliberate murder", and that "America is living under the heel of a military dictator garbed in civilian attire", wondering if the statements were within the canon of ethics.

If the inquiry is serious, then the answer is most definitely that it is ethical. Just as any citizen has the right of free speech, so, too, do attorneys, and to the same degree as any other citizen, with the exception, of course, that attorneys cannot violate confidences of clients and cannot comment on cases where a gag order has been issued by a judge during a trial. We cannot, however, speak to what the specific ethical parameters were in the State of New York in 1953. As the editorial page had already stated that the effort to impeach Justice Douglas was without merit, it appears that the question was only rhetorical.

A piece from the Chicago Tribune, titled "Antipasto", explains of having put black soil over patchy areas on the lawn in preparation for reseeding, and finding that it had only attracted a colony of ants. There was consideration given to ant-killer, but that would only prevent the production of grass and likely not kill the ants. It then saw a word in the dictionary with which it was not familiar, nousoir, which it found was a "caviarlike relish made of ants pounded in a mortar and cooked."

It asks whether anyone had a mortar and pestle, "or shall we just say the French are peculiar and let it go with that?"

Drew Pearson indicates that Navy admirals were trying to hush up a scandal at the Key West Naval base involving some lewd movies and a striptease dancer who had wrestled with enlisted men at a Navy "smoker". As a result, the commander of the base had been transferred to Charleston, S.C., and a lieutenant commander had been jailed, while the chaplain who protested the striptease act and lewd movies was being transferred to inactive duty. He indicates that the real scandal might be the way the Navy had railroaded the lieutenant commander as the scapegoat. He was not a graduate of the Naval Academy, as were other top brass, and was held incommunicado for 40 days in the Navy brig without a charge filed against him, in violation of the Constitution. While he was in custody, the Navy brass considered what charges they might file against him, as it might be embarrassing to charge him with arranging a striptease show under Navy auspices. Eventually, Navy investigators raided his desk, where they found a bottle of pills, after which they tried to suggest that he was taking dope or possibly planning suicide. But then the Navy doctor admitted that his superiors had come to him with the dope charge and suicide suggestion, testifying that the dope they had seized consisted only of vitamin pills and that the lieutenant commander had no suicidal tendencies.

The whole matter had begun with a worthy cause for charity, seeking to raise $70,000, at which point someone suggested borrowing some spicy films from the local American Legion and having a "smoker". When the captain did not disapprove, the subordinates felt they could go ahead. The city fathers of Key West gave their approval and the mayor, city manager, chief of police, superintendent of schools, a city commissioner and a circuit judge, turned out enthusiastically for the first show. Some complained afterward that the movies were not spicy enough and so a second "smoker" was scheduled, also for charity. The chaplain then heard about the risque movies and called the captain to register a complaint. The captain brushed the chaplain off but provided oral orders that the Navy should have nothing to do with the second "smoker". But civilian employees were left to their own devices, and a clerk made arrangements for the second showing, with spicier films and a striptease performer, who invited the crowd of men to wrestle with her, whereupon three sailors did so. At that point, the chaplain, hearing of what occurred, appealed to the Navy's head chaplain for advice and sent a full report to Washington, which raised the eyebrows of the Secretary of the Navy, prompting the jailing of the lieutenant commander and suspension of the civilian clerk. The captain had a heart attack a week later, and the commander was promoted to admiral and transferred to Charleston. The lieutenant commander's court-martial would take place in July, after he had originally been detained incommunicado for 40 days prior to the charges being filed against him on April 16.

Mr. Pearson notes that the commander and captain were Annapolis graduates and the lieutenant commander had worked his way up from the enlisted ranks. The latter's fitness reports had consistently rated him among the top ten percent of Navy officers, but he did not belong to the so-called "Annapolis Protective Association".

Joseph & Stewart Alsop discuss the Administration's deliberation of whether to begin to undertake "liberation" of the Soviet satellite nations, especially in light of the recent uprising in East Berlin ten days earlier. Liberation of East Germany was out of the question, as long as General Dibrova had 200 tanks to deploy just to quell a single riot in Berlin. But the pattern of disorders in East Germany had left a deep impression on both the White House and Secretary of State Dulles, as well as on the intelligence services and other policy-makers.

What had begun as a phony demonstration in East Berlin quickly became a dangerous general uprising, involving most of the important industrial centers in East Germany. Neither the East German people's police nor the satellite army had been trusted to quell the rioting, rather the Soviets having deployed their own forces for the purpose. The tenacity and courage of the rioters, and the evident depth of their belief in overthrowing their Soviet masters, indicated a profound weakness which was regarded as true throughout the European satellites, especially in Czechoslovakia, where riots at Pilsen along the same pattern as those in Berlin had preceded the East German disorders. Since the sudden death of President Klement Gottwald, the Czech puppet Government had been in a state of confusion, with ill-defined authority and the machinery of control laboring under the strain.

Presently, the East European "hunger months" were ongoing just prior to the harvest, and food was short even for the favored industrial workers. Czech currency reform had condemned the middle class to slow starvation, creating the atmosphere for a major revolt. Also, there were no Soviet occupation forces in Czechoslovakia to stop such an uprising. Among the satellites, only Czechoslovakia was without the Red Army. The means were probably available to the West to ignite such a revolt in Czechoslovakia if it were deemed desirable. It was known that there was an active underground in the country and that there were many listeners, overt and clandestine, to broadcasts by the Voice of America and Radio Free Europe, that with the right kind of encouragement by radio propaganda, a full-scale revolt might occur overnight.

The difficulty was that President Antonin Zapotocky would likely, in that event, invite the Red Army to return to the country to defend the "'people's democracy against Western provocateurs'". It was almost certain that the Red Army would accept such an invitation, leading to a general slaughter, as when Polish General Bor-Komorowski had led a premature uprising against the Nazis during the war. His ghost had divided American policy-makers into two camps, on the one hand, the liberators, said to include Secretary Dulles and the President's expert on psychological warfare, C. D. Jackson, prepared to take the considerable risk of encouraging satellite unrest, while the other group believed that such action would be short-sighted and cold-blooded unless the U.S. was prepared to come to the rescue of the resistance group in the event the Soviet Army was deployed against them. Yet, that also meant being prepared to risk a war over the matter.

The Alsops conclude that presently, there was "only feebleness and indecision" in the face of the present opportunity to take advantage of the existing unrest in the satellite countries.

Robert C. Ruark indicates that he wishes Elsa Schiaparelli "to stay the hell out" of his wardrobe, as he had never met a "dame" who could "dress a man in anything he didn't blush at wearing, unless he is a recent employee of the State Department or a Greenwich Village type who curls his hair on the neck." He had seen that she was putting out a line of men's sportswear with a general air of "'couturier'", though to be "'masculine in the final adaptation'", to which Mr. Ruark quips, "Anybody here want to bet a week-end in Fire Island?"

He says that he had a red corduroy coat and was not ashamed of it because it had come from Brooks Brothers and was a fine coat, though he had at times had to fight to wear it. He also had a pink shirt that he would fight to wear, which was nevertheless he-man and not designed by a "dame". Otherwise, his clothes were blue and gray, with white shirts and sedate ties, and pants which still buttoned "the same way pop buttoned his'n". He says that there was only one way for a man to get in and out of britches, either by the button or zipper route. (He has obviously never heard of the leapfrog technique.)

He goes on quite a bit about the whole male sartorial syndrome and his personal choices, concluding that Ms. Schiaparelli was said to sell 50 million dollars worth of clothes to women each year and he wishes her well, but finds her out of her depth in trying to design for males. He says that men would not part with a hat or give away a tweed coat to the Salvation Army, not being style conscious, would never trust a woman to buy so much as a necktie, and threw away the ones given as gifts out of sheer masculine arrogance. "He has seen the idiocies which his women are slave to, and maintains a heavy resistance to having himself tossed in and out of style at the whim of the commercial designers."

Mr. Ruark, no doubt, was watching the new "Adventures of Ozzie and Harriet" show on television sometime during recent months. You can go find the one to which we previously linked, which might have served as inspiration, somewhere around Christmas.

A letter writer from Mount Holly indicates that she was convinced that no one other than an atheist could oppose Bible instruction in the public schools, that it would serve to ameliorate the alarming increase in juvenile delinquency. She thinks that the principle of separation of church and state, as embodied in the Establishment Clause of the First Amendment, would only apply in the situation, as in England, where there was religious oppression by a state-established religion. She finds that too remote in America to warrant comment.

A letter writer finds that most religious people who had weighed in on the controversy of teaching the Bible in the Charlotte public schools had no factual basis for their claims and statements, but argued from a tradition within a particular church. He says that he admired the young Bible students in the schools but that not all of the preaching since Adam could compensate for a lack of background in religious instruction. He suggests that if the supernatural element and divine authorship claim were eliminated, the prestige of the Bible would fall to the point of not even being an authority on morals. He thinks the argument by those who would place the Bible in the public schools so that it would serve as training in morals was only a "camouflage", and that even if it would so serve, a study financed by the Institute for Social and Religious Research, as set forth in Character Education Inquiry, had found that there was practically no relationship between moral knowledge and moral conduct. The book had pointed out that in tests provided to 10,000 children, those from good homes, even without particular Bible instruction, performed uniformly better than those from bad homes regarding moral understanding. He believes that presenting the Bible to children as an idol was to provide them text without context, "which makes it only a pretext." He urges providing the schoolchildren with books and essays by John Ruskin, Marcus Aurelius, Henry David Thoreau, John Dewey, Albert Schweitzer, Ralph Waldo Emerson and the like, plus "a book in which there is found an incitement to live the life of reason, to strive for intellectual honesty and self-respect, and to keep our mind open to the illogic of the five senses."

A letter writer from Marion indicates that she had always thought of herself as somewhat "muddle-headed", but that in the case of the Bible teaching in the public schools, had found that she was not the only "muddle-head". She finds that in all the letters which had been written on the topic to the newspaper, none of the writers had given proper credit to the 26 Baptist ministers who had issued the petition to the City and County School Boards asking them to discontinue the Bible teaching program as violative of the principle of separation of church and state, that they had additional reason, other than the Constitutional issue, for petitioning for its end, but that if they had named names or groups, there would have been even greater outrage. She indicates that if it was unconstitutional at present, it had been so for the entire 28 years since it had been first implemented in the schools, and yet the ministers had only now registered their protest. She finds that significant and that it ought serve as a warning for parents whose child was being taught the Bible in the local public schools. She hopes that the ministers would be vindicated of any claim of bias or rashness, as she believes that neither label applied. She adds that if the community destroyed faith in its ministers, Bible teaching would not help a whit.

Wait until they build that water-slide in Matthews, and the castle, about 25 years down the pike, surrounded by all the fancy cars, Lincolns and Lincolns and Lincolns. Such doings, in the name of religion, and its consequent attraction of a lot of morons to such folderol, on the belief that religion pays in big bucks, might suggest the greater need in some homes for instilling of basic beliefs quietly and gently, usually working better by example rather than from any form of strict discipline or brash instruction, for, as the old saw goes, if you don't believe in something, you will believe in anything.

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